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The first Trumpet.

The wars of the first Trumpet have these three characters. 1 They are to be the wind which blows next after that calmness wherewith the seventh seal begins, that is the first notable invasion which breaks forth after the year 380. 2 They are to be an Eastern wind, that is a war in the regions eastward of Rome. 3 In this war there is to be one or more great battels with loss to that side signified by the earth; that is to the enemies of the Roman Empire. ffor by Def     the hail & fire mingled with blood signify great battels, & their being cast on the earth denotes the overthrow of that side signified by the earth, & the earth is that people which a[1] takes part with the woman against the Dragon, at length swallowing up the waters which the Dragon cast out of his mouth, & consequently is at enmity with the Dragon, that is with the Roman Empire.

The people of the Empire are signifed by the watry element as by the b[2]waters which the Dragon cast out of his mouth, by the c[3]many waters where the whore sitteth & by the d[4]sea out of which the ten horned Beast arose & therefore the earth must be the enemy to the Empire, becaus, as I intimated above, the inhabitants of the Earth & Sea chap 12.12, are two sorts of people; and the winds which hurt this earth & Sea ch 7.2, are the wars between them whereby they are alternately hurt. Conceive therefore that the compas of the Empire is this political sea & that the nations round about it, are the earth which bounds & comprehends it as the natural earth does an inland sea; for this similitude I suppose was the ground of the figure: & thus the hail storm falling on the earth will signify the overthrow of the barbarians in battel.

These are the characters of this Trumpet & the two first of these direct us to the invasions which brake forth immediately after the death of Theodosius. ffor during the reign of that Emperor the Empire flourished very much bearing up against the indeavours of all forreign enemies, & injoying a more then usuall tranquility. There were indeed between the wars of Maximus & Eugenius some attempts upon Gallia by <2r> the Franks, but these were but short & unsuccessfull & may be compared rather to gentle breathings then winds But so soon as Theodosius was dead, Ruffin to whom Theodosius left the tuition of Arcadius thinking to get the Empire to himself called in all the nations of the North to trouble the Roman waters.

And first Alaric with a great Army of Goths & other Barbarians the very same year brake out of Thrace into Macedon sparing neither towns nor men & going thence by Thessaly into Achaia he rased almost the whole country & amongst other cities Thebes & Athens. Then rushing into Peloponnesus he laid wast Corinth Argos & Sparta with many other cities & from thence betook himself into Epire, where he continued the same depopulations. And the next year going out of Epire he overran Achaia, & for four years together continued to wast it & Epire & the neighbouring Provinces with fire & depopulation.

< insertion from f 1v >

Abt the same, or immediately after happened that notable expedition of Radagaisus: of which Prosper: Anno 11 Are - delevit. So Augustine De Civit. Dei lib 5 Cum Rad. inquit, - necaretur. Thes two places compared seem to confirm the number of the army set down by Zosimus. But whereas D. August. says that none of the Romans were wounded that is scarce to be understood without an Hyperbola. Yet this may said : That the Romans came not in to the sta. till H & S. with their H. & G. - confusion; ffor H. & S. were hired by the Romans agt the enemy, & Marcelline writes: Huldin - confecerunt.

I told you how the rest of this great Army after this battel betook themsels to the Hill Fæsula & for want of sustenance there were all soon forced to yield themselvs captives. Tanta vero - pretijs. The cause of their death was probably their being famished in the mountain, & afterwards filling their bellies too suddenly. And thus was all this vast Army consumed as it were in a moment.

Not long after this the Army of Huldin also submitted to the common law. Namque mimas - Let us hear Claudian who brings in Rome thus supplicating Iupiter - The like plagues on the other side the Mediterranean Synesius in Epist 58 ad Episcopos thus briefly mentions: Avdp. - But let us hear Philostorgius's description of these things even all the Roman world over: Ait, autem ( referente Photio) quod sua - Philostorgius also acquaints us with these & other unusuall plagues prodigiously calamitous all the Roman world over.

< text from f 2r resumes >

About the same time that Alaric began these devastations, there brake into Thrace & Pannonia from beyond the Danube a great hand of Huns, Alans, Ostrogoths Sarmatans, Quades & Marcomans, who harassed those & the adjacent regions for some years together, but chiefly Thrace: a[5]

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< insertion from f 1v >

- but chiefly a[8] Thrace. And at the same time also there flowed another great inundation of Huns from the regions of Tanais & Mæotis into both Armenias, Syria, Cappadocia & Cilicia. And besides all this a[9] Thrace & b[10] Asia smarted very much under the depopulations of Gainas a Goth & one of Arcadius's Generalls: who turning Traitor c[11] called into the Empire from beyond Ister great numbers of Ostrogoths & conspired with Tribigildus (or Targibilus) another Goth who being set over some bands of the barbarians in Asia, withdrew his obedience & fell to depopulate Phrygia, Pamphilia Lydia & the adjacent regions. And after them the Isauri from the recesses of the mountain Taurus overspread first Armenia Cilicia Mesopotamia, & both Syrias, & then all the lesser Asia to the very Hellespont, together with the Island Cyprus. Nor did Egypt Lybia & Cyrene suffer less by the invading Mazaces & Auxorians . And I may add also the troubles which Gilda caused in Cyrene & part of Afric.

< text from f 3r resumes >

The grassation of Alaric is Grece is thus described by Zosimus .[12] Alaricus e Thracia discedebat et in Macedoniam Thessaliamque progrediebatur interjecta cuncta diruens - Dein aditu per Thermopilas in *[13] Græcim concesso, Barbari mox ad expeditam agrorum direptionem et universum oppidorum excidium progrediebantur, viros quidem cujusvis ætatis interrimentes, pueros autem et mulierculas gregatim una cum opibus universis ceu partam prædam abigentes. Ac Boætia quidem tota cæteræque Græcæ nationes, quascunque post occupatum aditum illum Thermopylarum transibant barbari, plane jacebant; et eversionem suam hodièque spectatoribus intuendam exhibent, solis Thebis partim ob urbis munitionem conservatis partim quod Alaricus Athenas capere properans, earum obsidioni non inhæsisset. - Sed Atheniensium civitas hoc tempore in extremum conjecta periculum evasit. Alaricus autem Attica tota vastationis experte relicta in Mega ridem transibat et oppido primo impetu capto, Pelopponnesum itinere continenti petebat obstaculum nullum expertus {Cumque} Gerontius Istmi transeundi copiam ei fecisset omnes ab eo deinceps urbes citra laborem et pugnam capi poterant, quod nullis essent munitæ mœnibus propter eam securitatem & defensionem quam Istmus eis præstabat. Itaque confestim prima corinthus & confestim prima Corinthus cum finitimis oppidis vi capiebantur, & secundum hanc Argos una cum ijs locis quæ inter hanc & Lacedæmonem interjacent. Ipsa quoque in societatem captæ Græciæ Sparta veniebat. Although Zosimus here writes that Attica & the Cities Thebes & Athens escaped these flames yet Baronius out of Ierom Claudian & Eunapius proves the contrary: Ad Ann. 395. sec 16 & 17. The pasage out of Claudian is this: Si tunc his - < insertion from f 2v > [14]

Si tunc his animis acies collata fuisset,

Prodita non tantas vidisset Græcia clades,

Oppida semoto Pelopeia Marte vigerent;

Starent Arcadiæ, starent Lacedæmonis arces,

Nec fera a[15] Cecropias traxissent vincula matres.

In the passage of Eunapius, besides other things, are these words: Infinitæ & inexplicabiles clades non multò post exundarunt (quas in historiæ spatiosis campis diffusius narravimus -) quando Alaricus cum barbaris per Thermopylarum fauces pervasit non secus quàm per apertum stadium aut campum liberum & equorum decursui patentem. To which I may add this passage of Synesius in Epist 135 Ad Fratrem: Nihil, jam Athenæ splendidum habent præter celeberrima locorum nomina. Ac velut ex hostia consumpta sola pellis superest, animalis, quod olim aliquanda fuerat, indicium: sic inde deducta Philosophia restat ut oberrando Academiam ac Lycæum mireris - Athenæ quondam civitas fuit, domicilium Philo- <3v> Philosophorum; nunc eam mellatores celebrant.

But these & such like instances |  particulars it is not worth the while to insist on since they can amount to but a few instances of those abundant judgments which Philostorgius tells us to recount particularly was above the power of man

< text from f 3r resumes >

The irruption of the Huns into Armenia & the adjacent Provinces Ierom who was then in the East , describes thus in his thirtieth Epistle. Quærentibus, ait, nobis dignum Fabiolæ habitaculum - ecce subito discurrentibus nuncijs oriens totus intremuit. Ab ultima Mæotide inter <4r> glacialem Tanaim et Massagetarum immanes populos ubi Caucasi rupibus feras gentes Alexandri claustra cohibent erupisse Hunnorum examina quæ pernicibus equis huc illucque volitantia cædis pariter ac exercitus et bellis civilibus in Italia tenebatur. Insperanti ubique aderant et famam celeritate vincentes non religioni non dignitatibus non ætati parcebant non vagientis miserebantur infantiæ Cogebantur mori qui nondum vivere cœperant. Et nescientes malum suum inter hostium manus ac tela ridebant. Consonus inter omnes rumor petere eos Hierosolymam, et ob nimiam auri cupiditatem ad hanc urbem percurrere. Mari neglecti pacis incuria sartiebantur. Antiochia obsidebatur. Tyrus se volens a terra abrumpere {tion} insulam quærebat antiquam. Tunc et nos compulsi sumus parare naves, ess in littore, adventum hostium præcavere, & sævientibus ventis magis barbaros metuere quàm naufragium, [] Erat in illo tempore quædam apud nos dissentio, & barbarorum pugnam domestica bella superabant. Nos in oriente tenuerunt jam fixæ & inveteratum locorum sanctorum desiderium

And in his third Epistle written suppose in the third year of the irruption (AD 397) the same Ierom describes & laments the afflicted estate of the empire on both sides the Hellespont. Horret, inquit, animus temporum nostrorum ruinas persequi. Viginti et eo amplius anni sunt cum inter Constantinopolim et Alpes Iulias quitidie Romanus sanguis effunditur. Scythiam Thraciam Macedoniam Dardaniam Daciam Thessaliam Achaiam Epiros Dalmatiam cunctasque Pannonias; Gothus, Sarmata Quadus, Alanus, Hunni, Vandali Marcomanni vastant trahunt rapiunt: Quot Matronæ, quot virgines Dei et ingenua nobiliaque corpora his belluis fuere ludibrio? Capti Episcopi, interfecti Presbyteri, et deversorum officia clericorum: Eversæ Ecclesiæ, et ad Altaria Christi stabulati equi, Martyrum effossæ reliquiæ: Vbique luctus, ubique genitus, & plurima <5r> mortis imago. Romanus Orbis ruit, et tamen {cœpisse} non flectitur. Quid putas animi nunc habere Corinthios, Athenienses, Lacedæmonios, Arcadas cunctamque Græciam quibus imperant Barbari? Et ecce paucas urbes nominavi in quibus olim fuere regna non modica. Immunis ab his malis videbatur Oriens et tantum nuncijs consternatus. Ecce tibi anno præterito ex ultimis Caucasi rupibus immissi in nos non jam Arabiæ sed Septentrionis Lupi tantas brevi Provincias percurrerunt. Quot monasteria capta? Quantæ fluviorum aquæ humano cruore mutatæ sunt? Obsessa Antiochia, et urbes reliquæ quas Halys Cydnus Orontes Euphratesque præterfluunt. Tracti greges captivorum. Arabia Phœnice Palestina Ægyptus timore captivæ Non, mihi si linguæ centum sint, oraque centum; fferrea vox, Omni pœnarum percurrere nomina possim, Neque enim historiam proposui scribere sed nostras breviter flere miserias. And a little after he adds. Nostris vitijs Romanus superatur exercitus Et quasi non hæc sufficerent cladibus, plus pene bella civilia quam hostilis mucro consumpsit.

Claudian also[16] who was equally an eye witness & sufferer in this tempest, describes it very elegantly in a Poem written at the same time, (viz: about the year 398 or a little after,) comparing it to the relaxation of a wind as if he meant to be an interpreter.

Ventis veluti si fræna remittat

Æolus, abrupto gentes sic obice *[17]fudit

Laxavitque viam bellis. Et nequa maneret

Immunis regio, cladem divisit, in orbem

Disposuitque nefas. Alij per terga ferocis

Danubij solidata ruunt, expertaque remos

ffrangunt stagna rotis. Alij per Caspia claustra

Armeniasque nives inopion tramite ducti

Invadunt Orientis opes. Iam pascua fumant

Cappadocum voluerumque parens Argæus Equorum.

Iam rubet altus Halys, nec se defendit in quo

Monte Cilix. Syriæ tractus vastantur amœni.

Assuetumque choris et læta plebe camaram

Protexit imbellem sonipes hostilis Orientem

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Hinc planctus Asia; Geticis Europa catervis

Ludibrio prædæque datur, frondentis adusque

Delmatiæ fines; Omnis qua mobile ponti

Æquor et Hadriacas tellus interjacet undas

Squalet inops pecudum nullis habitata colonis

Instar anhelantis Lybiæ, quæ torrida sem{illeg}

Solibus, humano nescit mansuescere {illeg}

Thessalus ardet ager, reticet pastore fugato

Pelion, Emathias ignis populatur aristas.

Iam plaga Pannoniæ, miserandaque mœnia Thracum

Arvaque Mysorum, jam nulli flebile damnum

Sed cursus solennis erat: campusque furori

Expositus, sensumque malis detraxerat usus.

Eheu quam brevibus pereunt ingentia causis

Imperium tanto quæsitum sanguine, tanto

Servatum; quod mille ducum peperere labores

Quod tantis Romana manus contexuit annis

Proditor unus iners angusto tempore vertit. &c

The beginning of these miseries on this side the Hellespont the Poet a little before describes more particularly,[18]speaking thus of Ruffin.

Ille Avidus prædo jam non per singula sævit

Sed Scæptris inferre minas, omnique perempto

Milite, Romanas audet prosternere vires

Iam gentes Istrumque movet Scithiamque receptat

Auxilio, traditque suas hostilibus armis

Relliquias: mixtis descendit Sarmata Dacis

Et qui cornipedes in pocula vulnerat audax

Massagetes patriamque bibens Mæotim Alanus

Membraque qui ferro gaudet pinxisse Gelonus:

Ruffino collecta manus, vetat ille domari

Innectitque moras, et congrua tempora differt.

Nam *[19] tua cum Geticas stravisset dextera turmas

Vlta ducis socij letum, parsque una maneret

Debilior facilisque capi: tunc impius ille

Proditor imperij, conjuratusque Getarum

Distulit instantes eluso Principe pugnas,

Hunnorum laturus opem, quos affore bello

Norat, et invisis mox se conjungere castris.

And a little after

Aspice barbaricis jaceant quot mœnia flammis

Quas mihi Ruffinus clades quantumque cruoris

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Præbeat, et quantis epulentur cædibus Hydri.

The grassation of Tribigildus you have thus described in Zosimus. [21] Tribigildus[22] non turmis Romanis sed barbaris in Phrygia subsistere jussis præerat. - Assumptis autem Barbaris in quos habebat imperium quicquid erat in medio situm invadebat, nec aut virorum aut mulierum aut puerorum cædibus abstinens et obvia quæque diripiens perexiguo tempore tantam coegit multitudinem mancipiorum aliarumque vilium personarum ut Asiam totam in extremum periculum conijceret. Nam et Lydia plena variæ perturbationis erat, omnibus prope dixerim ad loco maritima confugientibus, cumque suis universis ad insulas aliove navigantibus. Et Asia mari finitima periculum se quantum alias nunquam accidisset in proclivi conspecturam verebatur - Targibilus dein omni vastata Phrygia Pisidas adortus est - et factum ut obsistente nemine quævis oppida per vim caperentur, omnes illorum incolæ cum ipsis militibus interficerentur, nemo denique barbarus Romanis amicus esset. After this the historian declares how when the forces of Tribigildus were diminished, & his confæderate Gainas sent him new supplies: he raged more then before for a time & consumed one of the Roman armies which was sent against him. But let us hear Claudian's description of these desolations composed in the time of the action: viz A D 399.

<8r> [23]

- Ostrogothis colitur mixtisque Gothunnis

Phrix ager - - - - - - -

Iam vaga pallentem densis terroribus aulam

Fama quatit, stratas acies, deleta canebat

Agmina Mæonios fœdari cædibus agros

Pamphilios Pisidasque rapi; metuendus ab omni

Targibilus regione tonat; modò tendere cursum

In Galatas, modo Bythinis incumbere fertur.

Sunt qui per Cilicas rupto descendere Tauro

Sunt qui correptis ratibus, terraque marique

Adventare ferant. Geminantur vera pavoris

Ingenio, longe spectari puppibus urbes

Accensas lucere fretum, ventoque citatas

Omnibus in pelago velis hærere favillas.

Symbol (chain of 9 circles) in text

< insertion from f 7v >

Symbol (chain of 9 circles) in text The incursions of the Isauri are expressed briefly in Marcelline's Chronicle thus: Indic. 3: Stilicone 3o & Anthemio Coss: (i.e. A.D. 405) Isauri per montem Tauri discursantes ingens dispendium Reip. importarunt, quibus Narbaziacus Legatus majus continuò rependit incommodum. [And thus more at large in Zosimus: Symbol (circle surrounded by 4 smaller circles) in text Dum familares Principis de vastatis [per ignem Constantinopoleos] ædificijs instaurandis cogitabant, allatus est Aulicis nuncius magnam Isaurorum multitudinem, quæ supra Pamphyliam Ciliciamque posita semper in asperrimis & inaccessis Tauri montibus degit in latronum manipulos divisam, regionem subjectam invadere. Ac opida quidem munita tentare non poterant, vicos autem mœnibus destitutos & obvia quævis irruendo vexabant: quos incursus id ipsis faciliores reddebat quod isthæc regio paulo ante fuisset ab hostibus capta Tribigilda cum barbaris suis rebellionem molito. His nunciatis Arbazacius Dux mittitur qui laborantibus Pamphyliæ rebus succurreret &c. Zosimus here mentions their incursions only into Pamphylia & Cilicia, but out of Philostorgius who lived in those times it appears that they were of much greater extent.] And in Nicephorus thus Hunni Istrum gransgressi Thraciam vastantes percurrerunt Huldam ducem habentes. Et Isauri quidam prædones perquam feri ingenti coacta multitudine Phœniciam atque Cariam & quæ in medio sitæ sunt urbes excursionibus extremisque cladibus vexarunt. So Chrysostom Epist. 14 written in his journey into banishment A D 404 Cum in hoc statu res nostræ essent, subito ad nos affertur Isauros cum infinita hominum manu Cæsariensem regionem populari ac ingens quoddam oppidum incendisse, atque omni belli clade pervastasse. And in Epist 61 written afterwards from Armenia: Omnia hic cædibus tumultibus cruore atque incendijs plena sunt, Isauris nimirum cuncta ferro atque igne populantibus And again in Epist 69. Nos nuper quidem asperrima hieme loca subinde commutantes nunc in urbibus nunc in terræ faucibus & sylvis commorati sumus ab Isauris in nos impetum facientibus omni ex parte vexati & exagitati - Et præter, id quod singulos in dies, ut ita dicam, pro foribus nostris mors est, Isauris videlicet omnia invadentibus, atque igni & ferro tum corpora tum ædificia delentibus, famem etiam, quam loci angustia & eorum qui huc confugiunt multitudo minatur, pertimescimus. Sub Arcadio, saith Gothofredus (Comment. in 9 Cod. Theod. Tit. 35) multa de Isauris Iohannes Chrysostomus quæritur ante quadrennium A 404 cùm in exilium iret Cæsariæque esset, mox et exilij sui Cucusi in Tauro in Cilicia tempore: Nempe ad Olympiadem ep 13 & 14 ad Diogenem ep 114 et ad Gemellum & ep. ad Theodoritum ex Consularibus; & ep. ad Theodotum Lectorem et ep. ad Theodotum Diaconum & alijs multis: quibus locis ostendit quam formidabiles illi fuerint & quot mala perpetraverint. Videndus etiam Theodoretus, ubi de Iacobo Anachoreta, de vita sanct. patrum, in Iacobo c 21: Sed et Symesius non una epistola hoc ipsa tempore, & Zosimus superiore anno 404 <8v> lib 5 Isauros eo tempore in Pamphiliam incursasse prolixè narrat, & ad hos comprimendo missum ducem Arbazacium (cujus meminit etiam Synesius ep 234 ad Fritem ubi Artabazacus vocatur) in Pamphiliam qui Isauros latrones fuga dilapsos intra monttes persecutus fuerit complures eorum vicos cœperit, virorum multitudinem non exiguam interfecerit. Gothofred. Comment. in 9 Cod. Theod. Tit. 35. The narration of Zosimus is this: Dum familiares Principis de vastatis [per ignem Constantinopoleos] ædificijs instaurandis cogitabant - vide pag: super. Symbol (circle surrounded by 4 smaller circles) in text - Pamphyliæ rebus succurreret. Is ubi - latrones fuga dilapsos intra montes persecutus fuisset complures eorum villas cœpit, & virorum multitudinem non exiguam occidit &c.

Further the {illeg} lapsed state of Phœnicia, CœloSyria, & Egypt, & the declining condition of Lybia, Synesius then Bishop of Cyrene in Epist 73 ad Troilum thus hints. Quî fit ut Phœnicibus quidem Phœnices non imperent, nec Cœlosyri Cœlosyris, Ægyptij itidem omnibus potius Provincijs quàm patriæ, *[24] Afri autem soli patriæ præficiantur? Soline Afri fortissimi sunt, ac legibus opponere sese constitutum habent? Quibus cùm plura adversus violatores supplicia aposita fuerint, tam depravata ingenia impetu in eas graviore præcipitant. Necesse est perire funditus Pentapolin quæ Cyrene adjacet: sed fames & bellum nondum quantum satis est consumpserunt at moram faciunt & paulatim disperdunt. Afterward in epist 103 Ad Olympium he thus speaks of the desolation of Cyrene: Si philosophiam, inquit, idoneam esse dicam ad civitates erigendas ipsa nil Cyrene arguet quæ magis quàm ulla Ponti civitas jacet. And in many other epistles, as epist 57, 78, 93, he deplores the lamentable state of Lybya Cyrenaica under the invading Ausurians, but chiefly in his Catastasis a discours written in the 7th year of the invasion when the enemy had mastered all opposition & newly rased Pentapolis. Equidem nescio, inquit, quid de ijs calamitatibus dici oporteat quæ in oculis omnium versantur. - Pentapolitanæ res heri ac nudius tertius in Romanorum potestate manserant, qui deinceps amissa ea gente in recensendis Præfecturis suis illam præteribunt. Prorsus nunc de Pentapoli actum est; funditus inquam illa concidit: quævarijs quidem ærumnis annum jam septimum conflictari cœperat. Sed quemadmodum animal quoddam ægre moriens sic illa spiritus sui reliquias cogebat atque contrahebat. Felix sit Anysij memoria. Is enim annum ad illius tempus adjecit cum clypeis quidem omnium, Vnegardorum verò manibus opportunè uteretur. Itaque nonnihil dilata calamitas est. Neque enim confertis copijs regionem pervagati sunt; ad latrocinia sese converterunt, fugientes identidem atque irrumpentes. Posteaquam vero ter instructa acie præliari consilium mutarunt, nunc campos longe lateque omnes eques obtinet nunc intra mœnia conclusi milites tenentur, alij aliò dissipati, quod Cerealis tempore malum, accidit nec utiles sibi invicem esse possunt, quod non collectus unum ac coacti sunt. Quamobrem hostium res luculentæ & prosperæ sunt Qui enim inferiore anno velites erant, & ad fugam expediti nunc oppugnato

< text from f 8r resumes >

This is enough to let you see how universal & wonderfully violent this storm was at the first irruption: in which when Alaric had for about four or five years together harrased the regions of the Greeks, he determins to invade the western Empire, & pasing into Dalmatia & Pannonia depopulated also those regions, & then brake through Noricum, came into Venetia, in a short time made himself master of those cities, & beseiged the Emperor Honorius at Hasta, so that every one began to think of leaving their seats in Italy. But Stilico (in e[25] the year 403) beat him first at Pollentia with a difficult but no table victory, & then again at Verona, compelling him with the reliques of scattered forces to fly into Pannonia a[26] where returning to his former obedience, he was honoured by Honorius with a military præfecture.

Whilst these things were doing Radagaisus a Pagan & King of another dynasty of the Goths prepared a far greater Army then that of Alaric, consisting of Goths Sarmatans & Germans to the number of four hundred thousand if we may beleive Zosimus, or according to the least accounts of b[27] two hundred thousand & c[28] upward. With these he passed the Iulian Alps & the regions of Venetia, & having wasted many cities in the way, beseiged Florence. In which seige when Stilico <9r> understood that he was intangled & hedged in with mountains on all hands so that he had no room to dilate & draw up his army to battel & that his army hay divided into three parts, he with Huldin & Saxus two confederate Princes of the Huns & Goths, unawares set upon f[29]one of the three parts of his army with so great success that with out any considerable loss of his own soldiers he slew g[30] above a hundred thousand of the enemy. Whereupon Radagaisus terrified with so great a slaughter betooke himself with the remains of his Army from these valleys to the hill of Fæsula. But Stilico pursued & beseiged him there suffering none to escape nor any thing for sustenance {to} be carried thither. Wherefore seing he could neither fight by reason of the straitness of the place, nor subsist long there for want of sustenance he fled privately from his Army, but was taken & killed & almost all the barbarians prest with famin yeilded themselves captive. Tanta vero multitudo captivorum fuisse fertur (saith Orosius[31]) ut vilissimarum pecudum modo singulis aureis passim greges hominum venderentur. Sed nihil superesse Deus de eodem populo sivit, nam illico cunctis qui emebantur morientibus, quod improbi emptores eorum non impenderunt turpiter pretijs, expenderunt misericorditer sepulturis.

Having given you the history of the Eastern wind, the war to which the first Trumpet sounded: it remains that I now apply it to the particular actions exprest in that Trumpet. But for this end we are first to know what is meant by the third part of every thing in the four first Trumpets: & this we may best learn from the second Trumpet by considering what is meant by the third part of the sea. The sea I told you was the whole Roman Empire, & therfore the third part of it must be the third part of that Empire. And besides that which in the second Trumpet is called the third part <10r> of the sea is in the second Viall called the sea, therefore it must be also a whole Empire & consequently the western Empire, that being the third part of the whole Roman dominions, as you may easily perceive by the map if you divide the whole into three equall parts according to the length. ffor , Armenia major, Armenia minor, Mesopotamia, Syria, Arabia & Palestine amount to about one third part: Egypt, Cyrenaica Asia, Thrace Macedon &, Grece, to another third part: & Afric, Illyricum Pannonia, Rhetia, Italy, Gallia, Spain & Brittain to the third. And of these the two first are the eastern Empire & the third the western. This western sea therefore I take to be that which is meant by third part of the whole Roman Ocean, & thence by the analogy of the four first Trumpets, collect that the third part of every thing therein is an expression used to signify those things which are within this Empire: so that although the wars of these four trumpets as they are in general represented by winds & by the sounding of Trumpets may sometimes extend beyond the bounds of this Empire, as we see this first wind extends through all regions between Rome & the utmost bounds of the east: yet the holy Ghost when he comes to describe the particular actions done in the time of these Trumpets, neglects the Greek dominions & converts himself wholly to this Empire as if it were to set a mark upon it for some special end: and no wonder, for this is the ten horned beast in a strict sence as you shall hear hereafter, & you may perceive by the first Viall that these plagues have a speciall relation to that beast.

Wherefore if by the earth here be understood all those Barbarians which invading the Roman dominions come within the view of the Prophesy: by the third part of the trees & all hearbs which grow upon this earth we must understand that part of those <11r> barians which invaded the western Empire: that is, the Armies of Alaric & Radagaisus. And on these the storm of hail & fire mingled with blood fell very heavy consuming the whole vast army of Rhadagaisus & the most of Alaric's & a good part if not the most of Gildo's, & dissipating & forcing the rest to submission. And this is the third character of this Trumpet.

Having explained this Trumpet, I need not now say much of the correspondent Vial. Yet thus much is to be noted: that the pouring out of a Vial is taken in a double sence, signifying some times the execution of a plague on that thing whereon it is poured, & sometimes the incitement & invigoration of that thing, as it were by a contagious virtue of the medicament, to execute the plague on another thing. This first sence is used in the second third & fift Vial, & the second sence or rather the first & second together in the first fourth & sixt. ffor the effect of pouring the fourth Vial upon the sun was to give him power to scorch men with fire, & that of pouring the sixt upon Euphrates was to make way for the Kings of the East to come & do that execution described in the sixt Trumpet. And so I suppose the pouring out the first Vial upon the earth was to invigorate the earth with a power of inflicting the noisom sore upon men: which for the better imagination of the figure you may conceive to be effected by raising out of the earth such malignant fumes as should ulcerate men, interpreting those fumes to be the *[32] multitudes of Barbarians which invaded the Empire. ffor I suppose the noisom sore to be the affliction of men under that invasion whither it was in the Western Empire at the invasions of Alaric & Radagaisus or in the eastern at the irruption of the Huns Goths & other barbarians. ffor though the western Empire be the beast & so more directly pointed at, yet the subjects of the Eastern Empire have also the mark of the beast & worship his image (as we shall explain hereafter) & so are equally comprehended in this plague < insertion from inline > which how great it was you may easily imagin by the places cited out of <11v> Ierom Zosimus & Claudian, to which we may add the following description of it by the same Poet speaking thus of Ruffin

[33]

Non notos egisse sat est extinguere cives

Funditus, et nomen gentis delere laborat.

Nec perimit celeri leto: crudelibus ante

Supplicijs fruitur: cruciatus, vincla, tenebras

Dilato mucrone parat; proh sævior ense

Parcendi rabies, concessaque vita dolori.

- - - Quis prodere tanta relatu

Funera? Quis cædes posset deflere nefandas?

Quid tale immanes unquam gessisse feruntur

Vel Sinis Istmiaca pinu? vel rupe profunda

Scyron? vel Phalaris Tauro? vel carcere Sylla?

O mites Diomedis equi! Busiridis aræ

Clementes! Iam Cinna pius, jam Sparthace lenis

Ruffino collectus eris. Dejecerat omnes

Occultis odijs terror, tacitique sepultos

Suspirant gemitus, indignarique verentur.

Hitherto I have spoken of nothing but war that being the only plague expressed in the Trumpet, but this Viall may be of a larger extent: for the sore which fell upon men is of an unlimited signification & may as wel comprehend any other kinds of affliction as the pestilence, or famin or undue seasons, or turbulent meteors: And if we extend it to them all, yet the event will fully answer to the interpretation; as you may understand by Gothofredus his notes upon Philostorgius's history cap 6. lib 11. De varijs inquit Philostorgij tempestate (sub Arcadio & Theodos jun. scil.) casibus majoribus divinæque iræ signis, quæ Xiphian astrum [anno 390 visum] portendisse ait Philostorgius, est hoc caput. Quod quidem excribit Nicephorus, lib 13 c 36 ubi ingentem hominum ubique mortalitatem terræque vastitatem memorat, tum a Barbaris tum a Peste fameque, terræ motibus, hiatibus terræ, illuvionibus aquarum, spiculis flammeis turbinibus igneis, grandine, nivibus, frigore. Quæ omnia vera sunt, & apud alios scriptores passim occurrunt: in Marcellini Chronico & Chronico Alexandr. ubi casus hi per singulos penè annos sub Arcadio & Theodosio jun. memorantur: vide ann. 394, 396, 401, 402, 404, 408, 417, 419, 422, 423. De grandine inter alia inusitatæ magnitudinis Constantinopoli prid. Kal. Octob. an 404 vide et Socratem lib. 6. c. 17. & prædictum Chronicon Alexandrinum: ubi dicitur magnitudine nucum eam fuisse ἐις τύπον μεγέθει Καρύων. Noster ait manuali lapide majorem, usque ad octo libras grandinem ingruisse. To this I may add a passage out of Synesius's epist 58 Ad Episcopos concerning the like judgments on the other side the Mediterranean Ανδρόνικος Πενταπόλεως ἐσκάτη πληγὴ μετὰ σεισμὸν, <12v> μετὰ αηριδα, μητὰ λιμον, μητὰ πυρ, μητὰ πόλεμον ἐπεξελθὼν ἀρκιβως τοις ἐκείνων εγκαταλείμμασιν. Andronicus - Pentapoleos extrema plaga fuit post terræ motum, post locustam, post pestilentiam, post incendium post bellum illorum omnium reliquias diligenter persequens. But it will not be amiss to give you here Philostorgius his description of these plagues as we have it contracted by Photius, & not only of these but of the other also by war: for his whole discours on this subject is very pertinent, & his authority sufficiently valid, seing he lived when these things were acted & wrote his history within a few years after. L 11. c 7. Οτι φησι καὶ ουτως &c Ait, saith Photius, quod sua tempestate tanta hominum mortalitas incesserit quantam nulla ætas ab omni seculo cognovit: & hanc vero a Xiphian [i.e. Eusiformem] astrum portendisse. Neque enim militares tantum sicut olim superioribus bellis, interiere, neque intra unam aliquam terræ partem mala hæc constitêre verum omnia hominum genera periere, omnis verò perijt Europa, Asiæ haud exigua portio simul attrita fuit, sed et Lybiæ pars magna, & maximè quæcunque Romanis paret: Nam et barbaricus ensis magnum numerum confecit & pestes famesque & ferarum greges incubuerunt, terræ motus frequentes urbes domosque a fundamentis evertentes in immensum exitium dedêre & hiatus terræ alicubi sub habitatoribus ruptæ sepultura erat præsentanea. Illuviones item aquarum ex aëre, & alibi spicula flammea, est et ubi turbines ignei immissi variam et intollerabilem labem intulere. Imo et grando manuali lapide major plurimum terræ vestavit, ad octo quippe librarum quas vocant ponderis usque visa fuit ingruens. Nivium quoque vis, frigorisque immanitas, quos alia plia plaga non corripuit, hos corripiens vita privant Et hæc manifestè a[34]divinam nunciarunt iram quam sigillatim recensere supra humanam vim fuerit.

Cap 8. Ait Hunnos qui Scythiæ sunt intra Istrum cum prius multum terræ occupassent devastassentque transcenso postea fluvio gelu constricto, confertim Romanum imperium adortos, perque totam Thraciam diffusos totam Europam deprædatos. Qui verò ad solem Orientem sunt fluvio Tania transito, & in Orientem effusi per Armeniam majorem in Melitinam, quæ vocatur, irruperunt: exinde Euphratensi incubuerunt, & ad Syriam Cœlem usque deprædati sunt, Ciliciamque percurrentes cædem hominum incredibilem operati sunt. Neque hic solum sed et Mazaces & Auxoriani (hi verò inter Lybiam & Afros habitant) juxta orientalem eorum plagam Lybiam {illeg} neque exiguam Ægypti partem simul vastarunt. Afros vero incur <13v> incursantes juxta solem Occidentem vicinæ populati sunt. Adhæc omnia & Tribigildus vir Scytha - manum barbaricam habens & in Nacolia [Natolia] Phrygia considens, Comitisque honorem gerens ex amicitia in inimicitiam Romanorum versus, ab ipsa Nacolia exorsus plurimas Phrygiæ civitates occupavit magnamque hominum cædem patravit. Adversus quem Gainas dux missus, qui et ipse barbarus erat, victoriam prodidit, paria et ipse adversus Romanos agere cogitans. Exinde Tribigildus quasi Gainam fugiens Piridiam et Pamphylium invadens deprædatus est Postea multis et ipse tum misterijs tum Isauricis pugnis attritus vires suas in Hellespontum servavit & in Thraciam transfretans, non multo post interfectus fuit Gainas vero post proditionem, Ducis habitu Constantinopolin reversus, eam sibi subjicere in animum induxit: b[35]Cœlestis vero vis quædam armata visa ijs qui eam capere cogitabant in ipso actu terrefactis urbem quidem incendio liberavit, illos vero deprehensos humano judicio dedidit multaque cædes eorum fluxit. Gainas vero in tantum metum conjectus fuit uti - fugeret urbe. Quoniam vero Thracia vastata erat neque necessariorum quicquam præbere poterat neque aliam labem ferre, Gainas Chersonnesum transfretavit, ratibus cogitans in Asiam trajicere &c. Præter dicta mala, et Isaurorum Gens varias clades intulit: ad Solem quippe orientem Ciliciam percursarunt & conterminam Syriam non Cœlem modo sed et alteram ad Persas tendentem. Post patrata autem ibi incredunda et Thraciam et Pamphyliam aggressi sunt, & Lycios vastarunt, Cyprum insulam everterunt Lycaonas & Pisidas in captivitatem abduxerunt & Cappadocas Pontum usque aggressi, pessimaque quæ ab alijs barbaris fieri solent, erga captivos hi fecerunt.

Lib 12. c 2. Ait etiam Quod circa prædicta tempora Alaricus Gothus Genere, circa superiores Thraciæ partes vires colligens Græciam ingressus sit & Athenas tenuerit & Macedonas et finitimos Dalmatas deprædatus sit, ingressus sit & Illyricum, Alpibusque transcensis Italiam irruperit.

< text from f 11r resumes >
<12r>

Marginall Notes.

The occasion & time of Alaric's irruption you have thus described in Marcelline's chronicle. Indic 9. Olybrio et Probrino Coss. 395 Theodosius apud Mediolanum vita decessit. Ruffinus clam Arcadio Principi insidias tendens, Alaricum Gothorum regem missis ei clam pecunijs infestum reipublicæ fecit et in Græciam misit. Porro detecto dolo suo Ruffinus ab Italicis militibus trucidatus est. The history more at large you may see in Sigonius de Occ. Imp.

The irruption of the Huns & other barbarians into Thrace was also in the same year. ffor it is manifest out of Claudian that it was by the invitation & before the death of Ruffin, & he died in the latter end of this year as Prosper has thus recorded. Anno primo Arcadij, Ruffinus Bosporitanus cum ad summam militiæ pervenisse, præferri sibi Stiliconem non ferens ab eodem interficitur, Hunnorum quo ful ciebatur præsidio superato. And Socrates puts his death in 5 Cal. Decemb. of this year. wheereas all other corruptions that I can at present think of have crept in & spread th. sl by almost insensible degrees Yet Sozomenes[36] sets this irruption after that other into Armenia & refers it to the time about which Alaric was beaten at Pollentia but perhaps there were more irruptions into Thrace then one.

The irruption of the Huns into Armenia I put also in the same year. ffor they were invited at the same time by Ruffin, & Socrates affirms that they entred before his death. Ad 5 Cal. Decembris exercitus, ait, [37] [ ex bello adversus Eugenium gesto reversus Constantinopolin] adventavit. Vbi igitur Imperator Arcadius ad portas civitatis exercitui obviam processit ibi tum Ruffinum legatum Imperatoris obtruncant. in battels & the overthrow of some dominion. Nam in suspcionem venerat occupandæ tyrannidis, & opinio de eo erat concepta quod Hunnos gentem barbaram in agrum Romanum advocaverat. Etenim eodem tempore Aremeniam et alias quasdam partes Orientales vastaverant. Yet notwith standing this, it is manifest by the place cited out of Saint Ierom that in the first year of this irruption they advanced not far into the empire, but only sent a <13r> rumor before them of their coming & began their general grassation in the next year. ffor his words Ecce tibi anno præterito &c seem to refer this grassation to a later year, & his recconing the next year wherein he wrote to be 20 years & upward from the first grassation of the Goths, refers it to the year 397 ffor the first grassation of the Goths began AD 373 & again in *[38] Autum AD 377 & therefore Saint Ierom must have written in the year 397, which was 20 years from the latter period & upward from the former.

The grassation of Tribigildus seems to have begun but in the year 397 & continued not above 3 or 4 years. Of this you may see more in Marcellines Chron. Socrates lib 6. c 2. Theodoret. l. 5 c. 32. Sozom l 8 c 4. Chron Alexandrin. & Cedrenus p 269.

The battel at Pollentia Prosper thus remembers. A.D. 403 Adversum Gothos vehementer utriusque partis clade Pollentiæ pugnatum. And Claudian who wrote of it the next year, thus records it

[39]unoquè die Romana rependit

Quicquid ter denis toties amisimus annis

O celebranda mihi cunctis Pollentia sæclis,

O meritum nomen, felicibus apta triumphis,

Virtutis fatale solum memorabile bustum

Barbariæ &c.

And in another poem Symbol (dot in a circle in a square) in text

< insertion from f 12v >

Symbol (dot in a circle in a square) in text And in another Poem

[40]Iam Pollentini tenuatus funera campi

Concessaque sibi (rerum sic admonet usus)

Luce, tot amissis socijs atque omnibus una

Direptis opibus Latio discedere jussus

Hostis, et immensi revolutus culmine fati

Turpe retexit iter

Afterwards he adds - Advolat una

Naidum resoluta comam &c

< text from f 13r resumes >

[41]Advolat una

Naidum resoluta comam complexaque *[42] patrem

En Alaricus ait, non qualem nuper ovantem

Vidimus: exangues, genitor, mirabere vultus.

Percensere manum tantaque ex gente juvabit

Relliquias numerasse breves.

And a little after speaking of the battel at Verona

Tu quoque non parvum Getico Verona triumpho

Adjungis cumulum: nec plus Pollentia rebus

Contulit Ausonijs, aut mœnia vindicis Astæ

Afterwards he brings in Alaricus thus lamenting his losses

Heu quibus insidijs qua *[43]me circumdedit arte

Fatalis semper Stilico: Dum parcere fingit

Rettulit hostiles animos, bellumque remenso

Evaluit transferre Pado. Proh fœdera sævo

deteriora jugo, tunc vis extincta Getarum.

Tunc mihi tunc lethum pepegi violentior armis

Omnibus. &c.

Hence it appears that between these two battels there was a league <14r> league between Alaric & Stilico. And Orosius accuses Stilico as if he often reserved Alaric out of treacherous designes. [44]Taceo inquit de Alarico Rege cum suis sæpe victo, sæpe concluso, semperque dimisso.

Eversis in Vrbe Roma omnibus simulachris Radagaisus Rex Gothorum cum ingenti exercitu multo numerosiore quam Alarici fuit venit. D. August. Serm. 29 in Luc.         Radagaisus omnium antiquorum præentiumque hostium longe immanissimus repentino impetu totam inundavit Italiam. Nam fuisse in populo ejus plusquam ducenta millia Gothorum, ferunt. Hic supra hanc incredibilem multitudinem indomitamque virtutem Paganus et Scytha erat: qui (ut mos est barbaris hujusmodi gentibus) omnem Romani generis sanguinem dijs suis propinare devoverat. Oros l 7. c 37.       Anno undecimo Arcadij et Honorij (i.e. *[45]AD 405) multis ante vastatis urbibus Radagaisus occubuit; cujus in tres partes per diversos Principes divisus exercitus, aliquam repugnandi Romanis apperuit facultatem: Insigni triumpho exercitum tertiæ partis hostium circumactis Hunnorum Auxiliaribus Stilico usque ad internecionem delevit. Prosper. Chron.       Cum Radagaisus agmine ingenti et immani jam in urbis vicinio constitutus Romanis cervicibus immineret uno die tanta celeritate sic victus est ut ne uno quidem non dicam extincto sed nec vulnerato Romanorum multo amplius quam centum millium prosternerentur ejus exercitus, atque ipse cum filijs mox mox captus pœna dabita necaretur. D. August. de civitate Dei l 5. This victory is attributed to the virtue of Huldin & Sarus with their Huns & Goths: whence it is likely that the Romans came in only to the slaughter after the others had put the enemy to confusion. ffor Marcellin in his chronicle writes thus: Huldin & Sarus Hunnorum Gothorumque reges Radagaisum continuo confecerunt.

παν χορτον every herb or every kind of herb, that is, all kinds of vegetables which grew among the trees where the fire fell.

Some perhaps will think that the third part of the Trees & herbs might not unfitly be interpreted of the third <15r> part of the great army of Radagaisus: but this interpretation is not so full as the other, nor has any correspondence with the following Trumpets.

I have sometimes thought whither this might not be interpreted of the numbers of barbarians which perished in battel, as if they were the third part of all those which were then within the whole Roman dominions. And perhaps if there were any way to estimate them the proportion would answer to the Prophesy. For although the Barbarians afflicted the Roman's most by their grassation, yet they themselves not only in Italy but in the Greek Empire also suffered the most in battels. For besides their overthrows in Italy, Alaric was beaten in Arcadia as Claudian thus relates, speaking to the same Alaric concerning Stilico

[46]Seis ipse perosus

Arcadiæ quam densa jugis cumulaverit ossa

Sanguine quam largo Graios calefecerit amnes:

Extinctusque fores scite sub nomine legum

Probitio regnique favor texisset Eoi.

The whole nation of the Bastarnæ, as the same Claudian relates were also consumed at one bout by Stilico.

[47]- Quis Mysos in plaustra feroces

Reppulit? uat sæva Promoti cæde tumentes

Bastarnas una potuit delere ruina?

And a little after

- Non vanam corpus meditaris in unum

Sævitiam, turmas equitum, peditumque catervas

Hostilesque globos tumulo prosternis amici:

Inferijs gens tota datur.

The Goths & Huns as you heard above were also beaten in Thrace, & that oftner then once with slaughters sufficiently great as you may learn by these verses of the same Claudian.

[48]Vos Hæmi gelidæ valles quas sæpe cruentis

Stragibus æquavit Stilico, vos Thracia testor

Flumina quæ largo mutastis sanguine fluctus:

<16r>

Dicite Bisaltæ vel qui Pangæa juvencis

Scinditis offenso quantæ sub vomere putres

Dissiliant glebis galeæ, vel qualia rastris

Ossa peremptorum resonent immania regum.

The army of Targibilus was at once almost all consumed in Asia by an unexpected onset of the country people (Zosim l   ); & afterwards being supplied with new forces by Gainas he was so worn by onsets of the Isauri & other miseries that he was forced to retreat into Thrace (Philostorg.) where being slain, Gainas in attempting with thir forces he & Gainas attempting to pass the Hellespont were notably overthrown in a naval fight where great numbers of Goths perished; & soon after the reliques of their forces were either slain or dissipated by the Huns. (Zosim

And this I suppose is enough to let you see that although the languishing & durable pains expressed by the grievous & noisom sore fell upon the men that had the mark of the Beast, yet the sudden & violent storms of hail & fire mingled with blood whereby battels are signified, fell upon the earth as well in the eastern as in the western Empire, & consumed perhaps no less then the third part of the barbarians within the whole. And yet when I consider that there is no certain way left us of estimating by the number of men the proportion of the barbarians consumed in these wars, & that it is not so likely that God should intend his prophesies in a sence, for the interpretation of which there would be no certain means left us: I rather think that the proportion is to be estimated by the extent of territories then by the number of men, & accordingly I interpret it of those barbarians which invaded the western Empire becaus that as I told you is the third part of the whole, & I find that the three following Trumpets do altogether respect that & designe it by the same subtriple proportion.

Although the pouring the first Vial upon the earth has some resemblance to the casting upon the earth the hail & fire mingled with blood yet in reality they differ. ffor the sore which followed the Vial is an emblem of torment only, but the hail & fire consumed men; that signifies a tedious lasting pain, this sudden destruction, <17r> {illeg} tables that is the barbarians suffer, in that the men which have the mark of the Beast, that is the Romans. And upon these considerations I have interpreted them differently, supposing the viall to be not only a plague upon the Earth like the hail-storm, but also a medicament to incite it to inflict a plague upon the men which had the mark of the beast. ffor I see no more necessity of making these the same then there is of making the second vial the same with the mountain which was cast into the sea in the second Trumpet or the third vial the same with the burning star which in the 3d Trumpt fell into the rivers.

The second Trumpet.

The next Trumpet hath these two main characters that the wars to which it sounds, are to be a western wind that is in the regions westward of Rome: & that during this wind a great mountain burning with fire is to be cast into the sea, that is a great a[49] city b [50]consuming by war to be cast down & sink in the midst of that c[51] people signified by the sea, & by its fall to disturb the waters. And no doubt this City is Rome the metropolis of the western Empire. ffor it is this City which is every where in the Apocalyps called the great city, & this empire (as I shewed above) which is to be understood by the third part of the Sea which became bloody at the fall of this mountain or City.

Now by the first of these characters we are directed to the first notable wars which break forth in the west; & these began in the year 407. For till that time the west continued in absolute peace. The Franks indeed immediatly after the death of Theod &c The Franks indeed immediatly after the death of Theodosius, began to threaten some troubles in Gallia, but they were suddenly checked by Stilico, & that without war, & all those regions established in firm peace as Claudian thus informs us

[52]Miramur rapidis hostem succumbere bellis

Cum solo terrore ruant; non classica Francis

Intulimus, jacuere tame: non Marte Suevos

Contudimus, queis jura damus: quis credere possit

Ante tubam nobis audax Germania servit.

Cedant Druse tui, cedant Trajane labores

Vestra manus dubio quicquid discrimine gessit

Transcurrens egit Stilico, totidemque diebus

Edomuit Rhenum quot vos potuistis in annis

And a little after.

Omne quod Oceanum fontemque interjacet Istri

Vnius incursu tremuit, sine cæde subactus

Servitio Boreas, exarmatique Triones.

Tempore tam parvo, tot prœlia sanguine nullo

Perficis, et Luna nuper nascente profectus

Ante redis quàm plena fuit. Rhenumque minacem

Cornibus infractis adeo mitescere cogis

Vt Salius jam rura colat, flexosque Sicambri

In falcem curvent gladios, geminasque viator

<19r>

Cum videat ripas quæ sit Romana requirat.

Vt jam trans fluvium non indignante Cyaco

Pascat Belga pecus, mediumque ingressa per Albim

Gallica Francorum montes armenta pererrent.

Vt procul Hyrciniæ per vasta silentia sylvæ

Venari tuto liceat, lucosque vetusta

Religione truces, et robora numinis instar

Barbarici, nostræ feriant impune bipennes.

Vltro quinetiam devota mente tuentur,

Victorique favent. Quoties sonare catervas

Oravit jungique tuis Alemannia signis?

Nec doluit contempta tamen, spretoque recessit

Auxilio, laudata fides, Provincia missos

Expellit citius fasces quam Francia reges

Quos dederis feriat, nec jam pulsare rebelles,

Sed vinclis punire licet, sub judice nostro

Regia Romanus disquirit crimina carcer.

This was the serenity of the western regions while the east wind blew, but when that began to cease there brake forth a notable western wind. ffor in the beginning of the year 407 the Vandals Alans Burgundians & Alemans, with great multitudes of other barbarous nations out of Germany (invited as was supposed by Stilico as the Eastern Barbarians were before by Ruffin) all at once overflow Gallia wasting it with fire & sword & rapine: which desolations Saint Ierom in his eleventh Epistle hath thus partly expressed & partly hinted. - Verùm quid ago? fracta novi de mercibus disputo. Qui tenebat de medio fit et non intelligimus Antichristum appropinquare. Innumerabiles et ferocissimæ nationes universas Gallias occuparunt, quicquid inter Alpes et Pyrenæum est quod Oceano et Rheno includitur, Quadus, Vandalus, Sarmata, Alani, Gepides, Heruli, Saxones, Burgundiones, Alemanni et (O lugenda respublica) hostes Pannonij vastarunt. Magunciacum capta atque subversa est, et in Ecclesia multa hominum millia trucidata. Vangiones longa obsidione deleti, Rhenorum Vrbs præpotens, Ambiani, Attrebates, extremique hominum Morini, Tor <20r> nacus, Nemete, Argentoratus translati in Germaniam. Aquitaniæ novemque populorum Lugdunensis et Narbonensis Provinciæ præter paucas urbes populata sunt cuncta, quas et ipsas foris gladius intus vastat fames. Non possum absque lacrymis Tolosæ facere mentionem quæ ut hucusque non rueret sancti Episcopi Exuperij merita præstiterunt. Ipsæ Hispaniæ jam jamque petituræ quotidiè contremescunt recordantes irruptionis Cimbricæ, et quicquid alij semel pasi sunt illi semper timore patiuntur. Cætera taceo ne videar de Dei desperare clementia. And a little after Quis hoc credet? Quæ digno sermone historiæ comprehendent? Romam in gremio suo non pro gloria sed pro salute pugnare imo ne pugnare quidem sed auro et cunctâ supellectile vitam redimire?

After Gallia had been thus wasted for between two & three years, the Vandals & Suevians with a part of the Alans pass into Spain & overrun that country also with the like desolations, & at the same time the Franks break into Gallia Lugdunensis; & the Picts & Scots also a while after, that no part of the west might be free a[53] invade Brittain, forcing many of the inhabitants to fly into that part of ffrance which from them is to this day called Brittain.

And whilst this torrent overwhelmed the west, Alaric with his Goths, leaving Pannonia to the Huns, invade Italy & besiege Rome, & though at first bought off, yet renewing the siege after two yeares he takes it in the year 410 when it had been first so much wasted by famin & Pestilence that Saint Ierom in Epist 16 saith, Fame perit antequam gladio: et vix pauci qui caperentur inventi sunt. Ad nefandos cibos erupti esurientium rabies & sua invicem membra laniarunt: dum mater non parcit lactanti infanti et suo recipit utero quem paulo ante effuderat. Hence it became a proverb Pone pretium humanis carnibus as Zosimus relates who also adds: [54] Famem (ceu consentaneum erat) pestis comita batur omniaque plena cadaveribus erant. Cumque non possent extra urbem sepeliri cadavera quod omnem exitum hostes observarent urbs ipsa mortuorum sepulchrum erat: adeo quidem ut alioqui etiam solitudo in urbe foret, siquæ nulla fuisset alimentorum penuria, vel exhalans e cadaveribus <21r> odor ad inficienda corrumpendaque corpora suffecisset.

When the city was almost taken Alaric sets up Attalus a new Emperor at Rome reserving to himself the command of both armies, & sends him to besiege Honorius at Ravenna, whereupon Honoriius out of desperation began to think of flying to his Brother in the East: but Attalus behving himself foolishly Alaric degrades him again & restores Honorius. Quid de infelicissimo Attalo loquar, saith Orosius,[55] cui occidi inter Tyrannos honor & more lucrum fuit? In hoc Alaricus Imperatore facto infecto refecto ac defecto, citius his omnibus actis pene quàm dictis, mimum risit et ludum spectavit Imperij.

After these things, the city being taken, Alaric lead his army into the furthest parts of Italy & attempted to sail into Afric with intention to have seated his nation there. But being shipwracked he made a league with Honorius & sooon after died & then Honorius that he might recover Italy granted Ataulphus his successor Aquitain a Province of Gallia to inhabit: which gave occasion to various fresh wars in Aquitain & Spain between the Goths Romans Vandals Sueves & Alans almost without intermission untill the year 427 when peace was concluded between the Goths & Romans, & the Vandals having that same year slain c[56] almost twenty thousand Romans in battel c[57] pass into Afric: the Kingdom of the d[58] Alans being ruined in those wars about ten years before.

The first ten years of these wars in Aquitain, recconed from the begining of the irruption, you may hear Prosper thus lamenting.

[59]

- Felix

Quem non concutiat vicina strage ruina

Intrepidum flammas inter et inter aquas.

Nos autem tanta sub tempestate malorum

Invalidi passim cædimur et cadimus.

Cumque animum patriæ subijt fumantis imago

Et stetit ante oculos quicquid ubique perit:

Frangimur immodicis et pluribus ora rigamus

Dumque pios agimus vertimur in quærulos.

- Heu cæde decenni

Wandalicis gladijs sternimur et Geticis.

Non castella petris, non oppida montibus altis

Imposita, aut urbes amnibus æquoreis

<22r>

Barbarici superare dolos atque arma furoris

Evaluere omnes: ultima pertulimus. &c.

Having given you the history of these wars, which as you have heard, fulfill the two characters of this Trumpet, the one of being the first western wind, the other of being accompanied with the fall of the Imperial city: it remains now that I take notis of the other concomitans, which are these three.

1 That the third part of the sea became blood, or as is exprest in the second Vial, the (western) sea became as the blood of a dead man. By blood we are to understand the staining of the western waters chiefly by the effusion of much blood in these wars, & then by any other kind of violent deaths whatever. ffor blood is used figuratively to signify any kind of death as you may see in Ezek 14.19. & 3.18, 20, & 18.13, & thus it will comprehend the sad mortality by famin & pestilence which doutles at the sieges of Rome swept away many hundred thousands & raged not only there but in the whole western Empire & chiefly in Spain as Idatius in his chronicle thus relates. Anno 16mo Imperij Honorij et Arcadij, debacchantibus per Hispanias Barbaris, pestilentiæ malo fames diva grassatur ut humanæ carnes ab humano genere fame fuerint devoratæ: matres quoque necatis et coctis natorum suorum visceribus sint pastæ, corporibus bestiæ occisorum. Gladio, fame, pestilentia, bestiarum infestatione interimebantur homines. His quatuor plagis ubique in toto orbe sævientibus prædicta a domino per Prophetas suas adimplebantur.

2 The second concomitant is that the third part of the creatures which were in the sea & life died, that is every living soul in the (western) sea as is exprest in the second vial. And here by death I understand not the naturall death of men, (for that was sufficiently exprest before by blood,) but their poiticall death. ffor death is used to signify the destruction of bodies politique as well as of naturall bodies, Amos 2.2. And that in these trumpets it is to be understood of bodies politique you may easily collect from <23r> the fift Trumpet where although without doubt multitudes of men were slain by the locusts yet becaus they destroyed not their Kingdom they are said not to kill them. Reason also will dictate the same: for no man I suppose can be so fond as to think that the intention of the second vial is that all the men in a whole Kingdom should really dy; but that they may all dy a political death is of no harsh conception. I suppose therefore that this death is the political death of the western Empire, as if it were slain by the invasion of its territories & the fall of its Metropolis like an animal beheaded & torn in pieces. For Pannonia was rent from it by the Huns, Brittain first by tyrants & then by the natives, the most of Gallia & Spain by the Franks, Burgundians Alemans Alans Vandals & Goths & the rest at some time or other overrun by them. Also d[60]Afric made a defection for a year or two under Heraclinus, & Italy laboured under the invasion of Alaric & the usurpation of a new Emperor, Honorius being reduced to so great straits that he began to think of quitting all & flying into the East. And to comprehend all at once, the whole Empire died for a time by cutting of that city whose dominion was the ratio formalis or life therof. For at the taking of that city, to use Saint Ierom's words written upon the news of it, Clarissimum terrarum omnium lumen extinctum est, imo Romani Imperij truncatum caput, & ut (verius dicam) una urbe totus orbis inter ijt. Hieron. Præf. in l 1. comment. in Ezek. In a word the siege of this city was the nick of time in which the Empire was slain as to its Monarchical form, & in its stead a body of ten new Kingdoms substituted of which we shall hereafter give you the catalogue.

3 This overthrow of the Empire is further expressed by a shipwrack. The third part of the ships, ([61]that is the towns & cities of the western Empire whose houses are analogous to <24r> ships) were destroyed in this tempest, sinking as it were (like the great Mountain) by being reduced into the power of the enemy.

The third Trumpet.

<25r>

The third Trumpet.

The western empire being now rent into many kingdoms, & those pretty well setled under their new lords: there brake out A.C 427 a war in the southern quarter which is the quarter of the third wind. For Afric which had æ[62] hitherto flourished in peace & prosperity having had no other considerable molestation since the beginning of Theodosius's reign then that short one of Gilda which conspired with the wars of the first Trumpet & an invasion of Mauritania perhaps shorter then Gilda's eruption & belonging to the wars of the 2d, began to be invaded & wasted with most vehement, tedious & universal desolations: & that after this manner. Vpon a a[63] discord between Ætius & Boniface governour of Afric, Ætius this year sent an army against him out of Italy & Boniface defeated it & to fortify himself for the future sailed streight into Spain contracted friendship with the Vandals by marriage & invited them into Afric. But whilst they were in their passage Afric was invaded also by the southern Barbarians: of which D. Augustin [64] in an epistle to Boniface written a year or two after makes this mention. Cùm te esse in continentiæ proposito gauderemus, navit gasti uxoremque duxisti, & hæresis eorum qui verum filium Dei negant tantum prævaluit in domo tua ut ab ipsis filia tua baptizaretur, &c. Vides tam multa contrita, ut vile aliquid quod rapiatur vix inveniatur. Quid autem dicam de vastatione Africæ quam faciunt Afri barbari resistente nullo, dum tu talis tuis necessitatibus occuparis, nec aliquid ordinas unde ista calamitas avertatur? Quis autem crederet quis timeret Boni facio domesticorum & Africæ comite in Africa constituto cum tam magno exercitu & potestate, qui tribunus cum paucis fœderatis omnes ipsas gentes expugnando & terrendo pacaverat, nunc tantum fuisse barbaros ausuros, tantum progressuros, tanta vastaturos, tanta rapturos, tanta loca quæ plena populis fuerant deserta facturos?

[65]In the meane while the Vandals mixt with Alans & others invaded Mauritania, approached more & more into Afric wasted all places, & Boniface what he had done , they beat his Army besieged him in Hippo, & A.C. 431 after 14 months <26r> siege burnt the city: ✝ < insertion from f 25v > ✝ & then a[66]new forces being sent both from Rome & Constantinople under Aspar, they beat those also, forcing Boniface to fly to Rome & Aspar to Constantinople. The first heat of these miseries Possidius Bishop of Calama who was present to them thus laments in his - < text from f 26r resumes > which Possidius Bishop of Calama[67] who was present to these miseries, thus laments in his oration upon the death of D. Augustin. Brevi inquit consequenti tempore divina voluntate & potestate provenit, ut manus ingens diversis telis armata & bellis exercitata, immanium hostium Wandalorum & Alanorum commixtam secum habens Gothorum gentem, aliarumque diversarum gentium personas ex Hispaniæ partibus transmarinis navibus Africæ influxisset & irruisset: universaque per loca Mauritaniarum etiam ad alias nostras trajiciens provincias & regiones, omni sæviens crudelitate & atrocitate, cuncta quæ potuit expoliatione cædibus, diver sisque tormentis, incendijs, alijsque innumerabilibus & infandis malis depopulata est, nulli sexui, nulli parcens ætati, nec ipsis Dei sacerdotibus vel ministris, nec ipsis ecclesiarum ornamentis seu instrumentis vel ædificijs. Et hanc ferocissimam hostium grassationem & vastationem, ille homo Dei, & factam fuisse et fieri, non ut cæteri homines sen tiebat & cogitabat: sed altiùs & profundiùs ea considerans & in his animarum præcipuè vel pericula vel mortes prævidens, solito amplius fuerunt ei lacrymæ panes die ac nocte, amarissimamque et lugubrem præ cæteris suæ senectutis jam pæne extremam ducebat ac tolerabat vitam. Videbat enim ille homo Dei civitates excidio perditas pariter cum ædificijs, villarumque habitatores, alios hostili nece extinctos, alios effugatos atque dispersos: Ecclesias sacerdotibus ac ministris destitutas, virginesque sacras & quosque continentes ubique dissipatos: & in his alios defecisse tormentis, alios gladio interemptos esse, alios in captivitate perdita animi et corporis integritate ac fidei, malo more ac duro hostibus deservire. Cernebat etiam hymnos Dei & laudes de Ecclesijs deperisse, ædificia ecclesiarum quam plurimis in locis ignibus concremata esse, solennia quoque quæ Deo debentur de proprijs locis defecisse: sacrificia ac Sacramenta divina vel non quæri, vel quærenti qui tradat non facile reperiri: in ipsas montium sylvas et cavernas petrarum & speluncas confugientes, vel ad quascunque munitiones, alios fuisse expugnatos & interfectos, alios necessarijs sustentaculis evolutos atque privatos, ut fame contabescerent. ipsosque ecclesiarum præ positos & clericos qui forte Dei beneficio vel eos non incurrerant, vel incurrentes evaserant, rebus omnibus expoliatos atque <27r> nudatos egsutissimos mendicare, nec eis omnibus ad omnia quibus fulciendi essent subveniri posse. Vix tres superstites videbat ex innumerabilibus ecclesijs, hoc est Carthaginensem, Hipponensem et Cirtensem quæ dei beneficio excisæ non sunt, & earum permanent civitates & divino et humano fultæ præsidio; licet post ejus a[68] obitum urbs Hipponensis incolis destituta ab hostibus fuerit concremata. Within a few years they took Carthage too & what els remained: But let's heare how b[69] Victor in his history written so many years after laments the same desolations. Invenientes, saith he, pacatam quietamque Provinciam, speciositatem totius terræ florentis quaquaversum, impietatis agminibus impendebant, devastando depopulabantur incendio & homocidijs totum exterminantes. Sed nec arbustis fructiferis omninò parcebant: ne forte quos antra montium, aut prærupta terrarum, vel seclusa quæque occultaverant, post eorum transitum illis pabulis nutrirentur: et sic eadem atque iterum tali crudelitate furentibus ab eorum contagione nullus remansit locum immunis. < insertion from f 26v > immunis. Præsertim in a[70] Ecclesijs Basilicisque & cæmiterijs & monasterijs sceleratius sæviebant, & cum majoribus incendijs domus orationis magis quam urbes cunctaque oppida concremarent. - Quanti tunc ab eis præclari pontifices & nobiles sacerdotes diversis pœnarum generibus extincti sunt, ut haderent si quid auri vel argenti proprium vel ecclesiasticum haberent. Et dum hæc quæ erant urgentibus pœnis facilius proderentur iterum crudelibus tormentis oblatores urgebant, autum antes quandam partem non totum esse oblatum, & quanto plus dabant tanto amplius quempiam habere credebant. Alijs palorum vectibus ora reserantes fœtidum cænum ob confessionem pecuniæ faucibus ingerebant. Nonnullos in frontibus & tibijs nervis remugientibus torquendo cruciabant. Plerisque aquam marinam, alijs acetum, amurcam, liquamenque, & alia multaatque crudelia tanquam utribus imbutis ori impositis sine misericordia porrigebant. Non infirmior sexus non consideratio nobilitatis non reverentia sacerdotalis crudeles animos mitigabat: quin imò ibi exaggerabatur ira furoris ubi honorem conspexerant. Quantis sacerdotibus, quantisque illustribus onera ingentia ut camelis vel alijs generibus jumentorum imposuerint nequeo enarrare {illeg} quos stimulis ferreis ad ambulandum urgebant quorum nonnulli sub fascibus miserabiliter animas emisere. Senilis maturitas atque veneranda canities quæ cæsariem cajutis ut lanam candidam dealbarat: nullam sibi ab hospitibus misericordiam vendicabat sed etiam parvulos ab uberibus rapiens maternis barbarus furor insontem infantiam elidebat ad terram. Alij parvulum pedibus tenentes a meatu prorsus naturali usque ad arcem, capitis dissipabant, quando tunc forte Sion captiva cantabat: Dixit inimicus incendere fines meos interficere infantis meos & parvulos meos elisurum ad terram. In ædificijs nonnullis - < text from f 27r resumes > - In ædificijs nonnullis magnarum ædium vel domorum ubi ministerium ignis minùs valuerat, tectis admodum despicatis pulchritudinem parietum solo æquabant, ut nunc antiqua illa speciositas civitatum nec quia fuerit prorsus appareat. Sed et urbes quamplurimæ aut raris aut nullis habitatoribus incoluntur. Nam et hodiè siqua supersunt subinde desolantur. Vbi verò munitiones aliquæ < insertion from f 26v > aliquæ videbantur, quas hostilitas barbarici furoris oppugnare nequiret, congregatis in circuitu castrorum innumerabilibus turbis, gladijs feralibus, cruciabant, ut putrefactis cadaveribus, quos adire non poterant arcente murorum defensione, corporum liquescentium enecarent fœtore. Quanti & quam numerosi tunc ab eis cruciati sunt sacerdotes explicare quis poterit? Tunc enim nostræ civitatis venerabilis Papinianus antistes, candentis ferri laminis toto adeptus est corpore. Similiter et Mansuetus Vricitanus, in porta incensus est Formitana. &c. < text from f 27r resumes >

How vast these desolations were you may further guess by the largeness of the Province, which by the incredible number of Bishoprics in it seems scarce less or not much less then Spain & Gallia together: ffor Baronius[71] A.C. 411. computes out of D. Austin 625 episcopal seats at least in Afric. Also how severe & sharp they were may be further apprehended Symbol (forward slash bisected by two backslashes) in text < insertion from f 26v > Symbol (forward slash bisected by two backslashes) in text How severe & sharp these desolations were may be further apprehended by the fierce & cruel disposition of Genseric their King which sufficiently discovers it self by this one passage of Prosper: Dioscoro et Eudoxio Coss. In Geisericum de successu rerum etiam apud suos superbientem, quidam Optimates ipsius conspiraverunt sed molitione detecta multis ab eo supplicijs excruciati atque extincti sunt. Quumque idem audendum etiam ab alijs videretur, tam multis regis suspicio exitio fuit ut hac sui cura plus virium perderet quam si bello superaretur. Prosp. in Chron. If he did thus to his own people what would he not do to the Africans. But how vast desolations he made there you may still further guess by the largeness -

< text from f 27r resumes >

Nor was it Afric alone these barbarians infested; the Mediterranean Islands felt their fury too. ffor Marcelline saith A.C. 439 Theod 17 & Fausto Coss. Vandali Pyratæ multas insulas sed præcipue Siciliam vastavêre. And Salvian[72] tells us Eversis Gallijs et Hispanijs, postremò nequa pars mundi exitialibus malis esset immunis, navigare per fluctus bella cœperunt: quæ vastatis urbibus mari clausis atque eversis Sardinia et Sicilia id est fiscalibus horreis, atque abscissis velut vitalibus venis Africam ipsam id est quasi <28r> animam captivarêre reipublicæ: That is completed its captivity by sacking Carthage & pervading the whole soon after they had taken Sicily & other Isles & thereby cut of supplies from Europe.

When they had thus by a tedious war with the Emperor's forces wasted & subdued Afric & Sicily, they from thence A.C 455 sailed into Italy & spoiled Rome & other cities there carrying into Afric the whole treasures thereof & consequently of the Empire which the abstemious Goths had spared, & captivating the flower of Italy. Post exitum Maximi confestim secuta est multis digna lachrymis Romana captivitas. Vrbem omni præsidio vacuam Geisericus obtinuit, - et per 14 dies continuos secura et libera scrutatione omnibus opibus suis Roma vacucta est, multaque millia captivorum prout quisque aut ætate aut arte placuerunt cum Regina et filiabus ejus Carthaginem abducti sunt. Prosper apud Euseb. l 1. Gensericus vacuam præsidio civitatem capit & occursu Leonis Papæ mitigatus ab incendio cædibus atque supplicijs urbem immanem servavit, omnibus tamen opibus ablatis multa inde captivorum millia cum Augusta Eudoxia & ejus filiabus Carthaginem revexit. Paul Diac. lib. 15. Exinde Regum multorum divitias cum populis captivavit. Quæ dum multitudo captivitatis Africanum attingeret littus dividentibus Vandalis et Mauris ingentem populi quantitatem, ut moris est Barbaris, mariti ab uxoribus, liberi a parentibus separabantur. Victor De Persec. Vand. l. 1. Gazam omnem Imperatoriam in navibus positam secum in Africam tulit: ac siqua erant Romæ decora, itemque Iovis capitolini tegularum ex ære auratarum partem dimidiam abripuit. Vnam verò ex his navibus ubi statuæ fuerant tempestate perijsse dicunt, cæteras incolumes in Africam delatas. Procop. de Bello Wand. l. 1. Amongst other things were the vessels of the Temple of Ierusalem which Titus had sent to Rome. Procop. ib. l 2. Niceph. l 15. c 11. And to these spoiles of Rome they added at the same time the prey of many other cities: Miles Genserici avidus prædæ in Campaniam incursat, Capuam evertit, Neapolin expugnat, Nolam obsidet, urbes reliquas diripit - onustus præda cum ingenti captivorum numero Africam repetit. Aventinus in Annal. Boi. & Pompon. Læt.

From this time the Vandals possessing themselves more & more of the mediterranean Isles continued to play the Pyrats & infest Europe with very frequent incursians. Post mortem Valentiniani, saith victor, [73] Gensericus totius Africæ ambitum ob- <29r> tinuit, nec non et insulas maximas Sardiniam Siciliam Corsicam Ebusum Majoricam Minoricam & alias multas superbia sibi consueta defendit. And Procopius:[74] Post mortem Valentiniani, aliquot annos veris initio continuò longas fecit prædando et populando incursiones, nunc in Siciliam, nunc in Italiam, civitates insuper partim diripiendo partim solo æquando: ubi verò omnia delevit ad Orientis conversus Imperium Illyricum omne simul et Peloponnesum, hisque adjacentes insulas cum reliqua Græcia invadit. Ad Italiam rursum Siciliamque reversus quicquid erat reliqui diripuit. Verùm e quondam {cum} e Carthaginis portu passis velis soluturus esset, interrogatus a Nauclero, quo tendere populabundus vellet: respondisse quo Deus impulerit, adeò ut ex nulla causa in obvios quoscunque hostiliter ferebatur. So Sidonius in his Panegyric calld Anthemius, speaking of the short reign of the Emperors after Valentinian III, saith

- Quencunque creavit

Axe meo natum, confestim fregit in illo

Imperij fortuna rotas. Hinc Wandalus hostis

Vrget et in nostrum numerosa classe quotannis

Militat excidium, conversoque ordine fati

Torrida Caucaseos infert mihi Byrsa furores.

Præterea invictus Ricimer, quem publica fata

Respiciunt, proprio solus vix Marte repellit

Piratam per rura vagum, qui prœlia vitans

Qui pacem pugnamque negat? Nam fœdera nulla

Cum Ricimere jacit.

Porrò ita formidabilis, inquit Baronius, [75] erat Gensericus piratica classe ut Alexandria etiam fuerit timore concussa. Etenim hæc habent d[76] acta Danielis Stylitæ. Quædam fama in omnes gentes manavit, Gensericum regem Wandalorum bellum gerere adversus *[77] Romanos magno apparatu & majori audacia, & quod magna manu pervenit Alexandriam, eam sibi volens belli facere præmium. Non parùm ergo animo angebatur magistratus et ipse Imperator &c. So troublesome were these violences, that for restraining them [78] Leo the Greek Emperor A.C. 468 set forth a navy of eleven hundred ships & an hundred thousand men, which at first prevailed, but landing a great part of their men in Afric, the Vandals set upon them afresh & burnt their ships & then beat the forces also which they had landed. Thus having baffled both Emperors they continued their pyratical incursions till about the year 500, when Theoderic king of the Ostrogoths having newly propagated his <32r> kingdom into Italy, made peace with them as Baronius in this year thus mentions: [79] Iam tutum, inquit, redditum erat commercium inter Africanos et Italos cum sanxivisset fœdus Rex Theodericus cum Wandalorum Rege, a quo hactenus frequentes fiebant in solum Italicum incursiones. Stabilita est enim inter eos pax fœdere nuptiarum, data ei [Sc. Trasamundo] in Matrimonium Amalafrida. De qua inita inter illos concordia hæc Ennodius in Panegyrico Theoderici: Quid castigatas Wandalorum ventis parentibus eloquar deprædationes, quibus pro annuâ pensione satis est amicitia tua? Evagari ultra possibilitatem nesciunt, Duce sapientia: affines esse meruerunt quia obedire non abnuunt.

Symbol (circle surmounted by a cross with smaller circles to left and right and below it) in text Here insert. [Victor after he has been &c.

< insertion from f 30r >

- quia obedire non abnuunt.

Symbol (circle surmounted by a cross with smaller circles to left and right and below it) in text [80]Victor after he has been very large in describing the extreme miseries of Afric by banishments, enslavement, various tortures or slaughters of the natives, adds this short hint of the sufferings of Europe also by the Pyratical incursions. Quæ verò, inquit, Gensericus in Hispania, Italia, Dalmatia, Calabria, Apulia, Sicilia, Sardinia, Brutijs, Lucania, Epiro, vel Hellada gesserit, melius ibi ipsi qui passi sunt miserabiliter lugenda narrabunt. So that scarce any thing not too remote from the sea, escapt their fury./ But besides these there were other great wars by which Europe was severely afflicted. For the a[81]Huns under Attila in the years 441 & 442, & again in the years 445, 446 & 447, miserably wasted Macedon, Thrace, Mœsia, Achaia. Greece & Epire & then & A.C. 451 with a greater army consisting of Ostrogoths, Gepides & many other Scythian & German nations to the b[82] number of 500000 o[83] invaded Gallia pretending to make war upon the VisiGoths only, but the rest of the Gallic Barbarian Kingdoms (the Franks Burgundians & Alans) being admonished by Ætius that his intention was to swallow them all singly, joyned with the Goths, & after he had c[84] wasted many cities & began to besiege Orleans, set upon him & with much difficulty beat him, there d[85] falling on both sides 162000 besides 90000 Gepides & Franks which fell the night before. And afterward he returning to invade the Alans, the e[86] Goths & Alans beat him in another battel of three days continuance almost as bloody as the first. Then he recruited his forces & led them into p[87] Venetia Histria, Incubria, Gallia {togata}, & f[88] rased divers of the chief cities there, Aquileia, Millain Ticinum Verona, & others: at which time many of the Italians fled for safety to the Adriatic Islands & built the city Venice there, so called from the region. But in the heat of his fury he was g[89] curbed by an army sent by the Greek Emperor Marcian. & forced to return home with dammage: & the next year (k[90] A.C. 444) dying, his sons fell into civil dissentions about sharing his dominions: on which occasion the nations under them laying hold rebelled & subdued them, the Gepides in Mysia, the Ostrogoths in Pannonia & others in other places.

And now the Vandals having not only robd the Empire of what Salvian calls its vital veins & soule, but of its heart by spoiling Rome of it's wealth & captivating the flower of Italy & of its marrow too by continually invading & preying upon all places accesible: there remaind only a trunk which after a little feeble struggling died of its own accord, h[91] one party of the Italians calling from beyond the Danube into Italy against another Oddacer King of the Heruli who quickly pervaded it, almost without opposition, but yet not without spoiling some Cities & chiefly Ticinum.

<31r>

Besides all these I might mention the wars by which the Ostrogoths threw the Heruli out of Italy & succeeded them there & those between the Visigoths & Suevians in Spain, & the Franks & other Barbarians in Gallia &c. But these, as they are much inferior to those of the Vandals & Huns so they were not against the Romans but between Barbarian nations & consequently not properly of the nature of the four winds which were to hurt the earth & the sea together, that is to be waged between Barbarians & Romans for the destruction of the Empire. On the same account also the wars of the Huns in Gallia are liable to exception, but yet becaus Ætius with an army of Romans was ingaged in them, they may be referred to the wars of this wind in a secondary order, recconning this wind to extend from the South to the regions on both sides Rome as the first wind did from the east to all sides but the west. Vnless ✝

< insertion from f 30v >

✝ Vnless you had rather compare the Hunnic wars for thir shortness, fury & unconstant quarter to so many fits of a Hurricane i'th' midst of a great wind. ffor while they lasted they were the most violent of any wars, but yet the Vandalic was much more successful & fatal to the Empire, rending away together with the most flourishing part of it, more ground people & riches then perhaps they left to be seized by others, whereas the Hunnic war rent little or nothing away. Considering therefore that the Vandalic war conduced most to the fall of the Empire which the winds were to effect & that by its durableness & constancy it resembles a wind better then any other war or agggregate of wars contemporary to it, & also that it brake out in a new quarter & was the only great war in that Quarter: it ought to be accounted the cardinal wind & the rest referred to it as so many contemporary irregular blasts.

But besides the Quarter -

< text from f 31r resumes > < text from f 32r resumes >

But besides the Quarter, this Trumpet has another remarkable character, the fall of a great star from heaven burning as it were a Lamp; that is of some very great a[92] Prince from the heaven of his dignity, b[93] consuming by war. And this points at the fall of the western Cæsar, who from that time that the Vandals rent Afric & the Mediterranean Isles from the Empire & captivated Italy, retained almost nothing but the name of Emperor: insomuch that some historians make that time the end of this Empire. Yet it resisted absolute death for about twenty years longer under the titular Cæsars Aritus, Majoranus, Severus, Anthemius, Olybrius Glycerius & Nepos falling by the sword of one another, untill at last A.C. 476 it was (as to the Imperial dignity) utterly extinguished under the fatal name of *[94] Augustus or Augustinus by Odoacer King of Heruli who as was said being invited by some of the Italians translated his nation into Italy.

The reason why I interpret this star of no less dignity then that of the western Emperor is that it is described of the greatest magnitude, & while there are two Emperors in the Roman world it would be against nature to represent them by suns. Yet least you should doubt of this interpretation you may compare it with Isa 14.12 where the fall of as great a Monarch, the King of Babylon, because he had in like manner the King of the Medes for his fellow, is exprest by the <33r> like Parable of a falling star{. How} art thou fallen from heaven O Lucifer son of the Morning, saith the Prophet, how art thou cut down to the ground which didst weaken the nations.

Now whereas this star is described to fall upon the third part of the rivers & fountains of waters, it is a figure, like that of casting the mountain into the sea, to express at once both the ruin of the star & the disturbance of the waters & embittring them by that burning which consumed the star. By rivers (their denoting d[95] the provinces of any kingdom) I still understand the people of the Empire, the same waters which were before called the sea, but are now compared to rivers becaus no longer in one intire mas but intermixed with the earth those many northern nations which in the last Trumpet & beginning of this by invading the sea a[96] dried up its waters & converted them as it were to disseminated rivers. < insertion from f 31v > Moreover by the third part of the rivers on which the star fell I understand so much of the Empire as the star reigned over at the beginning of this Trumpet that is Afric one sixt part, & Italy Dalmatia & Rhætia with some part of Spain & Gallia which being about half the European portion of the western Empire, amounts to another sixt part; the other half being occupied by barbarous nations. On these his dominions, & on the b[97] ruling cities < text from f 33r resumes > On these therefore & on the b[98] ruling cities (Rome Ravenna, Aquileia, Millain, Ticinum, Capua Naples, Carthage, Hippo, &c.) the heads or ffountains of these waters, the star fell burning as it were a lamp, & by its fall & burning (that is by the decay of the Emperors power which should have defended the Romans & by the c[99] wars in which he consumed) smote the waters & made them bitter as if they had been imbibed with so much wormwood, or, as is exprest in the third Vial, it turned them to blood: & many men died of their bitterness, that is a politic death by the dissolution of the the Empire which expired or (as it were) died with much bloodshed & bitter pain.

In the next place follows a declaration of God's justice in executing these judgments. [100]Iohn heard the Angel of the waters say Thou art righteous o Lord which wast & art & shalt be becaus thou hast judged thus: For they have shed the blood of saints & Prophets, & thou hast given them blood to drink; for they are worthy. And another angel out of the Altar said: Even so Lord God Almighty true & righteous are thy judgments. And this affords a third character of these times worthy of yo special notice, namely that these wars followed upon a sanguinary persecution of the Church & were inflicted upon the persecutors as a righteous judgment to shed their blood who had shed the blood of saints & thereby a[101] derived upon themselves the blood of <34r> all Prop{hets} & Martyrs since the world began. In the fift seal you had a conclusion to the Heathen persecutions exprest by the soules under the Altar calling for Vengeance, & the brethren that should be killed as they were should be fulfilled: & here you have the beginning of the Christian or rather Antichristian persecutions, the killing of those their brethren noted by Angel of the waters & the voice of one from the same Altar of Martyrdom celebrating God's justice for giving the blood-shedders blood to drink: I say the beginning, becaus we shall find the beginnings of all the chief enormities of the Apostacy some where or other described in this Prophesy, & this is the earliest mention of their sanguinary persecution. We are therefore to seek for the beginning of the Antichristian sanguinary persecutions a little before this Vial. And there it is to be found. For Honorius, a[102] when Alaric ste up Attalus against him, fearing the laws he had formerly put forth for compelling the Donatists with the rest of the Africans to his religion might make them fall of to Attalus, permitted liberty of religion to all, but after Attalus's deposition, b[103] at the petition of a Counsel of the African Bishops revoked that edict by this

[104]Impp. Honor. & Theod. AA. Heracliano Com. Afric.

c[105] Oraculo penitus remoto quo ad ritus suos hæreticæ superstitiones irrepserant, sciant omnes sanctæ legis inimici plectendos se pœna & proscriptionis & sanguinis si ultra convenire per publicum execrandâ sceleris sui temeritate temptaverint. Dat 8 Kal. Sept. Varane. V.C. Coss. [410.]

And five years after when the accused (as I conceive with d[106] Gothofredus) pleaded that this law was voided by the Treason & death of Heraclianus, Honorius reinforced it by this inscribed to the same Heraclianus though dead to signify that his laws depended not on the names they were inscribed to, & therefore that the former law was in foce against them that had transgressed it before this came out.

[107]Impp. Honor. & Theod. AA. Heracliano Com. Afr.

Sciant cuncti qui ad ritus suos hæresis superstitionibus obrepserant sanctæ legis inimici, plectendos se pœna et proscriptionis et sanguinis si ultra convenire per publicum execrandâ scleris sui temeritate temptaverint: nequâ vera divinaque reverentia contagione temeretur. Dat 8 Kal. sept. Honorio 10 & <35r> Theodosio 6 Coss. [415.].

Before these Theodosius the great put forth an edict for seeking out & killing the Manichees, & some of the Priscillianists were slain under Maximus, but these of Honorius, so far as I can find were the first for killing true Christians. They were indeed chiefly intended against the Donatists, but comprehended all others, & if they were so severe against a[108] them of their own faith for disallowing their Baptism only, what would they not do to those whom they thought not only schismaticks & rebaptizers but of an hæretical faith too? But how far these laws were put in execution I know not: I fear they cost the lives of many, for Baronius[109] out of D. Austin notes that Afric abounded with Arians, as he calls them, so that there wanted not opportunity of cruelty, & Salvian informs us that the great men were generally cruel & bloodthirsty enough. But though some of their Bishops might at first relent at this cruelty (as I find c[110] D. Austin did toward the Donatists) yet if others with the Magistrates were so hard hearted as to murder but a few as the reinforcement of the Emperors edict is a demonstration they were), it is sufficient to derive upon all them that did not abominate their murder, the blood of all saints & Prophets from the death of Abel till now: especially since this was the beginning & precedent to all the sanguinary persecutions of following ages which have cut of some hundred thousands.

You see therefore how those on whom the plague of this Vial was inflicted had shed the blood of Saints & Prophets, & now if you recur to what has been already said of the desolations of Afric you cannot but confess that God recompensed their bloodshed on their own heads after a highly severe manner so as to deserve to be celebrated by that saying of the Angel: Thou art righteous, O Lord, which wast & art & shalt be, because thou hast judged thus: for they have shed the blood of Saints & of Prophets & thou hast given them blood to drink; for they are worthy. I beleive you will easily think with me that as there was no barbarian tion so prosperous, domineering, & cruel as the Vandalic, so no region was hiterto so much afflicted & wasted by any Barbarians as Afric was by them. And yet this is not all. This was the bloodshed of the persecutors by wars: but God shewed his justice in a more especial manner, recompensing them with persecution for <40r> persecution. Of the barbarian invaders though all notably plagued the Romans by wars, yet all did not persecute them much for religion. The Ostrogoths persecuted not at all, the Visigoths not till the reign Evarix, & then only by d[111] interdicting successors to be created to such Bishops as died. which interdiction ceased with his reign. Something too the Suevians in Spain might do, but all these put together were but fleabiting to what the Vandals did: for the manifestation of which I need only refer you to Victor's History intitled De Persecutione Wandalica: where though it seems to me that the Author hath corrupted the truth with some fabulous circumstances after the manner of the Monks or rather taken up stories as the Monks & other hypocrytical knaves had corruptedly infused them into his credulous party, yet I think the substance of his history in general need not be questioned. For though he hath set of the sufferers of his party not only with the titles of Martyrs & Confessors, but with several strange relations of Miracles & other fucuses of story, yet seeing he wrote of his own times he could not have done that plausibly if divers of his own party had not suffered some by various torments others by death, & that in a persecution of their religion, though scarce for the confession of their faith alone without some other supervening actions or language which the Vandals would not bear with.

The whole fifty year's reign of Geiseric was but one continual lash: in so much that some of that party have not stuck to call him Antichrist. To the several banishments of their Priests & other afflictions of that Church in his reign, Victor adds: Sed etiam martyria quamplurima esse probantur, Confessorum autem ingens & plurima multitudo ex quibus aliqua narrare tentabo &c. ✝ < insertion from f 35v > ✝ But yet I must confess I take all this to have been a persecution for ill manners rather then for religion, seing he prohibited not the exercise of their religion by any Law. He was indeed a very cruel Tyrant, & would brook no affronts, & the Affricans were insolent enough to provoke him: whence all might happen that Victor relates, without a persecution of religion. Salvian acquits him for the first 20 years of his reign, & this passage of Victor (lib 1) seems to me to acquit him in generall. Diversæ calumniæ non deerant quotidiè etiam illis Sacerdotibus qui in his regionibus versabantur, quæ regiones palatio tributa pendebant, et si forsitan quispiam ut movis est dum Dei populum admoneret Pharaonem, Nabuchadonosor, Holofernem aut aliquem similem nominasset, objiciebatur illi quod in personam regis ista dixisset, & statim exilio tradebatur Hoc enim persecutionis genus agebatur hic apertè, alibi occultè ut piorum nomen talibus insidijs interiret. Qua de re plurimos Sacerdotum tunc novimus relegatos &c. This coming from the mouth of so partial a writer as Victor, shews the insolence & perversnes of the Africans, & excuses the Vandals. ffor had there been any persecution of religion there would have been no need to seek for other crimes.

But what ever the Africans suffered for, it's plain they suffered for such things as they put upon the score of religion, & accounted a restraint thereof & so these suffer <40v> ings may be recconed a just requital of their persecuting.

This was in the 37 years reign of Geiseric. But in his Son Hunnerrick's reign they suffered much more for the time. He at first - < text from f 40r resumes > / But the persecution of his successor Huneric though shorter was more violent for the time. He at first called home their Priests which Geiseric had banished, & gave all liberty to the exercise of their religion: but this respite only put them into the capacity of greater affliction: which began thus. First he purged his Court & Army of Homoüsians afterwards spoiling those he found there (on what further motive I know not) of their estates & banishing them into Sicly & Sardinia. Then he caused their sacred Virgins or Nuns to be gathered together & searched by Midwives, & for unchastity hung up with great weights tyed to their feet, & burnt with red hot iron plates applyed to their backs bellies paps & sides, & in their torments thus urged to confess their defilers: Dicite quomodo episcopi vobiscum concumbunt & clerici vestri. By which <41r> torments many died & the rest were made crook't. This was very severe but I wonder not much at the numbers that suffered when I consider what Salvian has written of the Extreme & universal unchastnes of the Africans where the Vandals cured it not by causing marriage, seing prohibition without grace does but inflame the desire.

Vpon this followed the banishment of almost five thousand Bishops Priests Deacons & Monks at once into a Desart. What crime the Vandals charged them with to select them out from the rest Victor conceals. Their faith alone it could not be, the persecution for that beginning afterwards. And therefore following upon the examination of the defiled Nuns I cannot but suspect it was chiefly if not solely the result of their confession. The old men among them were once young enough, & though Victor minces the matter, yet he tells us the Vandals examined the Nuns to find occasion of animadverting upon the Clergy, & amidst so many defiled ones tortured to confess it's impossible but confessions must be made. And why not (some at least) true as well as fals? Yet all are saints with Victor. Not an ill confession, not a stein to his church: not a crime particularly acknowledged in his own party in all his history, Nothing there but Saints, Not a punishment be it for what it will but makes a martyr or a Confessor if inflicted by a Vandal, & it shal go hard too if his saintship be not recommended by a miracle or two. And yet out of Salvian we learn that the Africans even before this time were become the most abominably dissolute & wicked sort of people in all the extremely wicked Empire, being almost without exception given to Lechery, lying, deceit, violence, insolence, pride malice, injustice &c. crimes sufficient to minister occasion to the sufferings of Victor's martyrs, & most likely to do so; for when the Vandals had a mind to be severe it's not likely that they would shut their eyes at the committers of such vices & punish only the innocent.

But to proceed: After the banishment of these, the King summoned all the rest of the Clergy to Carthage to dispute with his Bishops about their faith & prove it out of scripture: & accordingly there came together the Bishops of all Afric & divers Islands. Where cavilling about superiority & the language they should dispute in, & urging to have the multitude brought in, & making tumultuous clamors, the King commanded them as movers of sedition & decliners of the dispute to be beaten & banished some into Corsica to hew wood, & others into other places: & then issued forth an Edict <42r> for putting the Roman persecuting laws in force against the Africans, particularly those for prohibiting their worship by confiscations & mulcts, banishing them from all cities & towns, prohibiting them to give or receive any thing or to make or inherit wills under set penalties, injoyning their books to be burnt, & laying a penalty of proscription & death upon the judges which favoured the accused, &c. And then sent forth ministers into all parts of his kingdom to put this edict in execution: whence sprang the African afflictions so much insisted on by Victor, as he thus mentions in short. Addidit, saith he, Bestia illa sanguinem sitiens innocentum, Episcopis necdum adhuc in Exilium directis, per universas Africanæ terræ Provincias uno tempore tortores crudelissimos destinari: ut nulla remansisset domus et locus ubi non fuisset ejulatus et luctus, ut nulli ætati, nulli parceretur sexui nisi illis qui eorum succumberent voluntati. Hos fustibus, illos suspendio alios ignibus concremabant.

In the edict it self which caused all this there is no sanguinary punishment besides that of remiss Iudges. But yet the forcible dissolving of Conventicles, expelling the people from cities & towns, interdicting commerce whereby the expeld might procure things necessary for life, proceeding with those as rebels who made resistence or were taken in any Conventicle or company where resistence was made, using imprisonment or other violence to extort such pecuniary mulcts as the accused could not or would not pay, & animadverting upon such as any other way crost their laws or humor, though it was but in giving saucy deriding language, which they might think religious gallantry (as Lucifer Cal. did his revilling Constantius) but Conquerors use not to brook in a Conquerd people: these I say & such like causes might procure the stripes & deaths of many; especially since the Africans were a people so highly stuborn & difficult to be broken (as you may learn by the history of the Donatists,) & the Vandals were by nature as fierce & cruel as they were stubborn & insolent. And I am apt to think the bloodines of the Persecution <43r> sprang from no other causes seing Victor could produce no law for shedding their blood or tormenting them for their religion. For instance where Victor relates this story: In Typasensi verò quod gestum est Mauritaniæ majoris civitate, ad laudem Dei insinuare festinemus. Dum suæ civitati Arrianum Episcopum ex Notario Cyrilæ ad perdendas animas ordinatum vidissent: omnis simul civitas evectione navali de proximo confugit, relictis paucissimis qui aditum non invenerant navigandi: Quos Arrianorum Episcopus primo blandimentis postea minis compellere cœpit ut eos faceret Arianos. Sed fortes in domino non solum suadentis insaniam irriserunt, verum etiam publicè mysteria divina in domo una congregati celebrare cœperunt. Quod ille congnoscens, relationem occultè Carthaginem adversus eos direxit. Quæ cum regi innotuisset, Comitem quendam cum iracundia dirigens, præcepit ut in medio foro congregata illuc omni provincia linguas eis & manus dextras radicitus abscinderet: the cutting off these members may well make one think they had used them to some ill purposes: their tongues (as Victor confesses) to deride, & that probably after such a manner that the Vandals might account it blasphemy; & their hands to handle weapons, I guess to resist the new Bishops taking possession, ffor the flight of the rest to the ship & that in such hast as to leave these their partners behind them, whence should it proceed but from their being beaten.

In short; if the throwing out Athanasius caused that incredible sedition in Alexandria which partly in the tumult partly in the following executions of the rebels procured the death & punishment of so many celebrated by Athanasius for martyrs well might the putting Huneric's edict in execution all over Afric minister substance enough for Victor's martyrology had he been much more profuse then he is: so that the extreme affliction of Afric thereby I think is not to be doubted.

And yet as if this was not enough, he concludes his Martyrology with the relation of such a famin in the time of this persecution as I never read of: which concurring to fulfil God's giving them blood to drink, I shal not stick to describe it here together with Victor's

<36r>

bitter lamentation for the desolation of his Church; with which he concludes his history. Ea, inquit, tempestate facta est incredibilis fames & cœpit Africam totam una depopulatione vastare. Nullus tunc adfuit imber, nulla prorsus gutta de cœlo profluxit.

Tristia fuere tetraque omnia ut par pestilentiæ clades Africam confunderet omnem. Non hominibus non jumentis germinates herbas ediderat tellus: omninò virores arnerant. <37r> Dudum currentium impetu præcipiti alvei fluminum fontiumque crispantes perennitate subtracta pariter siccaverant venæ. Oves & boves universi insuper & pecora campi, simulque bestiæ sylvarum, inedia consumente nusquam penitus visebantur. Nullum gestum est illo tempore commercium: nullum cespitem terræ juvencis trahentibus scindens vertit avatrum, quia nec boves suberant, nec castra omninò remanserant. Sed et rusticorum manus alia interierat, & subinde quæ forte supererat jam sepulturam quærebat. Et quia urgente famis incommoditate, neque commercia, ut fati sumus consuetudini, neque cultura reddebatur debita terris, juvenum, senum, adolescentium atque adulescentularum, puerorum vel etiam puellarum agmina simul et funera, ubi potuerant, quomodo potuerant passim diffundebantur, circumeuntes oppida, vicos vel singulas urbes. - Alij diffusi per campos, alij sylvarum secreta petebant, antiquas radices herbarum vel quis quilias alias requirentes. Nonnulli cùm domo niteventur egredi in ipso limine corruentes catervatim fame debellante cadebant. Stratæ verò vel semitæ cadaveribus repletæ, exhalantium fætore mortuorum gradientes vivos omni ex parte necabant. Nec deerant quotidiè ubique expirantium funera, & non fuerat virtus quæ miserationis impenderat sepulturam. Neque enim sufficiebant ad sepeliendum vivi fame dominante & ipsi post paululum morituri. Cupiebant singuli libertatem suam filiorumque suorum perpetuæ servituti redigere & non poterant invenire. Montes et colles plateæ civitatum viæ vel semitæ unum omnibus fuerant ubique sepulchrum. - Nullus filium, nullus conjugem, nullus proprium tenuit servum, sed exiens unusquisque non ubi voluit sed ubi valuit, aut statim defecit aut nunquam omninò redivit. Vrgebatur infelix multitudo ad ipsam se urbem Cathaginem congregare. Et dum illuc catervatim adhuc cadavera confluerent, ubi Rex inferendarum mortium vidit strages, pelli urbe omnes illicò jubet ne contagio deficientium commune pararet etiam exercitui ejus sepulchrum. Suis ergo Provincijs & domibus singulos imperat revocari sed nec erat qui reverteretur, dum utique sepulturam suam in vultu portaret. - In tantum sibi devastans vindicavit fames dominium, ut locas nonnulla & admodum populosa habitatoribus extinctis, alto nunc silentio parietibus solis extantibus <38r> conquiescant. Sed quid ego jamjam immovor in hoc quod explicare non queo? Nam si nunc superessent, vel eis fari de talibus rebus licuisset, & Tullianæ eloquentiæ fluvius siccaretur, & Salustius elinguis omnimodis remaneret. Et ut alienos indignos rei tantæ præteream, si Cæsariensis surgeret Eusebius ad hoc opus idoneus, aut ejus translator græcæ facundiæ, latinisque floribus Rufinus ornatus. Et quid multa ? Ambrosius, non Hieronymus neque ipse noster sufficeret Augustinus. Audite hæc omnes, auribus percipite omnes qui habitatis orbem, quique terrigenæ & filij hominum simul in unum dives et pauper. Nonnulli qui Barbaros diligitis & eos in condemnationem vestram aliquando laudatis, discutite nomen & intelligite mores. Nunquid alio proprio nomine vocitari poterant, nisi ut Barbari dicerentur, ferocitatis utique crudelitatis & terroris vocabulum possidentes? Quos quantiscunque muneribus foveris, quantiscunque delineris obsequijs, illi aliud nesciunt nisi invidere Romanis, & quantum ad eorum attinet voluntatem, semper cupiunt splendorem et genus Romani nominis ne bulare, nec ullum Romanorum omninò desiderant vivere. - Si disputatio necessaria fuerat Episcopalis, quare suspendia quare ignes, quare ungulæ simul et cruces? quare Arianorum serpentina proles contra innocentes genera talia tormentorum invenit qualia nec ipse Mezentius exquisivit? Dimicavit contra innocentiam cupiditas furoris & avarita crudelitatis ut et animas perderet & substantiam harpagaret. Si collatio desiderabatur quare rapinæ rerum alienarum non tantum sacerdotum verùm etiam omnium laicorum. - Assit jam quæso omnis ætas omnis sexus omnisque conditio. Assit obsecro omnis turba Catholici nominis quæ gremio materno toto orbe gestatur. - Conveniant simul ad domum nostri doloris, & paribus oculis fundamus flumina lachrymarum quia causæ & fidei nostræ unum est negotium. - Adveniant omnes qui mecum angustæ viæ carpunt iter & propter verba labiorum dei vias custodiunt duras & videant si est dolor sicut dolor meus. Quoniam vindemiata sum in die furoris domini, aperuerunt super me os suum omnes inimici mei, si- <39r> bularunt et fremuerant dentibus, dinerunt devoravimus eam. En ista est dies quam expectavimus, invenimus vidimus. Adestote Angeli Dei mei, qui nunquam deestis constitui in ministerio vestro propter eos qui hæreditatem capessuri sunt æternæ salutis, & videte Africam totam dudum tantarum ecclesiarum cuneis fultam nunc ab omnibus desolatam, tantis ordinibus sacerdotum ornatam modò sedentem viduum & abjectam. Sacerdotes ejus & seniores in desertis locis & insulis defecerunt quærendo sibi escas ad manducandum & non inveniunt. Considerate et videte quia Sion civitas Dei nostri facta est vilis, facta est quasi polluta menstruis inter inimicos suos. Manum suam misit hostis ad omnia desiderabilia ejus, quia vidit gentes invadere & ingredi atria sua de quibus præcepera ne introvent ecclesiam tuam. Viæ ejus lugent, eo quod nemo veniat in die festo. Egressus est a facie ejus omnis decor & deliciæ didicerunt vias asperas ambulare. Virgines et juvenes in aulis educati Monasteriorum abierunt in captivitatem Maurorum, dum lapides sancti ejus Disperguntur non tantum in capitibus omnium platearum, sed etiam in locis squalidis metallorum. Dicite Deo nostro susceptori, & habentes fiduciam supplicandi, quoniam tribulatur et venter ejus turbatus est a fletu ejus, quia sedit inter gentes & requiem non invenit, nec est qui consoletur eam. &c

Thus you see how largely God recompensed the Africans with persecution for persecution & desolation for desolation: in which retribution there is this very observable circumstance that it was done by putting in force against the Romans those very laws of their own by which they had laid desolate the true Church: the Vandals professing that they retorted the Roman laws upon them by way of just retribution. For Huneric in his edict by which this persecution was acted, having repeated some evil behaviour of the clergy subjoyns: Adeò in hos est necessarium ac justissimum retorquere quod ipsarum legum continentiâ demonstratur, quas inductis secum in errorem Imperatoribus diversis tunc contigit promulgari: & then proceeds to repeat & put in force the Roman laws against them, which is the summ of his edict. This so {illeg} expres a retribu <44r> tion I could not but note because it suits so signally with the saying of the Angels celebrating God's just retribution: Thou art righteous, O Lord, which wast & art & shalt be, because thou hast judged thus &c.

After Huneric's death, Gundabund his successor a[115] recalled the banished Bishops, b[116] but within two or three years renewed the persecution, & so the next King Thrasamund c[117] was at first indulgent but afterward persecuted for about 19 or 20 years together: God permitting the restaurations of the Roman African Church, as it were, that they might by iterated persecutions suffer o're & o're what they inflicted once upon the true Church.

<45r>

The fourth Trumpet

The last blast of the third wind, we may reccon to be that notable war wherein the Vandalic kingdom was overthrown by Bellisarius; which happened in the years 533 & 534. And this directs us to the fourth wind, that famous Ostrogothic war which began the next year. The main seat thereof was Venetia & Lombardy & the other regions between Rome & the Alps, besides some actions in Illyricum & perhaps in Now these regions were northward northward of Rome which is the proper quarter of this wind: And therefore this must be the war intended by this wind becaus the first & most signall durable war (between the Romans & Barbarians) whose main seat was in that quarter. ffor first this war continued for 18 years with the Goths & that with very notable violence; & then their kingdom being ruined, the Lombards invaded Italy & succeed both in the Gothic Dominions & quarrel, but become a more fierce & lasting enemy: the war with them from their first entrance a[119] lasting 36 years together almost without intermission. The history of these wars with their sad effects you may see at large in Procopius Iornandes de Regn. Sucess. Paulus Diaconus, Sigonius de Occidentali Imperio Annales Boiorum & others.

In the former Trumpet you had the fall of the Western Cæsar, but this proceeds yet higher even to the darkning of the sun Moon & Stars, that is to the utter extinction of the remaining light of the western Empire. ffor the understanding of which you are to know that the Empire was fundamentally seated, not in the dominion of the Emperor but in that of the city of Rome. It was an Empire before <46r> <48r> the race of Emperors began, & might have continued so long after their fall could the City but have recovered its pristine extent of dominion.

But though it could not recover that greatness yet it continued for some time after the fall of the Cæsars to shine considerably. The Consulship Odoacer indeed at first took away in anger, but after two years restored it & conserved it to the end of his reign; & then Theodoric King of the Ostrogoths being sent by Zenon the Greek Emperor against Odoacer & having conquered & slain him besides Dalmatia & Rhætia which were Odoacer's Provinces he added Sicily to his dominions & he freed Italy with the rest of his Kingdom from the incursions of the Vandals & setled it in peace ⓐ < insertion from f 45v > ⓐ So far was the dominion of Italy restored by his coming that Ennodius in his Panegyric to him saith: Interea ad limitem suum Romana Regna remearunt. He repaired also the Walls &c - < text from f 48r resumes > & ⓑ < insertion from f 45v > ⓑ Per Theudericum dignitas urbis Romæ non parva est restituta, muros enim ejus iste redintegravit, ob quam causam a Senatu instauratam statuam meruit. Isidorus in Chron. Patricio et Hypatio Coss: Rex Theodoricus Romam cunctorum votis expetitus advenit, et senatum suum mira affabilitate tractans, Romanæ plebis donavit annonas, atque admirandis manibus, deputata per annos singulos maxima pecuniæ quantitate, subvenit sub cujus felici Imperio plurimæ renovantur urbes, munitissima castella conduntur, consurgunt admiranda palatia; magnisque ejus operibus antiqua miracula superantur. Cassiodorus in Chron. Symbol (circle with a cross to the right of it) in text < insertion from lower down f 45v > [Symbol (circle with a cross to the right of it) in text Erat Theodericus fama quidem Tyrannus, re tamen præ se veri specimen Imperatoris ferebat, ut qui vel eorum qui a principio ea in dignitate probatiores fuissent, nemini inferior fuerit: et Gothos item ac Italos pari quadam ac summa benevolentia suapte humanitate prosequebatur, ita ut omnes (quod utique difficillimum est) ejus Imperium oblectaret. Procop. De Bello Gottico lib 1. Idem Procopius Gothos et Belisarium sic inducit colloquentes. -] < text from f 45v resumes > Idem Procopius Gothos et Belisarium sic inducit colloquentes. Gothi: Zenon Theodoricum Bizantium obsessurum suadebat, ut ex Odoacre pœnas ob injuriam Augustulo Imp. illotam exigeret, hunc igiter in modum nos Italiæ suscepto Imperio leges simul et Rempublicam salvas non minùs reddidimus quàm superiorum alius quisquam Imperatorum. - Romanorum sacraria eo in honore sunt apud nos habita ut a nullo nostratium hominum sit, qui ad ea confugerit, violatus. Omnibus præterea urbanis antehac magistratibus Romani perfungebantur, Gothus vir nemo eorum particeps factus: vel procedat in medium qui profari nos ista non vere existimet: addat et Consularem quispiam dignitatem, qua etsi Gothi ab Orientis Imperatore donati Romanis tamen perfungi liberè permiserunt. Ad hæc Belisarius: Zenon quidem Imperator in Italiam Theodoricum transmisit Odoacro ut bellum inferret non sibi ut hujus Imperium vindicaret, (quid enim a Tyranno Tyrannus differt) sed ut ea Provincia a se liberata Imperanti sibi subjiceretur. Procop de Bello Got. Lib 2. Theodericum magistrum militum & Consulem Romanum Zenon Imperatore Italia donavit, Senatum populumque Romanum ei commendans. Iornandes in Geticis & de Regn. Success. Evagrius Historicus Theodericum & Athalaricum vocat Administratores occiden talis Imperij. Alij Imperium Occidentale ad Gothos translatum dicunt. &c. De hic vide plura apud Sigonium aliosque. < text from f 48r resumes > repaired the walls of Rome & some other buildings with a great summ of money given for that purpose, & changed no custome but retained the Senate, Consuls, Patricij, Prætors, Quæstors, Præfect of the City, masters of the hors & foot & other offices which had been in the time of the Emperors, & assigned them only to those of the Roman nation, as did also the succeeding Ostrogothic Kings Athalaric & Theodatus. Thus Rome flourished under the Goths after the same manner as formerly under her own Emperors, as if she had changed nothing but the title of her Emperors to that of Kings And together with Rome Ravenna & divers other cities were repaired & restored to their pristine lustre, so that Italy seemed in a state as peacefull & prosperous as in the reign of some of their best Emperors:

In this degree the western light continued to shine till the sounding of the 4th Trumpet, but then was quite put out. ffor Rome, being first seized by the Goths, was betrayed to Bellisarius, in the end of the 2d year of the war, & from ffeb or March following for above a year together straitly beseiged by the Goths with an Army which at first consisted of whereby B which siege her dignities being reduced to titular shaddows the Consulship after five years more (viz. A.C. 542) expired < insertion from above the line > excepting that the Emperor b[122]Iustin , to please the Italians & declare his soveraignty over the west, took upon them the title of Consul for the two or three first years of his reign < text from f 48r resumes > Symbol (circle in a square with lines from the corners to the circle) in text < insertion from f 46v > Symbol (circle in a square with lines from the corners to the circle) in text - Consulship after 5 years more (viz A.C. 542 expired. Afterwards the city was again besieged & taken by Totila & for a time made destitute of all her inhabitants, & a third part of her walls demolished, & then recovered by Belisarius & again taken by Totila & retaken by Narses After this when Iustin came to the Empire, he to caress the Italians & together assert his dominion over them, took upon him the title of Consul for his two or three first years making a show as if he would restore the ruined dignities of Rome, but then the Lombards immediately invaded & wasted all Italy much more then the Goths had done, & again besieged Rome in the time of their 30 Tyrants A.C. 577. And partly by these desolations but {chiefly} by storms & fiery Meteors the City was so wasted that < text from f 48r resumes > After- <49r> this siege the City was again twice beseiged & taken as oft by Totila, & g[123] the first there made destitute of all her inhabitants & a third part of the walls demolished. And after all these slaughters & desolations, being retaken by Narses, it was besieged again by the a[124] Lombards in the time of their 30 Tyrants, A.C. 577 . And partly by these destructions but chiefly by storms & fiery meteors the city was so wasted that ever since it hath scarce been the 10th part of what it was before, & that too for the most part without the compass of its former foundation.

Thus was the Imperial City, which formerly shone gloriously with her Consuls Senate & other dignities reduced into darkness being made a heap of ruins & deprived of her magistracy, & from being Queen of the world degraded to I know not what ignoble Dukedome, & compel'd to serve under Ravenna which formerly served under her, & (O darkness!) even to pay tribute to the Exarchs presiding there. This was the conclusion of this great Empire. ✝ < insertion from f 48v > ✝ This was the conclusion of this great Empire: concerning which I cannot but note that it was accomplished by the direst desolations that (I believe) ever nation felt, God reserving his most grievous scourge for the fountain of Apostacy & the most grievous part of that scourge for the last place to try the utmost before he would give over an incorrigible insensible people. For all former desolations seem to be equald if not outdone by the Gothic (they & the Greeks both wasting Italy as the country of the enemy) & yet those desolations, & those were very manifestly outdone by the Lombardic.

A little before the Lombardic invasion there came a revelation to one Redemptus a Bishop in these words. Finis venit universæ carnis. Finis venit universæ carnis. Finis venit universæ carnis. which Gregory the great understanding of the end of the world made this comment upon it. Post illam Prophetiam d[125] mox illa terribilia in cœlum signa secuta sunt, ut hastæ atque acies igneæ ab Aquilonis parte viderentur. Mox effera Longobardorum gens de vagina suæ habitationis educta in nostram cervicem grassata est; atque humanum genus quod in hac terra præ nimiâ multitudine quasi spissæ segetis more surrexerat, a[126] succisum aruit. Nam depopulatæ urbes, eversa castra, concrematæ Ecclesiæ, destructa monasteria virorum & feminarum, desolata ab hominibus prædia atque ab omni cultore destituta in solitudine vacat terra, nullus hanc possessor inhabitat occuparunt bestiæ loca quæ prius multitudo hominum tenebat. Et quid in alijs mundi partibus agitur ignoro. Nam in hac terra in qua nos vivimus finem suum non nunciat sed ostendit. Vpon which place of Gregory Baronius writes thus e. [127]At nequis putet mendax fuisse Oraculum de fine universæ carne prædictum: sciant his verbis non seculi consummationem significatam sed gentis Italicæ cladem: sicut olim Deum per suum Prophetam comminatum fuisse constat ubi ait f [128] Hæc dicit dominus deus terræ Israel. Finis venit: Venit finis super quatuor plagas terræ: Nunc finis super te &c. Sicut ergo finem universæ carnis minitante Propheta non mundi est demonstratus interitus sed imminentes tantum clades præfiguratæ fuere, ita pariter eadem quæ prædicta sunt Redempto accipienda erunt. Certe quidem finis quodammodo tunc dici potuit advenisse Romani Occidentalis Imperij cum Longobardi Italiam invadentes rerum potiti sunt. Etenim post paucos Hexarchos Constantinopoli ab Imperatoribus in Italiam misos qui Ravennæ considere consuevere, ijsdem diu prævalentibus Longobardus, Occidentis Imperium penitus collapsum <49v> est neque usque ad Carolum magnum restitutum, ut tamen in Gallias fuerit ipsum translatum. Sane quidem quàm durissima foret Longobardorum adventu grassatio ejusmodi factis divinitus vaticinijs præsignata potest intelligi, quibus mundi ipsiu interritus fuit creditus significari. Quid autem passa sit Longobardis Italia vele hoc uno collige argumento: Si teste Procopio cùm ijdem amici essent Imperatoris & laboranti. Italiæ bello Gothico in auxilium Longobardi venitentes longe deteriora hostibus perpetrarunt, ut opus fuerit eos dimittere: quid ab ijsdem factum potest existimari cum jam hostes redditi hostili animo Italiam invaserunt Sane quidem adeò immensa ubique increbuere sub ipsis mala ut non leves quæque personæ sed ipse Gregorius Papa existimarit jam instare novissimum dicem quo universi orbis conflagrato immineret.

After this I know not what can be well said more: & yet out of the manifold lamentations of the same Gregory I shall trouble you with one more where speaking to the people he thus breaks forth. [129]Destructæ urbes, eversa sunt castra, depopulati agri in sollitudinem terra redacta est: Nullus in agris incola pene nullus in urbibus habitator remansit, & tamen ipsæ parvæ generis humani reliquiæ adhuc quotidie & sine cessatione feriuntur & finem non habent flagella cœlestis justitiæ. Ipsa autem quæ aliquando mundi domina esse videbatur qualis remansit Roma conspicimus, innumeris doloribus multipliciter attrita desolatione civium impressione hostium frequentia ruinarum. - Ecce jam de illa omnes hujus seculi potentes ablati sunt - Ecce populi defecerunt - Vbi enim Senatus? ubi jam populus? contabuerunt ossa consumptæ sunt carnes, omnis enim secularium dignitatum ordo extinctus est et tamen ipsos nos paucos qui remansimus adhuc quotidiè gladij adhuc quotidie innumeræ tribulationes premunt - Vacua jam ardet Roma. Quid autem iste de hominibus dicimus. Cum ruinis crebrescentibus ipsa quoque destrui ædificia videmus: postquedefecerunt homines etiam d[130] pariates cadunt. Iam ecce desolata, ecce contrita, ecce gemitibus oppressa est &c - Hanc autem quæ de Romanæ Vrbis contritione dicimus, in cunctis facta mundi civitatibus scimus, alia enim loca desolata sunt, alia gladio consumpta, alia fame cruciata, alia terræ hiatibus absorpta. Despiciamus ergo ex toto animo <47r> animo hoc præsens seculum vel extinctum. Greg. in Ezek. Hom 18.

Of the wars in other places which Gregory here touches upon, those made by the Huns invading Illyricumoccidentale & orientale & Thrace (regions situate to the North east of Rome as the seat of the Lombardic wars inclined to the northwest) were the most grievous & lasting. They continued from the year 539 to the yeare 558 & upward with notable violence, & soon after brake forth again. And these with what others there were at this time within the Roman world, may be in general referred to this Trumpet, but the first place must be allowed to the Lombardic as the direst wars & those by which the effect of this Trumpet, that is the extinction of the western Empire, was accomplished.

Now whereas this is exprest by darking the 3d part of the sun moon & stars - < text from f 49r resumes > Now whereas this is exprest by the darkning of the third part of the sun Moon & Stars; by the Sun & Moon you may understand the Greek Emperor & Empress & by the third part of their light the third part of their dominions, that is the western Empire, the right of which by the ceasing of its own Emperors devolved upon the Greek Emperor & was accordingly claimed by him before & in his wars with the Vandals Goths & Lombards, & for a time recovered And so by the stars are to be understood the subordinate Magistrates in the whole Empire, & by the third part of them the magistrates of the third part, that is the Consuls Senators <50r> & other dignities of Rome by which as stars this Empire had irradiated & influenced the world. ✝ < insertion from f 47r > ✝ And lastly by the expression that the day shone not for a third part of it & the night likewise we are to understand the duration of the darkness of the third part of the Sun Moon & Stars that is of the obscure state or Eclips of the Western Empire: interpreting day & night of one & the same time of obscurity called day in respect of the Sun & night in respect of the Moon & Stars. For here the Sun moon & stars shine not alternatly, as in nature, to constitute successive days & nights, but shine altogether & are darkned altogether. Now of the western day & night wherof the darkness was a third part, the beginning must be at the beginning of the reign of the Beast that was & is not A.C. 395 because he is the eighth King or head, the subject of this Prophesy of the Trumpets, beginning & ending together with them; & tis his day & night that is darknes. Also the end of that day & night (so much of it as was darkned, so a third part) must be at the end of the darknes, not sooner becaus the darknes is a part of it (viz: the third part,), nor later becaus that is the latest time of which the Prophesy has hitherto taken a view, & if it should extend further it would be to us indefinite. The end of darknes I put in the a[131] year 607 when the Bishop of Rome obteined the universall Bishopric by the grant of the Emperor Phocas: Not sooner becaus the Lombardic wars continuing till the year 603 left Rome & Italy in the lowest <47v> degree of obscurity, nor later becaus Rome by that concession of Focas began again to be Empress of the world & to irradiate the whole west by that hermaphroditic Luminary the Pope & by those stars the Cardinalls with the rest of his Court, which from that time brake forth more & more out of the cloud till they outshone all other temporal potentates. Moreover the beginning of the darknes I reccon at the beginning of the siege of Rome which was in March in the third year of the Gothic war a[132] A.C. 537 for then the western dignities which after a few years more were annihilated began to be manifestly obscured. In the first year the war proceeded no farther then Dalmatia & Sicily, in the 2d it entred Italy, but approached not Rome till & that siege began which continued a year & 9 days, & was so sharp that in the time thereof the Goths & Romans had no less then b[133] threescore & nine conflicts. besides several other less skirmishes.

Suppsoing therefore the desolation of Rome between the fall of the Temporal & rise of the Spiritual Empire to be the time of darkness, & the ascention of the beast out of the bottomless pit to be the begining of day & night: the length of the whole day & night will be more then 212 & less then 213 years & the third part thereof less then 71 years, & the length of darkness will be 70 years complete & some part perhaps of the next. The day & night therefore shone not for the third part thereof as was to be explained.

And this makes good also the prophesy of the 70 ears desolation of Tyre, which as we proved in Symbol (3 squares each containing an X) in text < text from f 50r resumes > Symbol (3 squares each containing an X) in text proved in Posit       was to be a 70 year's desolation of the Imperial City between the fall of the temporall & rise of the Spiritual Empire, & to happen in the time of the 4th Trumpet & be about the length thereof: all which being here so punctually fulfilled & applicable to no other time, is a most certain character of the right application of this Trumpet. And thus much concerning this Trumpet-

And thus much concerning this Trumpet: the application of which is notably confirmed by the correspondent Vial. The tenour of this is that it was poured upon the Sun & power was given him to scorch men with fire & men were scorched with great heat & blasphemed God &c, that is,[135] that the pouring out of this Vial was an incitement of the supreme terrestrial potentate to torment men with war & men were tormented with vehement war & blasphemed God. And thus it happened. ffor the Greek Emperor (the supreme terrestrial potentate) was the cause of the wars of this Trumpet by sending his armies into Italy in pursuance of his claim to those regions. The a[136] Gothic King laboured by all means for peace, causing the Senate to mediate for it & the Bishop of Rome himself to go Embassador to the Emperor on the same account & promising to acknowledg his a[137] crown held of the Emperor, & that in his dominions the Emperor should have equall honour with himself, as by c[138] stamping both their images together on his coyn & by the people's naming the Emperor always together with him & before him in public acclamations &c. But nothing would satisfy but the extirpation of the Gothic Kingdom & for that end the imbroyling Italy in these wars.[139]

< insertion from f 47v >

And thus much concerning ----- in these wars

I have now done with the wars of the 4 first Trumpets, the winds which blew upon the Empire till they had consumed it & together with frequent pestilences, famins, Earthquakes Tempests fiery meteors & other calamities were one continuall consumption of men & cities for above two hundred years together, leaving the Roman world barbarous & thin which they found flourishing in learning & so thick peopled that the northern nations were forced to disburthen themselves upon their neighbours for want of room. These 4 Trumpets relating therefore to the same subject were not unfitly connected with one another & distinguisht from the next which introduces a new scene of things.

< text from f 50r resumes > <50v>

a. Phocas Imp. cœpit Novemb 23 A.C. 602 ut Petavius in Rationario Temp. & notis ad Nicephori Breviarium, ex Chron: Alexandr. Theophane, Paulo Diac. Zonara, Cedreno alijsque probavit. Et Gregorius magnus obijt anno secundo Phocatis (P. Diac. Anastasius, Regino, Marianus Scotus, Hermannus Contractus, Vincentius in spec Histr. Cameracenas &c.) Mart 12 (Anastas. Marian: Scot. Platina, a[140] Martinus chron M.S. Onufrius &c) & vacat sedes mens 5 dies 18 (Anastas: Platina, Martinus Onuphrius.) Tunc sedet Sabinianus An 1. mens 5, dies 9 (Anastasius, Hermannus, Platina, Author ffasciculi Temp. Onuphrius) vel An 1 mens 10 adjuncta præcedente vacatione (Marian. Scot.) Obit autem Feb. 22 (Anastasius,) vel 11 Cal. Mart: hoc est Feb 18 (Marian Scot) vel Feb 24 Indic 10 (Cameracenas.) & vacat sedes mens. 11 dies 26 (Anastas. Platina, Onuphrius) Dein Bonifacius 3 electus anno quinto Phocatis (Marian. Onufr.) sedet menses 8 dies 28 (Anastasius, Hermannus, Martinus Fascic: Temp. Platina) & obit Novemb 12 (Anastas.) vel 3 Id. Decemb (Marian: Sc. Cameracenas.) Patet igiter totum Papatum Bonifacij incidisse in annum 607 inter Feb 18 & Novemb 12 circiter.

Tempus obitus Gregorij, Baronius e veteribus monumentis stabilivit, cæterisque hic allatis numeris, (præsretim Anastasianis) assensum præbuit, nisi quod posuit Sabinianum sedisse tantum menses quinque & dies novem, asserens omnes tam Græcos quàm Latinos scriptores referre initium & finem ejus ad eundem annum. Sed hallucinatus est et forte per oscitantiam transtulit ad Sabinianum quæ de Bonifacio observârat.

< insertion from f 2v >

year was almost spent when they entro the Emp. so they could not proceed far before the next spring but only send bef the a rumour of their coming.

The irruption of the Ausurians In the next year A.C. 396 began the incursion of the Ausurians into Lybia for Synesius in the inscription to his Catastasis puts it, Ηγεμ Γενναδwhen Gennadius was Augustal Præfect, Ἡγεμονεύοντος , & this happend A.C. 396 as is manifest out of 14 Cod. Theodos: Tit 27 lex 1 de Alexandr. pleb. Primat. Synesius also in his 130th Ep. , laments much the invasion newly broke forth, which Epistle (as Got. well conjectures) was written to Symplicius when Mr of the hors; that is AC 396 as is manifest out of 8 Cod. Theod. Tit 5. Lex 56 De cursu publico & 6 Cod. Theod. Tit 4 L 28 de Prætoribus. Hence it is manifest that the desolation of Pentapolis so much lamented by Synesius in his Catastasis happened AC 402: & the intermediate actions which he describes between the Barbarians & Roman soldiers agree well to an edict of Arcadius dated Theodoro V.C. Cons. 1 i.e. A.C. 399 which begins thus Saturianorum

The commotion of Gildo in Afric as Claudin informs us began in Autumn Arcad 4 & Honor 3 Coss (i.e. A.C. {396}) & ended in spring A.C. 398. Quen veincus indoxit hicus Ver perculit hostem. Clad in Bello Gild. See also Marcellines Chronicle.

The commotion of Tribigildus & G was began in the year 398 Honor 4 & Eutich Coss, as Gothofred (in Chron Cod Th collects out of divers constitutions of Arcad put out this year; & in the end of the year 400 it ended, Gainas being slain in the beginning of the next year. See Marceline Chron & Chron Alexandr.

The invasion of the east by the Isauri began whilst Tribigildus was harassing Asia as is manifest out of the Place of Phil. cited above; & that in the year 399 or before: for Claudian speaking of the eastern expedition of Eutropius in his consulship this year, thus described their outrages done at that same time.

< text from f 50v resumes > < insertion from f 3v >

The next Tr. hath these 3 main characters, 1 that the wars to which it sounds are to be the next great ones which break out after those of the former Tr. & consequently the first notable war in 2nd They are to be a western wind, that is in the regions westward of Rome . 3rd during these wars a great mountain - City.

After the year 405 the wars in the regions eastward of Rome began to cease insomuch that within a year or two or at furthest A.C. 408 the Eastern empire was reduced to an universal serenity. ffor of Theod. jun. so soon as he came to the Empire |  at his first coming to the EmpireSozom. writes Thus Bella quæcunque - pepigere. And a little after: Orientis itaque - oppugnat &c Its manifest therefore that the wars of the 1st Tr. ended about the year 406 or 407, & this leads us to the beginning of the next Trumpet: namely the wars here mentioned by Sozom which at the same time or immediately after brak forth in the west. ffor the 2d Tr. hathe these 3 main characters City.

This was the serenity of the western regions in the time of the east wind till in the beginning of the year 407 [it was interrupted by that great & fatal invasion of Gallia by the northern nations which soon overspread the whole west.] the Vandalls - rapine. And therefore with this invasion we must begin the [2d Tr. or] west wind, or 2d Tr.

Again by the 2d Character we are to begin the 2d Tr with those gt wars which next succeed the wars of the first. Now the wars of the first began to cease immediately after the yr 405 insomuch - 406 or 407 at about the same time or immediately before the wars brake forth in the west, & consequently these wars as well because they are next after the wars of the former Trumpet as becaus they are in the western quarter & after the time of silence the first notable wars in that quarter after the time of silence, must be the wars of the 2d Trumpet.

Now the manner of these wars was this: first in the beginning of the year 407 & its casting down the first sacking of it for - & the first sacking of this city which is it most eminent casting down yea & the only casting down from the height of its greatnes, the following sackings being only plungings of it deeper in the sea into which it was cast before.

The same is also firmly established by the 3d character for the first saking of Rome happened in years 309 & 310 by Alaric as is famous in history. And having thus determined the time of this Tr being thus determined let us now take a view of the wars to which it sounds.

First then/ And this is confirmed by the 2d character. ffor at the breaking forth of these wars those of the first Trumpet ceased. The end of those wars we may suppose to be at the overthrow of Radagaisus & expulsion of the {Isau} A.C. 405 or at furthest at the flight of Huldin which most probably was the next year

< text from f 50v resumes > < insertion from f 4v >

<4v> et in 6 Cons Honorij. Anno proxima verno tempore vincitur ad Pollentiam χόλαζα κατε᾽ρρ῾άγη Sozom l 8. c 27.

Bella quæcunque adversus illum [Theodos: nouum Imp. conflata erant sua sponte discutiebantur. Etenim per id tempus Persæ cum ad bellum prorupissent, centum annorum inducias cum Romanis pepigere. Stilico vero - occiditur. Sozom l 9. c 4

Cum Honorius iter arrepturus esset [Constantinopolim paulo post obitum Arcadij, &c persuasit ei Stilico ut in Italia remaneret propterea quod Constantinus quidam {illeg} te Tyrannidem paulo antea invasisset.

Heu juventutem male a nobis amissam! Heu frugum a nobis frustra speratos proventus! Hostilibus flammis agros consevimus. Plærisque nostrum divitiæ in pecore erant, in arnicutis Camelorum in gregalibus Equis: periere omnia, omnia abacta. Sentio me præ dolore non esse mei compotem virum agnosce quæso: mœnibus enim septus sum, {&} obsessus hæc scribo. - Equorum ungulis pulsantur omnia omnemque late regionem hostes obtinent. Synesius Epist 130 ad Simplicium.

Vide Prudentij lib 2 adversus Symmachum.

Tentavit Geticus nuper delere tyrannus

Italiam, patrio {vinicus} juratus ab Istro

Has arces quare solo, tecta aurea flammis

Solvere, mastrugis proceres vestire togatos.

Iamque ruens, Venetos turmis protriverat agros

& Ligurum vastarat opes, & amœna profundi

Rura Padi, Thuscumque solum victo asserre premebat.

Depulit hos nimbos - equitum non pervigil aner

Sed vis cruda virum præfractaque congredientum Pectora - Dux agminis imperijque

Christipotens nobis Stilico fuit -

Illic ter denis gens exitiabilis annis

Pannoniæ pœnas tandem deleta pependit.

Corpora famosis olim ditata rapinis

In cumulos conjesta jacent: mirabere seris

Posteritas sectis inhumata cadavera latè

Quæ Pollentinos texerunt ossibus agros. Prudentius In Symmachum lib 2.

Scribit Olympiodorus apud Photium: Alaricum vivente etiamnum Stilicone, militiæ mercedem centenarios quadraginta accepisse.          Gothorum qui cum Rodogaiso erant primarios viros [οι κεφαλαιαιται] Optimatos appeallatos ait duodecim ferè millium numero. [Vide Cassiodorum & S. August l 5 c 23 de Civ. Dei].

< text from f 50v resumes > < insertion from f 5v >

Before we proceed further it will not be amis to examin the chronology of these wars that we may see how far they are included within this Trumpet |  be assured of their coming within the times of this Trumpet As for Those wars described by Philost. in his 8th chapter newly cited, the accurate chronologer Gothofredus in his comment on that place comprehends them all within the 10 years immediatly succeding the death of Theo The exact chronologer Goth. in his com. on the newly cited place of Philostorgius comprehends those there mentioned within the 10 years next after the d. of Theod.

But let us run over the particulars.

When the Isauri had long wasted the East they advanced |  overflowedinto Asia also, the news of which was brought to Const when the Emperor was consulting about repairing the ruins of the City made by fire at the banishment of Chrysostom (Zosim supra) A.C. 404 But the next year they were repulsed by Nabarnacius & forced to return home. (         )

The incursion of Huldin into Thrace A.C. 404 circiter

The expeditions of Alaric into Italy A.C. 402 Autumno & of Radagaisus into Italy a.c. 405 vel 405

The times of the incursions of Huldin into Thrace & of Al & Radag. into Italy is was from Rome & the regions on both sides of it to the utmost bounds of the east, at once as it were at the sounding of an alarm - destructive & continued in this deplorable state for 10 or 11 years together, the invaders proceeding not like generous conquero{rs} but setting themselves malitiously to lay wast all places & do what misc{hief} they could, like furies sent in by Heaven to scourge the Romans. And this fulfills the 2 first conditions of this Trumpet, viz. the type of sounding a Trumpet, & of an east wind: It remains that wee show in the next place that the

Wth this grassation of the Isauri Freculphus conjoyns another great execution done upon an army of Goths, perhaps those which Gainas invited into the Empire but more or another hand of them which invaded the empire soon after.

The event of Guildo's commotion was to be totally overthrown & that in the first battel, by his brother Mascezel, whose army consisted but of 5 Th. as Marcelline relates it. But Zosimus makes his brother's army much greater. Stilico, inquit, amplis

The army of Alaric was often beaten. As in Arcadia, which Cl. 1. v.

Afterwards there was a whole great Army of Barbarians consumed in Thrace not by a metaphoricall but real storm, as Freculphus informs us, conjoyning it with the grassations of the Isauri. Gainæ oppress. inquit Is.

< text from f 50v resumes > < insertion from f 9v >

Before the end of these Emperors therefore we cannot account the 6t Seale fully accomplished. But in the beginning of the next Emperors Grat & Theod we may: ffor first Gratian (who began A.C. 375) set himself to restraine the heathen worship from the beginning of his reign as is manifest by the demolishing of Idols even at Rome it selfe by Gracchas in time of his Vrbane Præfectio A.C 376 & 377 which Ierome in epist. 7 thus mentions: Ante annos - insignia sunt. So Prudentius adversus Symmachum lib 1 Iam quid - regendos.

And as Gratian did in the west so did Theodosius soon after in the east. For in the 3d year of his reign he put forth this edict: Siquis se - implis one or more former edicts of the same kind. And Zosimus describing the actions of Theod in the last year of the trienniall Gothic war (AC 380) adds |  subjoyns: Deum quoque - presently. This acting of Theodosius therefore happened in the year 380, & we may most probably suppose that it commenced with the time of his sickness at Thessalonica, for till then he was so much taken up in the Gothic war that he had little or no time to turn himself to any other buisines.

The year 380 we may therefore - ffor now & not till now the revenues - & Gratian (& after his example I suppose Theodosius also) rejected the very title of P.M. which it was the custome of the heathen Priests to present the Emperors with in the beginning of their reign & all former Emperors, even Constantine & his son Constantius had accepted of & retained.

The beginning of this Trumpet is also

There is a third argument of the beginning of this Seale, taken from the universall change of religion in the end of the year 380, which of all changes that ever were wrought on a sudden in the christian Religion was the greatest both in regard of the universality, it being wrought over all the Empire, & in regard of the nature of the thing, it being the foundation of all following Apostacy. To those that understand the religion of the ancient Christians this will prove a most evident & certain Demonstration of the beginning of this seal (Prop    ) but I shall not here prosecute it becaus I would not now ingage my selfe in a dispute about religion. I proceed therefore to the contents of this Seale.

Besides this there was something to do with the Alemans, ffor they were not so far conquered by Gratian as to submit but kept themselves in a posture ready for further action, which made Gratian watch them continually with his sword in his hand. What further attempts they made in the time of Gratian I know not. I read not of any. But soon after his death taking advantage I suppose of his diversion by Maximus the Iugunthians (one sort of the Alemans) made an inrode into Rhætia, but were soon diverted not by the Roman Legions but by the Huns whom Valentinian hired to set upon them in their own country: which proved such a firm restraint to this wind for the future that it did not so much as breath any more upon the Empire for untill the generall irruptions hereafter to be described the [Ambrose Epist.    ] And as for the present inrode, though that may be compared to a blast of wind, yet being only upon the skirts of them & in so inconsiderably small a portion thereof & so short a time & proceeding only to pillaging the country without any battel within the Empire consequent thereupon that I read of, it may in comparison of the wars before & after be accounted as very gentle breathing to a fierce wind, & to loud noise a soft murmuring or whispering such as you may {imagine} to be made by the prayers of the saints in this time of silence. The end of this time {illeg} becaus this time is to end in thundrings & lightnings & a shaking, that is

< text from f 50v resumes > < insertion from f 46v >

Vrbem Romam ire mox pergit Vitiges, equitum peditumque ad centum & quinquaginta millia ductans, quorum pars maxima armis munita, vel equos ipsos armatos habebat. Procop de bello Got. l 1.

< text from f 50v resumes >

[1] a Apoc 12.1

[2] b Apoc. 12

[3] c Apoc 17.1, 15.

[4] d Apoc 13.1

[5] a Theodoret l 5 c 32 & 33

[6] b Sozom. l 8 c. 4. Socrat. l 6. c 6.

[7] c Sozom l 8. c 4. Socr: l 6. c 6.

[8] a Theodoret l 5 c 32 & 33

[9] a Theodoret l 5 c 32 & 33

[10] b Sozom. l 8 c. 4. Socrat. l 6. c 6.

[11] c Sozom l 8. c 4. Socr: l 6. c 6.

[12] Zosim l 5.

[13] * i.e. Achaiam

[14] Claud in Ruffin lib 2.

[15] i.e. Athenienses.

[16] Claud. in Ruffin lib 2.

[17] * Ruffinus scil.

[18] Claud. de Ruffin lib 1.

[19] * Ad Stiliconem loquitur de Ostrogothis.

[20] Claud. in Eutropium

[21] Zos. l 5

[22] alias Tirbigildus

[23] Claud. in Eutropium lib 2.

[24] * Λίβυει

[25] e Baron. Annal. An 403. sec 50 & 52.

[26] a Sozom. l 8. c 25

[27] b Marcellin

[28] c Oros. l 7. c 37

[29] f Prosper chron

[30] g D. August. de Civ. Dei l. 5.

[31] Oros l 7. c 37

[32] * Def

[33] Claud in Ruffin. l 1.

[34] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[35] b Socrat l. 6., c. 6. Sozom l. 8, c. 4.

[36] Vide infra. Sozom l. 8 c 25 compared with l 8, c 1.

[37] Socr. l 5. c 1

[38] * Ammian. l 3.

[39] Claud de bello Get.

[40] Claud in 6 cons Honorij.

[41] Claud in 6 Cons: Honorij.

[42] * Eridanum.

[43] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[44] Oro l 7. c 37.

[45] * Baron. Ann 406. Sec 1.

[46] Claud de bello Get.

[47] Claud. in laudes Stiliconis. l 1.

[48] Claud. in laudes Stil. l 1.

[49] a Def

[50] b Def

[51] c Def

[52] Claud. in laudes Stilichonis. l 1.

[53] a Ethelwedus Edit Londin. f 474 b.

[54] Zos l 5

[55] Oros l 7. c 42.

[56] c Prosper.

[57] c Prosper.

[58] d Idatius

[59] Prosper in Prolog. lib. de provid. Dei.

[60] d Oros l 7 c 42.

[61] Def

[62] æ. De Africæ regione sud Hipponensi obiter dicit Augustinus in Epistola 122 ad Victorinum A.C. 411 data: Quod eam Barbari tunc non attigerant. Exinde autem ad hujus Tubæ initium secura floruit.

[63] a Prosper. Baron ann 427. § 1 & sequ. Paul. Diac. Miscel. lib. 14. Procop: de Bell. Wand.

[64] D. August. ep. 70.

[65] b Paul. Diac. l 14.

[66]

a In Africa

a Bonifacius in Africa bis victus, prima vice Hipponem regium se recipit, ubi diu obsidetur. Interim Constantinopoli Romaque exercitus Aspare duce submissus quo adjuto Bonifacius et Afri Romani iterum confligunt et iterum vincuntur. Alij alio fingêre, Aspar Constantinopolim Bonifacius Romam ubi Placidiæ se reconciliavit Procop. Vide locum. Vide P. Dial l. 14.

In Africa Vandali ingentem lacerata omni Provincia Romanis cladem dedere. Prosper Pith.

[67] Possid. cap. 28.

[68] a Obijt Augustinus tertio mense obsidionis ejus.

[69] b Victor De persecut. Wandal. lib 1 in præf.

[70] a forte Gentium Templis quorum multa Homousiani non ut Moses, Vitulum aureum contriverunt, sed aqua sacrata superstitiosè spargendo, in proprios usus converterunt.

[71] Baron ad Ann 411. § 6.

[72] Salvian De Gubern Dei lib 6.

[73] Victor De Wand. Pers l. 1.

[74] Procop. de Bello Wandal. lib 1.

[75] Baron. Ann 465 § 33.

[76] d Apud Surium die 11 Decemb.

[77] * Græcos scil.

[78] Procop. de Bello Wand. l. 1. Niceph. l. 15. c. 27.

[79] Baron. Ann 500 § 11.

[80] Victor Hist. Wand. lib. 1, in fin.

[81] a Paul l 15. Sigonius de Occ. Imp. Iornan de Regni succes

[82] b Sigebert, sed Paul. Diac. lib. 15 ponit 700000

[83] o Vide etiam Iornand: Get.

[84] c Paul. Diac. l 15 Greg: Turon: l. 2, c. 6, 7. Beat. Rhenan. l. 1. Vita Lupi Frecensis Episc. apud Surium die 29. Iul.

[85] d Iornand: Get. alijque

[86] e Idatius. Vide et Isidorum, & Iornand: in Get.

[87] p Pompon: Læt.

[88] f Paul. Diac. l 15. Iornand: Get. Aventinus in Annal: Boi: Sigon: de Occ. Imp.

[89] g Isidor: Chron: Got.

[90] k Marcellin.

[91] h Vide Baron: ann 375. § 3, 4, 5 & 376. § 1. & Sigon de Occid. Imp. c 14.

[92] a Fig.

[93] b Fig

[94] * Ex fato suo nomen Augustuli contraxit.

[95] d Fig.

[96] a Fig

[97] b Fig

[98] b Fig

[99] c Fig.

[100] Apoc 16

[101] a Matth. 23.35

[102] a Baron an: 410. § 48. Gothofred. Comment. in hanc Legem.

[103] b Baron & Gothofr. ibid.

[104] Lex 51. De Hæret. C. Theodos.

[105] c Edicto priori.

[106] d Vide Comment. Gothofredi in legem sequ.

[107] L 56 De Hæret. C. Theodos.

[108] a Donatistæ Homoüsiani erant & Triunitarij, sed persecutionem passi sunt quod in schismate constituti rebaptizabant cæteros Homoüsianos. D. Augustin. in Epist 50.

[109] b. Baron. Ann. 428. § 7.

[110] c D. Augustin. Epist. 127.

[111] d. Consule. Sidonij Epist. 6. lib. 7. eodem tempore scriptam Nam fabulas Monachorum de hujus æque ac aliorum persecutionibus planè contexuit Greg. Turonnensis ut metu videtur.

[112] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[113] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[114] c D. Augustin Epist 127

[115] a Victor Chron. Baron. An. 484. § 129

[116] b Baron: An: 484. § 129.

[117] c Victor. Chron. Baron: Ann: 504 § 23 & 45.

[118] Procop. de Bello Vandalico.

[119] a. Viginti jam et septem annos ducimus quod in hac urbe inter Longobardorum gladios vivimus. Greg. mag. l 4. Epist. 34. Qualiter enim et quotidianis gladijs et quantis Longobardorum incursionibus ecce jam per triginta quinque annorum longitudinem premimur, nullis ex plere vocibus suggestionis valemus. Greg. lib {11}, Epist 45 Ad Phocam Imp Indic. 6 edit. Rom.

[120] a

[121] a

[122] b Baron. ad Anni 566 & sequentis.

[123]

g. A:C. 547 Indic 10 Totila dolo Isaurorum ingreditur Romam die 16 Cal Ian: ac evertit muros, domos aliquantas igne comburens, ac omnes Rommanorum res in prædam accepit, hos ipsos Romanos in Campaniam Captivi abduxit, post quam devastationem quadraginta aut amplius dies Roma fuit ita desolata ut nec ibi hominum nisi bestiæ morarent. Marcellin. Chron.

[124] a. De hoc obsidio sic meminit Anastasius in Vitis Pontif [A.C. 577] Pelagius 2dus ordinatur absque jussione Principis eo quod Longobardi obsiderent civitatem Romanam, & multa vastatio ab eis in Italia fieret. Eodem tempore tantæ pluviæ fuerunt ut omnes dicerent quiæ aquæ diluvij super nos inundantur & talis clades fuit qualem a seculo nullus meminit.

[125] d Greg. Dial. l 3 c 38.

[126] a. En illa plebe innumerabili quanti remanscritis aspicitis & tamen adhuc quotidie flagella urgent, repentini casus opprimunt, novæ nos et improvisæ clades affligunt. Greg. magn. Hom. in Luc 21.

[127] e Baron. ad An 567 sect 15 & 16.

[128] f. Ezek 7

[129] Greg. in Ezek. Hom 18.

[130] d. Vetus est vaticinium: Roma a Gentibus non exterminabitur sed tempestatibus, coruscis turbinibus, ac terræ motu fatigata in semet ipsa marcescet. Cujus prophetiæ mysteria nobis facta sunt luce clariora, qui in hac urbe dissoluta mœnia, eversas domos, destructas ecclesias turbine cernimus, ejusque ædificia longo senio lassata, quia ruinis crebrescentibus posternantur videmus. Greg. Dial. lib 2. cap 35

[131] a

[132] a. Belli primus annus docente Procopio, incidit in Consulatum Belisarij, hoc est in A.C. 535. Vnde initium obsidij anno 3o necessario cadet in A.C. 537. Id quod ex Maracellino confirmatur qui non tantum initium hujus obsidij ad Aureum secundum post Cons. Belisarij Indict 15 hoc est ad A.C. 537 refert, sed etiam res in alijs annis belli hujus narrante Procopio gestas, ad correspondentes annos Consulum et Indictionum. Adde quod Obsidium hoc contigit annis 60 completis post Romam ab Odoacre occupatam (Procop. Evagr. l 4. c 19) Odoacer autem occupabat A.C 476. Marcellin. Cassiodor.

[133] b Procop. de bello Got. lib 2.

[134] a Platina de Vit. Pontif.

[135] Def

[136] a Procop. de bello Got. l 1.

[137] a Procop. de bello Got. l 1.

[138] c. Hodiè reperta extant numismata inscripta hac DN. IVSTINIANVS AVG. illac DN. THEODAHATHVS REX. Baron ad Ann 536. s 8.

[139] r. Præter calamitates in his Commentarijs descriptas aliæ multæ fuerunt eæque gravissimæ: et inter cæteros pestis gravissimus annorum quinquaginta duorum qui ab A.C. 544 incipiens, per totam fere hanc quartam Tubam, vastabat orbem: Evagr. Hist.

[140] a Martinus Chron. M.S. in Archivis Trin. Coll. Cantabrigio.

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