The first Trumpet.

The wars of ye first Trumpet have these three characters. 1 They are to be the wind wch blows next after that calmness wherewth ye seventh seal begins, that is the first notable invasion wch breaks forth after ye year 380. 2 They are to be an Eastern wind, that is a war in ye regions eastward of Rome. 3 In this war there is to be one or more great battels wth loss to that side signified by the earth; that is to ye enemies of ye Roman Empire. ffor by Def     ye hail & fire mingled wth blood signify great battels, & their being cast on the earth denotes the overthrow of that side signified by the earth, & ye earth is that people wch a[1] takes part wth ye woman against ye Dragon, at length swallowing up ye waters wch ye Dragon cast out of his mouth, & consequently is at enmity wth ye Dragon, that is wth ye Roman Empire.

The people of ye Empire are signifed by ye watry element as by ye b[2]waters wch ye Dragon cast out of his mouth, by ye c[3]many waters where ye whore sitteth & by the d[4]sea out of wch ye ten horned Beast arose & therefore ye earth must be ye enemy to ye Empire, becaus, as I intimated above, ye inhabitants of ye Earth & Sea {illeg} chap 12.12, are two sorts of people; and ye winds wch hurt this earth & Sea ch 7.2, are ye wars between them whereby they are alternately hurt. Conceive therefore that ye compas of ye Empire is this political sea & yt ye nations round about it, are the earth wch bounds & comprehends it as ye natural earth does an inland sea; for this similitude I suppose was ye ground of ye figure: & thus ye hail storm falling on the earth will signify the overthrow in battel of ye barbarians in battel.

These are the characters of this Trumpet & these \the two first of these direct/ us to ye {illeg} invasions wch brake forth immediately after the death of Theodosius. ffor during the reign of that Emperor ye Empire flourished very much bearing up against ye indeavours of all forreign enemies, & injoying a more then usuall tranquility. There were indeed between ye wars of Maximus & Eugenius some attempts upon Gallia by <2r> the Franks, but these were but short & unsuccessfull & may be compared rather to gentle breathings then winds But so soon as Theodosius was dead, Ruffin to whom Theodosius left ye tuition of Arcadius thinking to get ye Empire to himself called in all ye nations of ye North to trouble ye Roman waters.

And first Alaric wth a great Army of Goths & other Barbarians the very same year brake out of Thrace into Macedon sparing neither towns nor men & going thence by Thessaly into Achaia he rased all cities in his way but \all cities in his way almost the whole country & amongst other cities/ Thebes & Athens. Then rushing into Peloponnesus he laid wast Corinth Argos |&| Sparta \wth many other cities/ & from thence he betook himself into Epire, where he continued ye same depopulations. And the next year going out of Epire he overran Achaia, & for four years together continued to wast it & Epire & ye neighbouring Provinces wth fire & depopulation.

< insertion from f 1v >

Abt {sic} ye same, or immediately after happened that notable expedition of Radagaisus: described above \of wch/ Prosper: Anno 11 Are - delevit. So \{illeg}/ Augustine De Civit. Dei lib 5 Cum Rad. inquit, - necaretur. Thes two places \compared/ seem to confirm ye number of ye army set down by Zosimus. But whereas D. August. says yt none of ye Romans were wounded yt is scarce to be understood wthout an Hyperbola. Yet this may said for it: That ye Romans came not in to ye sta. till ye Huns H & S. wth their H. & G. - confusion; ffor H. & S. were hired by ye Romans agt ye enemy, & Marcelline writes: Huldin - confecerunt.

I told you how ye {illeg} rest of ye {illeg} \this/ great Army \after this battel/ betook themsels to ye Hill Fæsula & were for want of sustenance there were \all/ soon forced to yield themselvs captives. Tanta vero - pretijs. The cause of their death was {sic} probably their being famished in ye mountain, & afterwards filling their bellies too suddenly. And thus was all this vast Army consumed as it were in a moment.

Not long after this ye Army of Huldin also \being returned into Thrace/ submitted to ye common law. Namq mimas - {illeg} Let us hear Claudian who brings in Rome thus speaking to {I} supplicating Iupiter - The like plagues on ye other side {sic} ye Mediterranean Synesius in Epist 58 ad Episcopos \thus/ briefly mentions: Avdp. - But let us hear Philostorgius's {sic} who descriptiō of these things even {sic} all the Roman world \over/: Ait, {saith he} \autem/ ({illeg} referente Photio) quod sua - But Philostorgius's description is more full & universall. Philostorgius also acquaints us wth these & other \unusuall/ plagues prodigiously calamitous all ye Roman world over.

< text from f 2r resumes >

About the same time that Alaric began these devastations, there brake {sic} into Thrace & Pannonia from beyond ye Danube a great hand of Huns, Alans, \Ostrogoths/ Sarmatans, Quades & Marcomans, who harassed all those & the adjacent regions for some years together, but chiefly Thrace: a[5] wch also \together wth b[6] Asia/ smarted very much under ye depopulations of Gainas \a Goth &/ one of Arcadius's Generals who rebelling \turning traitor/ about ye same time c[7] called out of \into Thrace the Empire/ |from beyond Ister great numbers of Ostrogoths & conspired wth Tribigildus {sic} \or Targibilus/ another Goth who being set over some bands of the barbarians in Asia wthdrew his obedience & fell to depopulate Phrygia Pamphilia Lydia & ye adjacent regions wthout {allies}|

And that no part of ye East might be free, there flowed in ye second \same or the next/ year of the irruption (AD 397) another very great inundation of Huns from ye regions of Tanais & Mæotis into \both/ Armenias \Syria Cappadocia Cilicia &c/ & ye neighbouring Provinces; wch when the had wasted for some years together they make their way through Asia minor into Thrace\\swiftly overrunning &/ wasting those regions for some years together. [And besides all this Targibilus a Goth set over some bands of the Goths in Asia minor wthdrew his obedience & fell to depopulate Cappadocia Cilicia Phrygia Pamphilia {illeg} Lydia & ye adjacent regions wthout all mercy]/.

The time & occasion of Alaric's irruption you have \thus/ exprest in Marcelline's chronicle. Indic 9. Olybrio et Probrino Coss. Theodosius apud Mediolanum vita decessit. Ruffinus clam Aradio Principi insidias tendens Alaricum Gothorum regem missis ei clam pecunijs, infestum reip. fecit, et in Græciam misit. Porro detecto dolo suo Ruffi <3r> nus ab Italicus militibus trucidatus est. But ye manner of ye

< insertion from f 1v >

- but chiefly a[8] Thrace. And at ye same time also there flowed another great inundation of Huns from ye regions of Tanais & Mæotis into both Armenias, Syria, Cappadocia & Cilicia. And besides all this a[9] Thrace & b[10] Asia smarted very much under ye depopulations of Gainas a Goth & one of Arcadius's Generalls: who turning Traitor c[11] called into ye Empire from beyond Ister great numbers of Ostrogoths & conspired wth Tribigildus (or Targibilus) another Goth who being set over some bands of ye barbarians in Asia, withdrew his obedience & fell to depopulate Phrygia, Pamphilia Lydia & ye adjacent regions. And after them the Isauri from the recesses of ye mountain Taurus overspread first \Armenia Cilicia/ Mesopotamia, & both Syrias, & then Cilicia \all the lesser Asia to ye very Hellespont, \together wth the Island Cyprus.// Nor did Egypt \Lybia/ & Cyrene suffer less by the invading Mazaces & Auxorians \into both Armenias Syria Cappadocia & Cilicia. And after them ye Isauri fom the Mountain Taurus overflowed first Mesopotamia & both Syrias, & then Cilicia/. |And I may add also the troubles wch Gilda caused in Cyrerene {sic} & part of Afric.|

< text from f 3r resumes >

\The/ grassation \of Alaric is Grece is thus described by/ Zosimus thus describes more fully.[12] Alaricus /{illeg}\ e Thracia discedebat et in Macedoniam Thessaliamq progrediebatur interjecta cuncta diruens - Dein transitis Therm aditu per Thermopilas in *[13] Græcim concesso, Barbari mox ad expeditam agrorum direptionem et universum oppidorum excidium progrediebantur, viros quidem cujusvis ætatis interrimentes, pueros autem et mulierculas gregatim una cum opibus universis ceu partam prædam abigentes. Ac Boætia quidem tota cæteræq Græcæ nationes, quascunq post occupatum aditum illum Thermopylarum transibant barbari, plane jacebant; et eversionem suam hodièq spectatoribus intuendam exhibent, solis Thebis partim ob urbis munitionem conservatis partim quod Alaricus Athenas capere properans, earum obsidioni non inhæsisset. - Sed Atheniensium civitas hoc tempore in extremum conjecta periculum evasit. Alaricus autem Attica tota Alaricus autem \Attica tota vastationis experte relicta/ in Mega ridem transibat et oppido primo impetu capto, Pelopponnesum itinere continenti petebat obstaculum nullum expertus \{Cumq} Gerontius Istmi transeundi copiam ei fecisset omnes ab eo deinceps urbes citra laborem et pugnam capi poterant, quod nullis essent munitæ mœnibus propter eam securitatem & defensionem quam Istmus eis præstabat. Itaq confestim prima corinthus &/ & confestim prima Corinthus cum finitimis oppidis vi capiebantur, & secundum hanc Argos una cum ijs locis quæ inter hanc & Lacedæmonem interjacent. Ipsa quoq in societatem captæ Græciæ Sparta veniebat. |\Although/ Zosimus here writes that Attica & the Cities Thebes & Athens escaped these flames yet {illeg} Baronius out of \Ierom/ Claudian & \Ierom/ Claudian & Eunapius proves the contrary: Ad Ann. 395. sec 16 & 17. The pasage out of Claudian is this: Si tunc his - | < insertion from f 2v > [14]

Si tunc his animis acies collata fuisset,

Prodita non tantas vidisset Græcia clades,

Oppida semoto Pelopeia Marte vigerent;

Starent Arcadiæ, starent Lacedæmonis arces,

Nec fera a[15] Cecropias traxissent vincula matres.

In ye passage of Eunapius, besides other things, are these words: Infinitæ & inexplicabiles clades non multò post exundarunt (quas in historiæ spatiosis campis diffusius narravimus -) quando Alaricus cum barbaris per Thermopylarum fauces pervasit non secus quàm per apertum stadium aut campum liberum & equorum decursui patentem. To wch I may add this passage of Synesius in Epist 135 Ad Fratrem: Nihil, jam Athenæ {illeg} splendidum habent præter celeberrima locorum nomina. Ac velut ex hostia consumpta sola pellis superest, animalis, quod olim fuerit aliquanda fuerat, indicium: sic inde deducta Philosophia restat ut oberrando Academiam ac Lycæum mireris - Athenæ quondam civitas fuit, domicilium Philo- <3v> Philosophorum; nunc eam mellatores celebrant.

But these & such like instances |  particulars it is not worth ye while to insist on since they are but gleaning bear {illeg} wth bear no proportion to that store wch are but \a few casuall scattering/ instances of that store \can amount to but a few instances of/ those \abundant/ judgments wch Philostorgius tells us to recount particularly was above ye power of man

< text from f 3r resumes >

The irruption of ye Huns from beyond ye Danube /into Armenia & ye adjacent Provinces\ Sozomenus in lib 8. c 25 remembers thus. Hunni Istrū transgressi Thraciam populabantur. Et in Isauria latrones in turbam congregati ad Cariam usq et Phœniciam civitates affligebant & vicos. And in lib 8 c 1 he touches upon the other irruption into Armenia & {sic} Syria. Hac, ait, tempestate (i.e. sub initio Arcadij) Hunni Barbari Armeniani et nonnullas alias orientales Imperij partes devastarunt. Ferebatur autem quod eos clanculum ad imperij limina introduxisset Ruffinus Præfectus Orientis. But Ierom who was \then/ in the East in the time of this irruption, describes it more largely \thus/ in his thirtieth Epistle. Quærentibus, ait, nobis dignum tantæ feminæ \Fabiolæ/ habitaculum - ecce subito discurrentibus nuncijs oriens totus intremuit. Ab ultima Mæotide inter <4r> glacialem Tanaim et Massagetarum immanes populos ubi Caucasi rupibus feras gentes Alexandri claustra cohibent erupisse Hunnorum examina quæ pernicibus equis huc illucq volitantia cædis pariter ac exercitus et bellis civilibus in Italia tenebatur. Insperanti ubiq aderant et famam celeritate vincentes non religioni non dignitatibus non ætati parcebant non vagientis miserebantur infantiæ Cogebantur mori qui nondum vivere cœperant. Et nescientes malum suum inter hostium manus ac tela ridebant. Consonus inter omnes rumor petere eos Hierosolymam, et ob nimiam auri cupiditatem ad hanc urbem percurrere. Mari neglecti pacis incuria sartiebantur. Antiochia obsidebatur. Tyrus se volens a terra abrumpere |{tiō}| insulam quærebat antiquam. Tunc et nos compulsi sumus parare naves, ess in littore, adventum hostium præcavere, & sævientibus ventis magis barbaros metuere quàm naufragium, [non tam nostræ saluti quam virginum castimoniæ providentes.] Erat in illo tempore quædam apud nos dissentio, & barbarorum pugnam domestica bella superabant {sic}. Nos in oriente tenuerunt jam fixæ & inveteratum locorum sanctorum desiderium

And in his third Epistle the same Ierom written \I suppose in the end of ye {second}/ I |suppose in| ye second \third/ year of ye irruption (AD 397 {sic}) the same Ierom describes & laments & laments ye afflicted estate of ye empire on both sides ye Hellespont. Horret, inquit, animus temporum nostrorum ruinas persequi. Viginti et eo amplius anni sunt cum inter Constantinopolim et Alpes Iulias quitidie Romanus sanguis effunditur. Scythiam Thraciam Macedoniam Dardaniam Daciam Thessaliam Achaiam Epiros Dalmatiam cunctasq Pannonias; Gothus, Sarmata Quadus, Alanus, Hunni, Vandali Marcomanni vastant trahunt rapiunt: Quot Matronæ, quot virgines Dei et ingenua nobiliaq corpora his belluis fuere ludibrio? Capti Episcopi, interfecti Presbyteri, et deversorum officia clericorum: Eversæ Ecclesiæ, et ad Altaria Christi stabulati equi, Martyrum effossæ reliquiæ: Vbiq luctus, ubiq genitus, & plurima <5r> mortis imago. Romanus Orbis ruit, et tamen {cœpisse} non flectitur. Quid putas animi nunc habere Corinthios, Athenienses, Lacedæmonios, Arcadas cunctamq Græciam quibus imperant Barbari? Et ecce paucas urbes nominavi in quibus olim fuere regna non modica. Immunis ab his malis videbatur Oriens et tantum nuncijs consternatus. Ecce tibi anno præterito ex ultimis Caucasi rupibus immissi in nos non jam Arabiæ sed Septentrionis Lupi tantas brevi Provincias percurrerunt. Quot monasteria capta? Quantæ fluviorum aquæ humano cruore mutatæ sunt? Obsessa Antiochia, et urbes reliquæ quas Halys Cydnus Orontes Euphratesq præterfluunt. Tracti greges captivorum. Arabia Phœnice Palestina Ægyptus timore captivæ Non, mihi si linguæ centum sint, oraq centum; fferrea vox, Omni pœnarum percurrere nomina possim, Neq enim historiam proposui scribere sed nostras breviter flere miserias. And a little after he adds. \Nostris vitijs Romanus superatur exercitus/ Et quasi non hæc sufficerent cladibus, plus pene bella civilia quam hostilis mucro consumpsit.

Claudian also[16] a judicious \an intelligent/ heathen who was equally an eye witness & sufferer in this tempest, describes it very elegantly in a Poem written at ye same time, viz. AD 397 |or 398:| opportunely \(viz: about ye year 398 or a little after,)/ comparing it to ye relaxation of a wind as |if| he meant to be an interpreter.

Ventis veluti si fræna remittat

Æolus, abrupto gentes sic obice *[17]fudit

Laxavitq viam bellis. Et nequa maneret

Immunis regio, cladem divisit, in orbem

Disposuitq nefas. Alij per terga ferocis

Danubij solidata ruunt, expertaq remos

ffrangunt stagna rotis. Alij per Caspia claustra

Armeniasq nives inopion tramite ducti

Invadunt Orientis opes. Iam pascua fumant

Cappadocum voluerumq parens Argæus Equorum.

Iam rubet altus Halys, nec se defendit in quo

Monte Cilix. Syriæ tractus vastantur amœni.

Assuetumq choris et læta plebe camaram

Protexit imbellem sonipes hostilis Orientem


Hinc planctus Asia; Geticis Europa catervis

Ludibrio prædæq datur, frondentis {illeg} adusq

Delmatiæ fines; Omnis qua mobile ponti

Æquor et Hadriacas tellus interjacet undas

Squalet inops pecudum nullis habitata colonis

Instar anhelantis Lybiæ, quæ torrida sem{illeg}

Solibus, humano nescit mansuescere {illeg}

Thessalus ardet ager, reticet pastore fugato

Pelion, Emathias ignis populatur aristas.

Iam plaga Pannoniæ, miserandaq mœnia Thracum

Arvaq Mysorum, jam nulli flebile damnum

Sed cursus solennis erat: campusq furori

Expositus, sensumq malis detraxerat usus.

Eheu quam brevibus pereunt ingentia causis

Imperium tanto quæsitum sanguine, tanto

Servatum; quod mille ducum peperere labores

Quod tantis Romana manus contexuit annis

Proditor unus iners angusto tempore vertit. &c

The beginning of these miseries on this side ye Hellespont |the Poet| a little before describes more particularly,[18]\speaking/ thus |of Ruffin.|

Ille Avidus {sic} prædo jam non per singula sævit

Sed Scæptris inferre minas, omniq perempto

Milite, Romanas audet prosternere vires

Iam gentes Istrumq movet Scithiamq receptat

Auxilio, traditq suas hostilibus armis

Relliquias: mixtis descendit Sarmata Dacis

Et qui cornipedes in pocula vulnerat audax

Massagetes patriamq bibens Mæotim Alanus

Membraq qui ferro gaudet pinxisse Gelonus:

Ruffino collecta {sic} manus, vetat ille domari

Innectitq moras, et congrua tempora differt.

Nam *[19] tua cum Geticas stravisset dextera turmas

Vlta ducis socij letum, parsq una maneret

Debilior facilisq capi: tunc impius ille

Proditor imperij, conjuratusq Getarum

Distulit instantes eluso Principe pugnas,

Hunnorum laturus opem, quos affore bello

Norat, et invisis mox se conjungere castris.

And a little after

Aspice barbaricis jaceant quot mœnia flammis

Quas mihi Ruffinus clades quantumq cruoris


Præbeat, et quantis epulentur cædibus Hydri.

The same Claudian[20] in another poem written about ye year 400 or soon after, thus further describes ye desolations beyond ye Hellespont.

Iam vaga pallentem densis terroribus aulam

Fama quatit, stratas acies, deleta canebat

Agmina, Mæonios fœdari cædibus agros

Pamphilios Pisidasq rapi; metuendus ab omni

Targibilus regione tonat; modo tendere cursum

In Galatas, modo Bithynis incumbere fertur.

Sunt qui per Cilicas rupto descendere Tauro:

Sunt qui correptis ratibus, terraq mariq

Adventare ferant. Geminantur vera pavoris

Ingenio, longe spectari puppibus urbes

Accensas, lucere fretum, ventoq citatas.

Omnibus in pelago velis hærere favillas.

The desolation grassation of Targibilus \Tribigildus/ you have thus described in Zosimus. [21] Targibilus \Tribigildus/[22] non turmis Romanis sed barbaris in Phrygia subsistere jussis præerat. - Assumptis autem Barbaris in quos habebat imperium quicquid erat in medio situm invadebat, nec aut virorum aut mulierum aut puerorum cædibus abstinens et obvia quæq diripiens perexiguo tempore tantam coegit multitudinem mancipiorum aliarumq vilium personarum ut Asiam totam in extremum periculum conijceret. Nam et Lydia plena variæ {sic} perturbationis erat, omnibus prope dixerim ad loco maritima confugientibus, cumq suis universis ad insulas aliove navigantibus. Et Asia mari finitima periculum se quantum alias nunquam accidisset in proclivi conspecturam verebatur - Targibilus {sic} dein omni vastata Phrygia Pisidas adortus est - et factum ut obsistente nemine quævis oppida per vim caperentur, omnes illorum incolæ cum ipsis militibus interficerentur, nemo deniq barbarus Romanis amicus esset. After this ye historian declares how when ye forces of Targibilus \Tribigildus/ were diminished, & his confæderate Gainas sent him new supplies: he raged more then before for a time \& consumed one of the Roman armies wch was sent against him/. But let us hear Claudian's description of these {sic} Tragedy {in} desolations composed in ye time of ye action: viz A D 399.

<8r> [23]

- Ostrogothis colitur mixtisq Gothunnis

Phrix ager - - - - - - -

Iam vaga pallentem densis terroribus aulam

Fama quatit, stratas acies, deleta canebat

Agmina Mæonios fœdari cædibus agros

Pamphilios Pisidasq rapi; metuendus ab omni

Targibilus regione tonat; modò tendere cursum

In Galatas, modo Bythinis incumbere fertur.

Sunt qui per Cilicas rupto descendere Tauro

Sunt qui correptis ratibus, terraq mariq

Adventare ferant. Geminantur vera pavoris

Ingenio, longe spectari puppibus urbes

Accensas lucere fretum, ventoq citatas

Omnibus in pelago velis hærere favillas.

Symbol (chain of 9 circles) in text

< insertion from f 7v >

Symbol (chain of 9 circles) in text The incursions of ye Isauri are thus expressed briefly in Marcelline's Chronicle thus: Indic. 3: Stilicone 3o & Anthemio Coss: (i.e. A.D. 405) Isauri per montem Tauri discursantes ingens dispendium Reip. importarunt, quibus Narbaziacus Legatus majus continuò rependit incommodum. [And thus more at large in Zosimus: |Symbol (circle surrounded by 4 smaller circles) in text| Dum familares Principis de vastatis [per ignem Constantinopoleos] ædificijs instaurandis cogitabant, allatus est Aulicis nuncius magnam Isaurorum multitudinem, quæ supra Pamphyliam Ciliciamq posita semper in asperrimis & inaccessis Tauri montibus degit in latronum manipulos divisam, regionem subjectam invadere. Ac opida quidem munita tentare non poterant, vicos autem mœnibus destitutos & obvia quævis irruendo vexabant: quos incursus id ipsis faciliores reddebat quod isthæc regio paulo ante fuisset ab hostibus capta Tribigilda cum barbaris suis rebellionem molito. His nunciatis Arbazacius Dux mittitur qui laborantibus Pamphyliæ rebus succurreret &c. Zosimus here sets down \mentions/ their incursions only into Pamphylia & Cilicia, but out of Philostorgius who lived in those times it appears that they were of much greater extent.] And in Nicephorus thus Hunni Istrum gransgressi Thaciam {sic} vastantes percurrerunt Huldam ducem habentes. Et Isauri quidam prædones perquam feri ingenti coacta multitudine Phœniciam atq Cariam & quæ in medio sitæ sunt urbes excursionibus extremisq cladibus vexarunt. So Chrysostom Epist. 14 written in his journey into banishment A D 404 Cum in hoc statu res nostræ essent, subito ad nos affertur Isauros cum infinita hominum manu Cæsariensem regionem populari ac ingens quoddam oppidum incendisse, atq omni belli clade pervastasse. And in Epist 61 written afterwards from Armenia: Omnia hic cædibus tumultibus cruore atq incendijs plena sunt, Isauris nimirum cuncta ferro atq igne populantibus And again in Epist 69. Nos nuper quidem asperrima hieme loca subinde commutantes nunc in urbibus nunc in terræ faucibus & sylvis commorati sumus ab Isauris in nos impetum facientibus omni ex parte vexati & exagitati - Et præter, id quod singulos in dies, ut ita dicam, pro foribus nostris mors est, Isauris videlicet omnia invadentibus, atq igni & ferro tum corpora tum ædificia delentibus, famem etiam, quam loci angustia & eorum qui huc confugiunt multitudo minatur, pertimescimus. Sub Arcadio, saith Gothofredus (Comment. in 9 {illeg} Cod. Theod. Tit. 35) multa de Isauris Iohannes Chrysostomus quæritur ante quadrennium A 404 cùm in exilium iret Cæsariæq esset, mox et exilij sui Cucusi in Tauro in Cilicia tempore: Nempe ad Olympiadem ep 13 & 14 ad Diogenem ep 114 et ad Gemellum & ep. ad Theodoritum ex Consularibus; & ep. ad Theodotum Lectorem et ep. ad Theodotum Diaconum & alijs multis: quibus locis ostendit quam formidabiles illi fuerint & quot mala perpetraverint. Videndus etiam Theodoretus, ubi de Iacobo Anachoreta, de vita sanct. patrum, in Iacobo c 21: Sed et Symesius non una epistola hoc ipsa tempore, & Zosimus superiore anno 404 <8v> lib 5 Isauros eo tempore in Pamphiliam incursasse prolixè narrat, & ad hos comprimendo missum ducem Arbazacium (cujus meminit etiam Synesius ep 135) \234 ad Fritem/ ubi Artabazacus vocatur) in Pamphiliam qui Isauros latrones fuga dilapsos intra monttes persecutus fuerit complures eorum vicos cœperit, virorum \multitudinem/ non exiguam multitudinem interfecerit. Gothofred. Comment. in 9 Cod. Theod. Tit. 35. The narration of Zosimus is this: Dum familiares Principis de vastatis [per ignem Constantinopoleos] ædificijs instaurandis cogitabant - \vide/ pag: super. Symbol (circle surrounded by 4 smaller circles) in text - Pamphyliæ rebus succurreret. Is ubi - latrones fuga dilapsos intra montes persecutus fuisset complures eorum villas cœpit, & virorum multitudinem non exiguam occidit &c.

Further the {illeg} lapsed state of Phœnicia, CœloSyria, & Egypt, & ye declining condition of Lybia, Synesius \then Bishop of Cyrene/ in Epist 73 ad Troilum thus hints. Quî fit ut Phœnicibus quidem Phœnices non imperent, nec Cœlosyri Cœlosyris, Ægyptij itidem omnibus potius Provincijs? quàm patriæ, *[24] Afri autem soli patriæ præficiantur? Soline Afri fortissimi sunt, ac legibus opponere sese constitutum habent? Quibus cùm plura adversus violatores supplicia aposita fuerint, tam depravata ingenia impetu in eas graviore præcipitant. Necesse est funditus perire funditus Pentapolin quæ Cyrene adjacet: sed fames & bellum nondum quantum satis est consumpserunt sed \at/ moram faciunt & paulatim disperdunt. Afterward in epist 103 Ad Olympium he thus expresses \speaks of/ ye rasing \desolation/ of Cyrene: Si philosophiam, inquit, idoneam esse dicam ad civitates erigendas ipsa nil Cyrene arguet quæ magis quàm ulla Ponti civitas jacet. And in many other epistles, as epist 57, 78, 93, he deplores ye lamentable state of Lybya {sic} Cyrenaica under ye invading Ausurians, but chiefly in his Castastasis {sic} a discours written in ye 7th {sic} year of ye invasion when ye enemy had newly mastered all opposition & newly rased Pentapolis. Equidem nescio, inquit, quid de ijs calamitatibus dici oporteat quæ in oculis omnium versantur. - Pentapolitanæ res heri ac nudius tertius in Romanorum potestate manserant, qui deinceps amissa ea gente in recensendis suis Præfecturis suis illam præteribunt. Prorsus nunc de Pentapoli actum est; funditus inquam illa concidit: quævarijs quidem ærumnis annum jam septimum conflictari cœperat. Sed quemadmodum animal quoddam ægre moriens sic illa spiritus sui reliquias cogebat atq contrahebat. Felix sit Anysij memoria. Is enim annum ad illius tempus adjecit cum clypeis quidem omnium, Vnegardorum verò manibus opportunè uteretur. Itaq nonnihil dilata calamitas est. Neq enim confertis copijs regionem pervagati sunt; ad latrocinia sese converterunt, fugientes identidem atq irrumpentes. Posteaquam vero ter instructa acie præliari consilium mutarunt, nunc campos longe lateq omnes eques obtinet nunc intra intra mœnia conclusi milites tenentur, alij aliò dissipati, quod Cerealis tempore malum, accidit nec utiles sibi invicem esse possunt, quod non collectus unum ac coacti sunt. Quamobrem hostium res luculentæ & prosperæ sunt Qui enim inferiore anno velites erant, & ad fugam expediti nunc oppugnato

< text from f 8r resumes >

This is enough to let you see how universal & wonderfully violent this storm was at ye first irruption: in wch when Alaric had for about four or five years together harrased ye regions of ye Greeks, he determins to invade ye western Empire, & pasing into Dalmatia & Pannonia depopulated also those regions, & then brake {sic} through Noricum, came {sic} into Venetia, in a short time made {sic} himself master of those cities, & beseiged {sic} ye Emperor Honorius at Hasta, so {sic} that every one began to think of leaving their seats in Italy. But Stilico (in e[25] ye year 403) beat {sic} him first at Pollentia wth a difficult but no table victory, & then again at Verona, compelling him wth ye reliques of scattered forces to fly into Pannonia a[26] where returning to his former obedience, he was honoured by Honorius wth a military præfecture.

Whilst these things were doing Radagaisus a Pagan & King of another dynasty of the Goths prepared a far greater Army then that of Alaric, consisting of Goths Sarmatans \&/ Germans to ye number of four hundred thousand if we may beleive Zosimus, or according to ye least accounts of b[27] two hundred thousand & c[28] upward. With these he passed ye Alps Iulian Alps & ye regions of Venetia, & having wasted many cities in ye way, beseiged Florence. In wch seige when Stilico <9r> understood that he was intangled & hedged in wth mountains on all hands so that he had no room to dilate & draw up his army to battel & that his army hay divided into three parts, he wth Huldin & Saxus two confederate Princes of the Huns & Goths, unawares set {sic} upon f[29]one of ye three parts of his army wth so great success that wth out any considerable loss of his own soldiers he slew g[30] above a hundred thousand of ye enemy. Whereupon Radagaisus terrified wth so great a slaughter betooke {sic} himself wth ye remains of his Army from these valleys to ye hill of Fæsula. But Stilico pursued {sic} & beseiged {sic} him there suffering none to escape nor any thing for sustenance {to} be carried thither. Wherefore seing he could neither fight by reason of the straitness of ye place, nor subsist long there for want of sustenance he fled {sic} privately from his Army, but was {sic} taken & killed & {illeg} almost {sic} all ye barbarians prest wth famin yeilded themselves captive. Tanta vero multitudo captivorum fuisse fertur (saith Orosius[31]) ut vilissimarum pecudum modo singulis aureis passim greges hominum venderentur. Sed nihil superesse Deus de eodem populo sivit, nam illico cunctis qui emebantur morientibus, quod improbi emptores eorum non impenderunt turpiter pretijs, expenderunt misericorditer sepulturis.

Having given you ye history of ye Eastern wind, the war to wch ye first Trumpet sounded: it remains that I now apply it to ye particular actions exprest in that Trumpet. But for this end we are first to know what is meant by the third part of every thing in the four first Trumpets: & this we may best learn from ye second Trumpet by considering what is meant by the third part of ye sea. The sea I told you was ye whole Roman Empire, & therfore ye third part of it must be ye third part of that Empire. And besides that wch in ye second Trumpet is called ye third part <10r> of the sea is in ye second Viall called ye sea, therefore it must be also a whole Empire & consequently ye western Empire, yt being ye third t of ye whole Roman dominions, as you may easily perceive by ye map if you divide ye whole into three equall parts according to ye length. ffor Mesopotamia, Armenia \major, Armenia minor, Mesopotamia/, Syria, Arabia & Palestine amount to about one third part: Egypt, \Cyrenaica/ Asia, Thrace \Macedon &/, Grece, & Illyricum to another third t: & Afric, \Illyricum/ Pannonia, Rhetia, Italy, Gallia, Spain & Brittain to ye third. And of these ye two first are ye eastern Empire & ye third ye western. This western sea therefore I take to be that wch |is| meant by third part of the whole Roman Ocean, & thence by the analogy of the four first Trumpets, collect that ye third part of every thing therein is an expression used to signify ye third part of those things wch are wthin this Empire: so yt although ye wars of these four trumpets as they are in general represented by winds, may \& by the sounding of Trumpets may sometimes/ extend beyond the bounds of this Empire, as we see this first wind extends through all regions beyond between Rome & ye utmost bounds of the east: yet ye holy Ghost when he comes to describe the particular actions done in the time of these Trumpets, neglects ye Greek dominions & converts himself wholly to this Empire as if it were to set a mark upon it for some special end: and {sic} no wonder, for this is ye ten horned beast \in a strict sence/ as you shall hear hereafter, |& you may perceive by the first Viall that these plagues have a speciall relation to that beast.|

Wherefore if by the earth here be understood all those Barbarians {sic} wch invading ye Roman dominions come wthin the view of ye Prophesy: by ye third part of ye trees & all hearbs wch grow upon this earth we must understand that part of those <11r> barians wch invaded ye western Empire: that is, ye Armies of Alaric & Radagaisus. And on these the storm of hail & fire mingled wth blood fell very heavy consuming ye whole great \vast/ army of Rhadagaisus & ye most of Alaric's army \& a good part if not the most of Gildo's, & dissipating/ & forcing ye rest to submission. And this is ye third character of this Trumpet.

Having now explained this Trumpet, I need not now say much of ye correspondent Vial. Yet thus much is to be added noted: that ye pouring out of a Vial is taken in a double sence, signifying some times ye execution of a plague on that thing whereon it is poured, & sometimes ye incitement & invigoration of that thing, as it were by a contagious virtue of ye medicament, to execute ye plague on another thing. This first sence is used in ye third second third & fift Vial, & ye second sence \or rather the first & second together/ in ye first fourth & sixt. ffor ye effect of pouring ye fourth Vial upon ye sun was to give him power to scorch men wth fire, & that of pouring ye sixt upon Euphrates was to make way for ye Kings of ye East to come & do yt execution described in ye sixt Trumpet. And {sic} so I suppose ye pouring out the first Vial upon ye earth was to invigorate ye earth wth a power of inflicting ye noisom sore upon men: wch for ye better imagination of ye figure you may conceive to be effected by raising out of ye earth \such/ malignant fumes as should ulcerate men, interpreting those fumes to ye be ye *[32] multitudes of Barbarians wch invaded ye Empire. ffor I suppose ye noisom sore to be ye affliction of men under that invasion whither it was in ye Western {sic} Empire at ye invasions of Alaric & Radagaisus or in ye eastern at ye irruption of ye Huns Goths & other barbarians. ffor though ye western Empire be ye beast & so more directly pointed at, yet ye subjects of ye Eastern Empire have {sic} also worshippers \the mark/ of ye beast & \worship/ his image \(as we shall explain hereafter)/ & so \are/ equally comprehended in this plague < insertion from inline > wch how great it was you may easily imagin by ye places cited out of <11v> Ierom Zosimus & Claudian, to wch we may add ye following description of it by ye same Poet speaking thus of Ruffin


Non notos egisse sat est extinguere cives

Funditus, et nomen gentis delere laborat.

Nec perimit celeri leto: crudelibus ante

Supplicijs fruitur: cruciatus, vincla, tenebras,

Dilato mucrone parat; proh sævior ense

Parcendi rabies, concessaq vita dolori.

- - - Quis prodere tanta relatu

Funera? Quis cædes posset deflere nefandas?

Quid tale immanes unquam gessisse feruntur

Vel Sinis Istmiaca pinu? vel rupe profunda

Scyron? vel Phalaris Tauro? vel carcere Sylla?

O mites Diomedis equi! Busiridis aræ

Clementes! Iam Cinna pius, jam Sparthace lenis

Ruffino collectus eris. Dejecerat omnes

Occultis odijs terror, tacitiq sepultos

Suspirant gemitus, indignariq verentur.

I beleive you will think this no easy affliction wch made one of those on whom it fell cry out thus tragically

Hitherto I have spoken of \nothing but/ war that being ye only plague expressed in ye Trumpet, but this Viall may be of a larger extent: for ye sore wch fell upon men is of an unlimited signification & may \as wel/ comprehend any other kinds of affliction as ye pestilence, |or| famin \or undue seasons/, or turbulent meteors: {illeg} And {sic} if we extend it to them all, yet ye event \fully/ will \fully/ answer to ye interpretation; as you may understand by Gothofredus his notes upon Philostorgius's history cap 6. lib 11. De varijs inquit Philostorgij tempestate (sub Arcadio & Theodos jun. scil.) casibus majoribus divinæq iræ signis, quæ Xiphian astrum \[anno 390 visum]/ portendisse ait Philostorgius, est hoc caput. Quod quidem excribit Nicephorus, lib 13 c 36 ubi ingentem hominum ubiq multitudinem mortalitatem terræq vastitatem memorat, tum a Barbaris tum a Peste fameq, terræ motibus, hiatibus terræ, illuvionibus aquarum, spiculis flammeis turbinibus igneis, grandine, nivibus, frigore. Quæ omnia vera sunt, & apud alios scriptores passim occurrunt: in Marcellini Chronico & Chronico Alexandr. ubi casus hi per singulos penè annos sub Arcadio & Theodosio jun. memorantur: vide ann. 394, 396, 401, 402, 404, 408, 417, 419, 422, 423. De grandine inter alia inusitatæ magnitudinis Constantinopoli prid. Kal. Octob. an 404 vide et Socratem lib. 6. c. 17. & prædictum Chronicon Alexandrinum: ubi dicitur magnitudine nucum eam fuisse ἐις τύπον μεγέθει Καρύων. Noster ait manuali lapide majorem, usq ad octo libras grandinem ingruisse. To this I may add a passage out of Synesius's epist 58 Ad Episcopos concerning ye like judgments on ye other side ye Mediterranean Ανδρόνικος Πενταπόλεως ἐσκάτη πληγὴ μετὰ σεισμὸν, <12v> μετὰ αηριδα, μητὰ λιμον, μητὰ πυρ, μητὰ πόλεμον ἐπεξελθὼν ἀρκιβως τοις ἐκείνων εγκαταλείμμασιν. Andronicus - Pentapoleos extrema plaga fuit post terræ motum, post locustam, post pestilentiam, post incendium post bellum illorum omnium reliquias diligenter persequens. But it will not be amiss to give you here Philostorgius his description of these plagues \as we have it contracted by Photius,/ & not only of these but of ye other also by war: for his whole discours on this subject is very pertinent, & his authority sufficiently valid, seing he lived when these things were acted & wrote his history wthin a few years after. \L 11. c 7. Οτι φησι καὶ ουτως &c/ Ait, saith Photius, quod sua tempestate tanta hominum mortalitas incesserit quantam nulla ætas ab omni seculo cognovit: & hanc vero a Xiphian \[i.e. Eusiformem]/ astrum portendisse. Neq enim militares tantum sicut olim superioribus bellis, interiere, neq intra unam aliquam terræ partem mala hæc constitêre verum omnia hominum genera periere, omnis verò perijt Europa, Asiæ haud exigua portio simul attrita fuit, sed et Lybiæ pars magna, & maximè quæcunq Romanis paret: Nam et barbaricus ensis magnum numerum confecit & pestes famesq & ferarum greges incubuerunt, terræ motus frequentes urbes domosq a fundamentis evertentes in immensum exitium dedêre & hiatus terræ alicubi sub habitatoribus ruptæ sepultura erat præsentanea. Illuviones item aquarum ex aëre, & alibi spicula flammea, est et ubi turbines ignei immissi variam et intollerabilem labem intulere. Imo et grando manuali lapide major plurimum terræ vestavit, ad octo quippe librarum quas vocant ponderis usq visa fuit ingruens. Nivium quoq vis, frigorisq immanitas, quos alia plia plaga non corripuit, hos corripiens vita privant Et hæc manifestè a[34]divinam nunciarunt iram quam sigillatim recensere supra humanam vim fuerit.

Cap 8. Ait Hunnos qui Scythiæ sunt intra Istrum cum prius multum terræ occupassent devastassentq transcenso postea fluvio gelu constricto, confertim Romanum imperium adortos, perq totam Thraciam diffusos totam Europam deprædatos. Qui verò ad solem Orientem sunt fluvio Tania transito, & in Orientem effusi per Armeniam majorem in Melitinam, quæ vocatur, irruperunt: exinde Euphratensi incubuerunt, & ad Syriam Cœlem usq deprædati sunt, Ciliciamq percurrentes cædem hominum incredibilem operati sunt. Neq hic solum sed et Mazaces & Auxoriani {sic} ({nec Austuriani}) (hi verò inter Lybiam & Afros habitant) juxta orientalem eorum plagam Lybiam {illeg} neq exiguam Ægypti partem simul vastarunt. Afros vero incur <13v> incursantes juxta solem Occidentem {sic} vicinæ populati sunt. Adhæc omnia & Tribigildus vir Scytha - manum barbaricam habens & in Nacolia {sic}Natolia{sic} Phrygia considens, Comitisq honorem gerens ex amicitia in inimicitiam {sic} Romanorum versus, ab ipsa Nacolia exorsus plurimas Phrygiæ civitates occupavit magnamq hominum stragen cædem patravit. Adversus quem Gainas dux missus, qui et ipse barbarus erat, victoriam prodidit, paria et ipse adversus Romanos agere cogitans. Exinde Tribigildus quasi Gainam fugiens Piridiam et Pamphylium invadens deprædatus est Postea multis et ipse tum misterijs tum Isauricis pugnis attritus vires suas in Hellespontum servavit & in Thraciam transfretans, non multo post interfectus fuit Gainas vero post proditionem, Ducis {sic} habitu Constantinopolin reversus, eam sibi subjicere in animum induxit: b[35]Cœlestis vero vis quædam armata visa ijs qui eam capere cogitabant in ipso actu terrefactis urbem quidem incendio liberavit, illos vero deprehensos humano judicio dedidit multaq cædes eorum fluxit. Gainas vero in tantum metum conjectus fuit uti - fugeret urbe. Quoniam vero Thracia vastata erat neq necessariorum quicquam præbere poterat neq aliam labem ferre, Gainas Chersonnesum {sic} transfretavit, ratibus cogitans in Asiam trajicere \&c/. [Comperto verò Imperatori ejus proposito mittitur adversus eum Dux Fravitus - qui cum Gainas exercitum suum ad trajiciendum ratibus præmisisset, navali prælio cum his congressus facillimè omnes ratibus {tra} victos fregit &c] Præter dicta mala, et Isaurorum Gens varias clades intulit: ad Solem quippe orientem Ciliciam percursarunt & conterminam Syriam non Cœlem modo sed et alteram ad Persas tendentem. Post patrata autem ibi incredunda et Thraciam et Pamphyliam aggressi sunt, & Lycios vastarunt, Cyprum insulam everterunt Lycaonas & Pisidas {sic} in captivitatem abduxerunt & Cappadocas Pontum usq aggressi, pessimaq quæ ab alijs barbaris fieri solent, erga captivos hi fecerunt.

Lib 12. c 2. \Ait etiam/ Quod circa prædicta tempora Alaricus Gothus Genere, circa superiores Thraciæ partes vires colligens Græciam ingressus sit & Athenas tenuerit & Macedonas et finitimos Dalmatas deprædatus sit, ingressus sit & Illyricum, Alpibusq transcensis Italiam irruperit.

< text from f 11r resumes >

|Marginall| Notes.

The occasion & time of Alaric's irruption you have thus described in Marcelline's chronicle. Indic 9. Olybrio et Probrino Coss. \[i.e. A.D. 395/ Theodosius apud Mediolanum moritur vita decessit. Ruffinus clam Arcadio Principi insidias tendens, Alaricum Gothorum regem missis ei clam pecunijs infestum reipublicæ fecit et in Græciam misit. Porro detecto dolo suo Ruffinus ab Italicis militibus trucidatus est. The history more at large you may see in Sigonius de Occ. Imp.

The irruption of ye Huns {sic} from beyond & other barbarians into Thrace was also in ye same year. ffor it it {sic} manifest of out of Claudian that it was by ye invitation & before ye death of Ruffin, & he died in ye latter end of this year as Prosper has thus recorded. Anno primo Arcadij, Ruffinus Bosporitanus cum ad summam militiæ pervenisse {sic}, præferri sibi Stiliconem non ferens ab eodem interficitur, Hunnorum quo ful ciebatur præsidio superato. And Socrates puts his death in 5 Cal. Decemb. of this year. |wheereas all other corruptions that I can at prsent think of have crept in gradua \& spread th. sl by/ almost insensible {sic} degrees wthout force| Yet Sozomenes[36] & records \sets/ this irruption after that \other/ into Armenia & {illeg} refers it to ye time about wch Alaric was beaten at Pollentia but perhaps there were more irruptions into Thrace then one.

The irruption of ye Huns into Armenia I put also in ye same year. ffor they were invited at ye same time by Ruffin, & Socrates affirms yt they entred before his death. Ad 5 Cal. Decembris exercitus, ait, [37] [qui ex bello adversus Eugenium gesto reversus Constantinopolin] adventavit. Vbi igitur Imperator Arcadius ad portas civitatis exercitui obviam processit ibi tum Ruffinum legatum Imperatoris obtruncant. |in battels & ye overthrow of some dominion.| Nam in suspcionem venerat occupandæ tyrannidis, & opinio de eo erat concepta quod Hunnos gentem barbaram in agrum Romanum advocaverat. Etenim eodem tempore Aremeniam et alias quasdam Provincias partes Orientales vastaverant. Yet notwith standing this, it is manifest out by ye place cited out of St Ierom that in ye first year of this irruption they advanced not far into ye empire, but only sent a <13r> rumor before them of their coming {illeg}& began their general grassation in ye next year. ffor his words Ecce tibi anno præterito &c seem to refer \the heat of/ this grassation to a later year, & his recconing ye next year wherein he wrote to be 20 years & upward from ye first grassation of ye Goths, refers it to ye year 397 {sic} ffor ye first grassation of ye Goths began \AD 373 & again/ in *[38] Autum AD 377 & therefore St Ierom must have wrote \would not have written sooner then/ /must have written\ in ye year 397 {sic}, unless he fetch his computation from some former grassation of Goths as I suppose he was when he says it was more then 30 years. \wch was 20 years after then from the latter period & upward from the former./

The grassation of Tribigildus {sic} seems to have begun but in ye year 397 & continued not above 3 or 4 years. |Of this you may see more in Marcellines Chron. Socrates lib 6. c 2. Theodoret. l. 5 c. 32. Sozom l 8 c 4. \Chron Alexandrin./ & Cedrenus p 269.|

The battel at Pollentia Prosper thus remembers. A.D. 403 Adversum Gothos vehementer utriusq partis clade Pollentiæ pugnatum. But \And/ Claudian who wrote of it ye next year, thus records it

[39]unoq die Romana rependit

Quicquid ter denis toties amisimus annis

O celebranda mihi cunctis Pollentia sæclis,

O meritum nomen, felicibus apta triumphis,

Virtutis fatale solum memorabile bustum

Barbariæ &c.

And in another poem Symbol (dot in a circle in a square) in text

< insertion from f 12v >

Symbol (dot in a circle in a square) in text And in another Poem

[40]Iam Pollentini tenuatus funera campi

Concessaq sibi (rerum sic admonet usus)

Luce, tot amissis socijs atq omnibus una

Direptis opibus Latio discedere jussus

Hostis, et immensi revolutus culmine fati

Turpe retexit iter

Afterwards he adds - Advolat una

Naidum resoluta comam &c

< text from f 13r resumes >

[41]Advolat una

Naidum resoluta comam complexaq *[42] patrem

En Alaricus ait, non qualem nuper ovantem

Vidimus: exangues, genitor, mirabere vultus.

Percensere manum tantaq {sic} ex gente juvabit

Relliquias numerasse breves.

And a little after speaking of ye battel at Verona

Tu quoq non parvum Getico Verona triumpho

Adjungis cumulum: nec plus Pollentia rebus

Contulit Ausonijs, aut mœnia vindicis Astæ

Afterwards he brings in Alaricus {illeg} \thus/ lamenting his losses

Heu quibus insidijs qua *[43]me circumdedit arte

Fatalis semper Stilico: Dum parcere fingit

Rettulit hostiles animos, bellumq remenso

Evaluit transferre Pado. Proh fœdera sævo

deteriora jugo, tunc vis extincta Getarum.

Tunc mihi tunc lethum pepegi violentior armis

Omnibus. &c.

Hence it appears that between these two battels there was a league <14r> league between Alaric & Stilico. And Orosius accuses Stilico as if he \often/ reserved Alaric out of treacherous designes. [44]Taceo inquit de Alarico Rege cum suis sæpe victo, sæpe concluso, semperq dimisso.

Eversis in Vrbe Roma omnibus simulachris Radagaisus Rex Gothorum cum ingenti exercitu multo numerosiore quam Alarici fuit venit. D. August. Serm. 29 in Luc.         Radagaisus omnium antiquorum præentiumq hostium longe immanissimus repentino impetu totam inundavit Italiam. Nam fuisse in populo ejus plusquam ducenta millia Gothorum, ferunt. Hic supra hanc incredibilem multitudinem indomitamq virtutem Paganus et Scytha erat: qui (ut mos est barbaris hujusmodi gentibus) omnem Romani generis sanguinem dijs suis propinare devoverat. Oros l 7. c 37.       Anno undecimo Arcadij et Honorij (i.e. *[45]AD 405) multis ante vastatis urbibus Radagaisus occubuit; cujus in tres partes per diversos Principes divisus exercitus, aliquam repugnandi Romanis apperuit facultatem: Insigni triumpho exercitum tertiæ partis hostium circumactis Hunnorum Auxiliaribus Stilico {illeg} usq ad internecionem delevit. Prosper. Chron.       Cum Radagaisus agmine ingenti et immani jam in urbis vicinio constitutus Romanis cervicibus immineret uno die tanta celeritate sic victus est ut ne uno quidem non dicam extincto sed nec vulnerato Romanorum multo amplius quam centum millium prosternerentur ejus exercitus, atq ipse cum filijs mox mox captus {sic} pœna dabita necaretur. D. August. de civitate Dei l 5. This victory is attributed chiefly to ye virtue of ye Huldin & Sarus wth their Huns & Goths: whence {sic} it is likely that ye Romans came in only to ye slaughter after ye others had put ye enemy to confusion. ffor Marcellin in his chronicle writes thus: Huldin & Sarus Hunnorum Gothorumq reges Radagaisum continuo confecerunt.

παν χορτον every herb or every kind of herb, that is, all kinds of vegetables wch grew among the trees where the fire fell.

Some perhaps will think that ye third part of ye Trees & herbs might not unfitly be interpreted of ye third <15r> part of Radagaisus ye great army of Radagaisus: {illeg} but this interpretation is not so full as the other, nor has any correspondence wth ye following Trumpets.

I have sometimes thought whither this might not be interpreted of ye numbers of barbarians wch perished in battel, as if they were ye third part of all those wch were then wthin ye Empire \the whole Roman dominions/. And perhaps if there were any way to estimate them the proportion would answer {sic} to ye Prophesy. For although ye Barbarians afflicted ye Roman's most by their grassation, yet they themselves not only in Italy but in ye Greek Empire also suffered ye most in battels. For besides their overthrows in Italy, Alaric was beaten in Arcadia as Claudian thus relates, speaking to ye same Alaric concerning Stilico

[46]Seis ipse perosus

Arcadiæ quam densa jugis cumulaverit ossa

Sanguine quam largo Graios calefecerit amnes:

Extinctusq fores scite sub nomine legum

Probitio regniq favor texisset Eoi.

The whole nation of ye Bastarnæ, as ye same Claudian relates were also consumed at one bout by Stilico.

[47]- Quis Mysos in plaustra feroces

Reppulit? uat sæva Promoti cæde tumentes

Bastarnas una potuit delere ruina?

And a little after

- Non vanam corpus meditaris in unum

Sævitiam, turmas equitum, peditumq catervas

Hostilesq globos tumulo prosternis amici:

Inferijs gens tota datur.

The Goths & Huns as you heard above were also beaten in Thrace, & that oftner then once wth slaughters sufficiently great as you may learn by these verses of ye same Claudian.

[48]Vos Hæmi gelidæ valles quas sæpe cruentis

Stragibus æquavit Stilico, vos Thracia testor

Flumina quæ largo mutastis sanguine fluctus:


Dicite Bisaltæ vel qui Pangæa juvencis

Scinditis offenso quantæ sub vomere putres

Dissiliant glebis galeæ, vel qualia rastris

Ossa peremptorum resonent immania regum.

The army of Targibilus was also very much diminished \at once almost \all/ consumed in Asia/ by an unexpected onset of ye rustics of Asia \country people (Zosim l   )/; & afterwards |being supplied wth new forces by Gainas yet he was so worn by ye \onsets of ye/ Isauri & other miseries yt he was forced to retreat into Thrace where being {sic} slain. Afterwards (Philostorg.) where being slain, & Gainas \in attempting/ wth thir forces| he & Gainas attempting to pass ye Hellespont were notably overthrown in a naval fight where great numbers of the Goths perished; & soon after ye rest \reliques/ of their forces were either either slain or dissipated \by the Huns/. (Zosim

And this I suppose is enough to let you see that although ye languishing & durable pains expressed by the grievous & noisom sore fell upon ye men that had ye mark of ye Beast {sic}, yet ye sudden & violent storms of hail & fire mingled wth blood whereby battels are signified, fell upon ye earth as well in ye eastern as in ye western Empire, & consumed perhaps no less then ye third t of ye barbarians {sic} therein wthin ye whole. And yet when I consider that there is no certain way left us of estimating by the number of men ye proportion of ye barbarians consumed in these wars, & that it is not so likely that God should intend his prophesies in a sence, for ye interpretation of wch there would be no certain means left us: I rather think yt ye proportion is to be estimated by the extent of territories then by ye number of men, & accordingly I interpret it of those barbarians wch invaded ye western Empire becaus that I as I told you is ye third part of ye whole, & I find that ye three following Trumpets do altogether respect that & designe it by ye same subtriple {sic} proportion {sic}.

Although ye pouring the first Vial upon ye earth has some resemblance to ye casting upon ye earth ye hail & fire mingled wth blood yet in some respects \reality/ they differ. ffor ye sore wch followed ye Vial is an emblem of torment only, but ye hail & fire consumed men; that signifies a tedious lasting pain, this sudden destruction, <17r> {illeg} tables that is ye barbarians suffer, in that ye men wch have ye mark of ye Beast, that is ye Romans. And upon these considerations I have interpreted them differently, supposing ye viall to be not \only merely/ a plague upon ye Earth like ye hail-storm, but only \bec/ rather \also/ a medicament to incite it to inflict a plague upon ye men wch had ye mark of ye beast. And Yet if any man had rather extend it also to ye plage further so as to comprehend \also/ ye plague of hail & fire, he may use his discretion. ffor I see no more necessity of making these the same then there is of making ye second vial ye same wth ye mountain wch was cast into ye sea in ye second Trumpet or ye third vial ye same wth ye burning star wch in ye 3d Trumpt fell into ye rivers.

The second Trumpet.

The next Trumpet hath these two main characters that the wars to wch it sounds, are to be a western wind that is in ye regions westward of Rome: & that during this wind a great mountain burning wth fire is to be cast into ye sea, that is a great a[49] city b {illeg}[50]consuming by war to be cast down & sink in ye midst of that c[51] people signified by ye sea, disturbing ye waters \&/ by its fall to disturb ye waters. And no doubt this City is Rome ye metropolis of the western Empire. ffor it is this City wch is every where \in ye Apocalyps/ called ye great city, & this empire (as I shewed above) wch is to be understood by ye third part of ye Sea wch became bloody at ye fall of this mountain or City.

Now whereas at ye fall of this Mountain the third t of ye sea became bloody {sic} & ye third part of ye creatures wch were in ye sea & had life died, or according to ye second vial, ye (western) sea became bloody & as ye blood of a dead man & every living soul died therein: we are by this figure to understand not only much bloodshed \by the slaughter of men/ but \by blood wth {illeg} blood to understand the slaughter of men, but {sic} by death/ ye political death of ye western Empire, as if it were slain [& its blood spilt] by ye \invasion of its territories &/ fall of its Metropolis like an animal beheaded & torn in pieces. ffor [blood is applied primarily to express slaughter & then figuratively to expres any {illeg} <18> (Amos 2.2) And that in these Trumpets by death \it/ is to be understood not ye death of single men but of bodies politiq you may easily collect from ye 5t Trumpet where although wthout doubt multitudes of men were slain by the Locusts yet becaus they destroyed not |yt| Kingdom {sic} \wch they tormented five months/, they are said not to kill men. Reason also will dictate ye same; for no man I suppose can be so fond as to think that ye second Viall intention of ye second vial is yt all ye men in a whole Kingdom should really dy: but yt they may all dy a politicall death is of no harsh conception.

This I suppose is ye intention of this Trumpet. And now to make way for ye description of ye event I should first tell you that while ye eastern wind blew as was described in ye former Trumpet, there was an absolute serenity in ye west. |Now by the first of these characters we are to seek directed to ye first notable wars wch break forth in ye west; & these began in ye year 407. For till that time ye west continued in absolute peace. The Franks indeed immediatly after ye death of Theod &c| The Franks indeed immediatly after ye death of Theodosius, began to threaten some troubles in Gallia, but they were suddenly \checked/ by Stilico, & that wthout war, & all those regions established in firm peace as Claudian thus informs us

[52]Miramur rapidis hostem succumbere bellis

Cum solo terrore ruant; non classica Francis

Intulimus, jacuere tame: non Marte Suevos

Contudimus, queis jura damus: quis credere possit

Ante tubam nobis audax Germania servit.

Cedant Druse tui, cedant Trajane labores

Vestra manus dubio quicquid discrimine gessit

Transcurrens egit Stilico, totidemq diebus

Edomuit Rhenum quot vos potuistis in annis

And a little after.

Omne quod Oceanum fontemq interjacet Istri

Vnius incursu tremuit, sine cæde subactus

Servitio Boreas, exarmatiq Triones.

Tempore tam parvo, tot prœlia sanguine nullo

Perficis, et Luna nuper nascente profectus

Ante redis quàm plena fuit. Rhenumq minacem

Cornibus infractis adeo mitescere cogis

Vt Salius jam rura colat, flexosq Sicambri

In falcem curvent gladios, geminasq viator


Cum videat ripas quæ sit Romana requirat.

Vt jam trans fluvium non indignante Cyaco

Pascat Belga pecus, mediumq ingressa per Albim

Gallica Francorum montes armenta pererrent.

Vt procul Hyrciniæ per vasta silentia sylvæ

Venari tuto liceat, lucosq vetusta

Religione truces, et robora numinis instar

Barbarici, nostræ feriant impune bipennes.

Vltro quinetiam devota mente tuentur,

Victoriq favent. Quoties sonare catervas

Oravit jungiq tuis Alemannia signis?

Nec doluit contempta tamen, spretoq recessit

Auxilio, laudata fides, Provincia missos

Expellit citius fasces quam Francia reges

Quos dederis feriat, nec jam pulsare rebelles,

Sed vinclis punire licet, sub judice nostro

Regia Romanus disquirit crimina carcer.

This was ye serenity of ye western regions while ye east wind blew, but so soon as \when/ that began to be {illeg} cease there brake forth a notable western wind. ffor in ye beginning of ye year 407 ye Vandals Alans Burgundians & Alemans, wth great multitudes of other barbarous nations out of Germany (invited as was supposed by Stilico as ye Eastern Barbarians were before by Ruffin) all at once overflow Gallia wasting it wth fire & sword & rapine: wch desolations St Ierom in his eleventh Epistle hath thus partly expressed & partly hinted. - Verùm quid ago? fracta novi de mercibus disputo. Qui tenebat de medio fit et non intelligimus Antichristum appropinquare. Innumerabiles et ferocissimæ nationes universas Gallias occuparunt, quicquid inter Alpes et Pyrenæum est quod Oceano et Rheno includitur, Quadus, Vandalus, Sarmata, Alani, Gepides, Heruli, Saxones, Burgundiones, Alemanni et (O lugenda respublica) hostes Pannonij vastarunt. Magunciacum capta atq subversa est, et in Ecclesia multa hominum millia trucidata. Vangiones longa obsidione deleti, Rhenorum Vrbs præpotens, Ambiani, Attrebates, \extremiq hominum/ Morini, Tor <20r> nacus, Nemete, Argentoratus translati in Germaniam. Aquitaniæ novemq populorum Lugdunensis et Narbonensis Provinciæ præter paucas urbes populata sunt cuncta, quas et ipsas foris gladius intus vastat fames. Non possum absq lacrymis Tolosæ facere mentionem quæ ut hucusq non rueret sancti Episcopi Exuperij merita præstiterunt. Ipsæ Hispaniæ jam jamq petituræ \quotidiè/ contremescunt recordantes irruptionis Cimbricæ, et quicquid alij semel pasi sunt illi semper timore patiuntur. Cætera taceo ne videar de Dei desperare clementia. {Quis} And a little after Quis hoc credet? Quæ digno sermone historiæ comprehendent? Romam in gremio suo non pro gloria sed pro salute pugnare imo ne pugnare quidem sed auro et cunctâ supellectile vitam redimire?

After Gallia had been thus wasted for between two & three years, the Vandals Alans & Suevians \wth a part of ye Alans/ pass into Spain & overrun that country also wth ye like desolations, & at ye same time ye Franks break into Gallia Lugdunensis; & ye Picts & Scots also a while after, that no part of ye west might be free a[53] invade Brittain, forcing many of the inhabitants to fly into that part of ffrance wch from them is to this day called Brittain.

And whilst this torrent overwhelmed ye west, Alaric wth his Goths, leaving Pannonia to ye Huns, invade Italy & besiege Rome, & though at first bought off, yet renewing the siege after two yeares he takes it in ye year 410 when it had been first so much wasted by famin & Pestilence yt St Ierom in Epist 16 saith, Fame perit antequam gladio: et vix pauci qui caperentur inventi sunt. Ad nefandos cibos erupti esurientium rabies & sua invicem membra laniarunt: dum mater non parcit lactanti infanti et suo recipit utero quem paulo ante effuderat. Hence it became a proverb Pone pretium humanis carnibus as Zosimus relates who also adds: [54] Famem (ceu consentaneum erat) pestis comita batur omniaq plena cadaveribus erant. Cumq non possent extra urbem sepeliri cadavera quod omnem exitum hostes observarent urbs ipsa mortuorum sepulchrum {sic} erat: adeo quidem ut alioqui etiam solitudo in urbe foret, siquæ nulla fuisset alimentorum penuria, vel exhalans e cadaveribus <21r> odor ad inficienda corrumpendaq corpora suffecisset.

When ye city was almost taken Alaric sets up Attalus a new Emperor at Rome reserving to himself ye command of both armies, & sends him to besiege Honorius at Ravenna, whereupon Honoriius out of desperation began to think of flying to his Brother in ye East: but Attalus behving himself foolishly Alaric degrades him again & restores Honorius. Quid de infelicissimo Attalo loquar, saith Orosius,[55] cui occidi inter Tyrannos honor & more lucrum fuit? In hoc Alaricus Imperatore facto infecto refecto ac defecto, citius his omnibus actis pene quàm dictis, mimum risit et ludum spectavit Imperij.

After these things, the city being taken, Alaric lead his army into ye furthest parts of Italy & attempted to sail into Afric wth intention to have seated his nation there. But being shipwracked he made a league wth Honorius & sooon after died & then Honorius that he might recover Italy granted Ataulphus his successor Aquitain {sic} Province of Gallia to inhabit: wch gave occasion to various fresh wars in Aquitain & Spain between ye Goths Romans Vandals Sueves & Alans almost wthout intermission untill ye year 427 when peace was concluded between ye Goths & Romans, & ye Vandals having that same year slain c[56] almost twenty thousand Romans in battel {sic} c[57] pass into Afric: the Kingdom of ye d[58] Alans being ruined in those wars about ten years before.

The first ten years of these wars in Aquitain, recconed from ye begining of ye irruption, \you may hear/ Prosper thus lamenting.


- Felix

Quem non concutiat vicina strage ruina

Intrepidum flammas inter et inter aquas.

Nos autem tanta sub tempestate malorum

Invalidi passim cædimur et cadimus.

Cumq animum patriæ subijt fumantis imago

Et stetit ante oculos quicquid ubiq perit:

Frangimur immodicis et pluribus ora rigamus

Dumq pios agimus vertimur in quærulos.

- Heu cæde decenni

Wandalicis gladijs sternimur et Geticis.

Non castella petris, non oppida montibus altis

Imposita, aut urbes amnibus æquoreis


Barbarici superare dolos atq arma furoris

Evaluere omnes: ultima pertulimus. &c.

Having given you the history of these wars, wch as you have heard, fulfill ye two characters of this Trumpet, the one of being a \the first/ western wind, ye other of being accompanied wth ye fall of ye Imperial city: it remains now that I take notis of ye other concomitans, wch are these three.

1 That ye third part of ye sea became blood, or as is exprest in ye second Vial, ye (western) sea became as ye blood of a dead man. By blood we are to understand ye staining of ye western waters chiefly by ye effusion of much blood in these wars, & then by any other kind {sic} of violent {sic} deaths {sic} whatever. ffor blood is used figuratively to signify any kind of death as you may see in Ezek 14.19. & 3.18, 20, & 18.13, & thus it will comprehend ye sad mortality by famin & pestilence \wch doutles/ at ye sieges of Rome \swept away many hundred thousands & raged not/ & not only there but in ye whole western Empire & chiefly in Spain as Idatius in his chronicle thus relates. Anno 16mo Imperij Honorij et Arcadij, debacchantibus per Hispanias {sic} Barbaris, pestilentiæ malo fames diva grassatur ut humanæ carnes ab humano genere fame fuerint devoratæ: matres quoq necatis et coctis natorum suorum visceribus sint pastæ, corporibus bestiæ occisorum. Gladio, fame, pestilentia, bestiarum infestatione interimebantur homines. His quatuor plagis ubiq in toto orbe sævientibus prædicta a domino per Prophetas suas adimplebantur.

2 The second concomitant is that the third part of the creatures wch were in ye sea & life died, that is every living soul in ye (western) sea as is exprest in ye second vial. And here by death I understand not ye naturall death of men, (for yt was sufficiently exprest before by blood,) but their poiticall death. ffor death is used to signify the destruction of bodies politiq as well as of naturall bodies, Amos 2.2. And that in these trumpets it is to be understood of bodies politiq you may easily collect from <23r> the fift Trumpet where although wthout doubt multitudes of men were slain by the locusts yet becaus they destroyed not their Kingdom they are said not to kill them. Reason also will dictate ye same: for no man I suppose can be so fond as to think yt ye intention of ye second vial is that all ye men in a whole Kingdom should really dy; but that they may all dy a political death is of no harsh conception. I suppose therefore that this death is ye political death of ye western Empire, as if it were slain by ye invasion of its territories & ye fall of its Metropolis like an animal beheaded & torn in pieces. For Pannonia was rent from it by ye Huns, Brittain first by tyrants & then by ye natives, ye most of Gallia & Spain by ye Franks, Burgundians Alemans Alans Vandals & Goths & ye rest at some time or other overrun by them. Also d[60]Afric made a defection for a year or two under Heraclinus, & Italy laboured under ye invasion of Alaric & ye usurpation of a new Emperor, Honorius being reduced to so great straits that he began to think of quitting all & flying into ye East. And to comprehend all at once, ye whole Empire died {sic} for a time by cutting of yt city whose dominion was ye ratio formalis or life therof. For at ye taking of yt city, to use St Ierom's words written upon ye news of it, Clarissimum terrarum omnium lumen extinctum est, imo Romani Imperij truncatum caput, & ut (verius dicam) una urbe totus orbis inter ijt. Hieron. Præf. in l 1. comment. in Ezek. In a word ye siege of this city was ye nick of time in wch ye Empire was slain as to its Monarchical form, & in its stead a body of ten new Kingdoms substituted of wch we shall hereafter give you ye catalogue.

3 This overthrow of ye Empire is further expressed by a shipwrack. The third part of ye ships, ([61]that is ye towns & cities of ye western Empire whose houses are analogous to <24r> ships) were destroyed in this tempest, sinking as it were (like ye great Mountain) by being reduced into ye power of the enemy.

The third Trumpet.


The third Trumpet.

The western empire being now rent into many kingdoms, & those pretty well setled under their new lords: there brake out \A.C 427/ a war in ye southern quarter wch is ye quarter of the third wind. Till this \For now {illeg} / Afric \wch had æ[62] hitherto/ flourished in peace & prosperity having had no other molestation \considerable molestation since ye beginning of Theodosius's reign/ then that \short one/ of Gilda for two or three yeares wch conspired wth ye wars of ye first Trumpet \& an invasion of Mauritania perhaps shorter then Gilda's eruption & belonging to the wars of ye 2d/, began to be invaded & wasted wth most vehement, tedious & universal desolations: & that after this manner. Vpon a a[63] discord {illeg} between Ætius & Boniface governour of Afric, Ætius {illeg} this year sent an army against him out of Italy & Boniface defeated it & to {sic} fortify himself for ye future sailed streight into Spain & contracted friendship wth ye Vandals by marriage & invited them into Afric. But whilst they were in their passage Afric was invaded also by ye southern Barbarians: of wch D. {illeg} Augustin [64] in an epistle to Boniface written ye next year {illeg} \a year or two after/ makes this mention. Cùm te esse in continentiæ proposito gauderemus, navit gasti uxoremq duxisti, & hæresis eorum qui verum filiū Dei negant tantum prævaluit in domo tua ut ab ipsis filia tua baptizaretur, &c. Quando ergo poteris tot hominum ar matorum, quorum timetur atrocitas, concupiscentiam non dico satiare, quod fieri nullo modo potest, sed aliqua ex parte pascere ne universa plebs {pebs} pereat? Vides tam multa contrita, ut vile aliquid quod rapiatur vix inveniatur. Quid autem dicam de vastatione Africæ quam faciunt Afri barbari resistente nullo, dum tu talis tuis necessitatibus occuparis, nec aliquid ordinas unde ista calamitas avertatur? Quis autem crederet quis timeret Boni facio domesticorum & Africæ comite in Africa constituto cum tam magno exercitu & potestate, qui tribunus cum paucis fœderatis omnes ipsas gentes expugnando & terrendo pacaverat, nunc tantum fuisse barbaros ausuros, tantum progressuros, tanta vastaturos, tanta rapturos, tanta loca quæ plena populis fuerant deserta facturos?

[65]In ye meane while ye Vandals mixt wth Alans & others invaded Mauritania, approached more & more into Afric wasted all places, & Boniface repenting |of| what he had done \being again reconciled to ye Emperor, & supplied wth new & great forces both from Rome & Constantinople (against them/, they beat his forces \Army/ besieged him in Hippo, & A.C. 431 after 14 months <26r> siege burnt ye city: \/ < insertion from f 25v > ✝ & then \a/[66]new forces being sent both from Rome & Constantinople under Aspar, they beat those also, forcing Boniface to fly to Rome & Aspar to Constantinople. The first heat of these miseries Possidius Bp of Calama who was present to them thus laments in his - < text from f 26r resumes > wch Possidius Bp of Calama[67] who was present to these miseries, thus laments in his oration upon ye death of D. Augustin. Brevi inquit consequenti tempore divina voluntate & potestate provenit, ut manus ingens diversis telis armata & bellis exercitata, immanium hostium Wandalorum |&| Alanorum & commixtam secum habens Gothorū gentem, aliarumq diversarum gentium personas ex Hispaniæ partibus transmarinis navibus Africæ influxisset & irruisset: universaq per loca Mauritaniarum etiam ad alias nostras trajiciens provincias & regiones, omni sæviens crudelitate & atrocitate, cuncta quæ potuit expoliatione cædibus, diver sisq tormentis, incendijs, alijsq innumerabilibus & infandis malis depopulata est, nulli sexui, nulli parcens ætati, nec ipsis Dei sacerdotibus vel ministris, nec ipsis ecclesiarum ornamentis seu instrumentis vel ædificijs. Et hanc ferocissimam hostium grassationem & vastationem, ille homo Dei, & factam fuisse et fieri, non ut cæteri homines sen tiebat & cogitabat: sed altiùs & profundiùs ea considerans & in his animarum præcipuè vel pericula vel mortes prævidens, solito amplius (quantas fuerunt ei lacrymæ panes die ac nocte, amarissimamq et lugubrem præ cæteris suæ senectutis jam pæne extremam ducebat ac tolerabat vitam. Videbat enim ille homo Dei civitates excidio perditas pariter cum ædificijs, villarumq habitatores, alios hostili nece extinctos, alios effugatos atq dispersos: Ecclesias sacerdotibus ac ministris destitutas, virginesq sacras & quosq continentes ubiq dissipatos: & in his alios defecisse tormentis, alios gladio interemptos esse, alios in captivitate perdita animi et corporis integritate ac fidei, malo more ac duro hostibus deservire. Cernebat etiam hymnos Dei & laudes de Ecclesijs deperisse, ædificia ecclesiarum quam plurimis in locis ignibus concremata esse, solennia quoq quæ Deo debentur de proprijs locis defecisse: sacrificia ac Sacramenta divina vel non quæri, vel quærenti qui tradat non facile reperiri: in ipsas montium sylvas et cavernas petrarum & speluncas confugientes, vel ad quascunq munitiones, alios fuisse expugnatos & interfectos, alios necessarijs sustentaculis evolutos atq privatos, ut fame contabescerent. ipsosq ecclesiarum præ positos & clericos qui forte Dei beneficio vel eos non incurrerant, vel incurrentes evaserant, rebus omnibus expoliatos atq <27r> nudatos egsutissimos mendicare, nec eis omnibus ad omnia quibus fulciendi essent subveniri posse. Vix tres superstites videbat ex innumerabilibus ecclesijs, hoc est Carthaginensem, Hipponensem et Cirtensem quæ dei beneficio excisæ non sunt, & earum permanent civitates & divino et humano fultæ præsidio; licet post ejus a[68] obitum urbs Hipponensis incolis destituta ab hostibus fuerit concremata. Within a few years they took Carthage too & what els remained: But let's heare how b[69] Victor in his history written \so/ many years after laments ye same desolations. Invenientes, saith he, pacatam quietamq Provinciam, speciositatem totius terræ florentis quaquaversum, impietatis agminibus impendebant, devastando depopulabantur incendio & homocidijs totum exterminantes. Sed nec arbustis fructiferis omninò parcebant: ne forte quos antra {sic} montium, aut prærupta terrarum, vel seclusa quæq occultaverant, post eorum transitum illis pabulis nutrirentur: et sic eadem atq iterum tali crudelitate furentibus ab eorum contagione nullus remansit locum immunis. < insertion from f 26v > immunis. {illeg} Præsertim in a[70] Ecclesijs Basilicisq & cæmiterijs & monasterijs sceleratius sæviebant, & cum majoribus incendijs domus orationis magis quam urbes cunctaq oppida concremarent. - Quanti tunc ab eis præclari pontifices & nobiles sacerdotes diversis pœnarum generibus extincti sunt, ut haderent si quid auri vel argenti proprium vel ecclesiasticum haberent. Et dum hæc quæ erant urgentibus pœnis facilius proderentur iterum crudelibus tormentis oblatores urgebant, autum antes quandam partem non totum esse oblatum, & quanto plus dabant tanto amplius quempiam habere credebant. Alijs palorum vectibus ora reserantes fœtidum cænum ob confessionem pecuniæ faucibus ingerebant. Nonnullos in frontibus & tibijs nervis remugientibus torquendo cruciabant. Plerisq aquam marinam, alijs acetum, amurcam, liquamenq, & alia multaatq crudelia tanquam utribus imbutis ori impositis sine misericordia porrigebant. Non infirmior sexus non consideratio nobilitatis non reverentia sacerdotalis crudeles animos mitigabat: quin imò ibi exaggerabatur ira furoris ubi honorem conspexerant. Quantis sacerdotibus, quantisq illustribus onera ingentia ut camelis vel alijs generibus jumentorum imposuerint nequeo enarrare \{illeg}/ quos stimulis ferreis ad ambulandum urgebant quorum nonnulli sub fascibus miserabiliter animas emisere. Senilis maturitas atq veneranda canities quæ cæsariem cajutis ut lanam candidam dealbarat: nullam sibi ab hospitibus misericordiam vendicabat sed etiam parvulos ab uberibus rapiens maternis barbarus furor insontem infantiam elidebat ad terram. Alij parvulum pedibus tenentes a meatu prorsus naturali usq ad arcem, capitis dissipabant, quando tunc forte Sion captiva cantabat: Dixit inimicus incendere fines meos interficere infantis meos & parvulos meos elisurum ad terram. In ædificijs nonnullis - < text from f 27r resumes > - In ædificijs nonnullis magnarum ædium vel domorum ubi ministerium ignis minùs valuerat, tectis admodum despicatis pulchritudinem parietum solo æquabant, ut nunc antiqua illa speciositas civitatum nec quia fuerit prorsus appareat. Sed et urbes quamplurimæ aut raris aut nullis habitatoribus incoluntur. Nam et hodiè siqua supersunt subinde desolantur. |Vbi verò munitiones aliquæ| < insertion from f 26v > aliquæ videbantur, quas hostilitas barbarici furoris oppugnare nequiret, congregatis in circuitu castrorum innumerabilibus turbis, gladijs feralibus, cruciabant, ut putrefactis cadaveribus, quos adire non poterant arcente murorum defensione, corporum liquescentium enecarent fœtore. Quanti & quam numerosi tunc ab eis cruciati sunt sacerdotes explicare quis poterit? &c Tunc enim nostræ civitatis venerabilis Papinianus antistes, candentis ferri laminis toto adeptus est corpore. Similiter et Mansuetus Vricitanus, in porta incensus est Formitana. &c. < text from f 27r resumes >

How vast these desolations were you may further guess by ye largeness of ye Province, {illeg} wch by ye incredible number of Bishoprics in it seems scarce so little as \less or not much less then/ Spain & Gallia together: ffor Baronius[71] \A.C. 411. computes/ out of D. Austin computes 466 \625/ episcopal seats of ye Catholic Bishops (as he calls them) \in Afric/ & besides of ye Donatists 159 whose Bishops came to ye counsel of Carthage {illeg} then called, besides 120 whose Bishops ye Donatists said remained behind: that is in all {illeg} 745 Bishopricks. \at least in Afric. Also in {Afric} how severe & sharp they were may be further apprehended Symbol (forward slash bisected by two backslashes) in text/ < insertion from f 26v > Symbol (forward slash bisected by two backslashes) in text How severe & sharp these desolations were may be further apprehended by the {sic} fierce & crul {sic} disposition of Genseric \their King/ wch sufficiently discovers it self by this one passage of Prosper: Dioscoro et Eudoxio Coss. In Geisericum de successu rerum etiam apud suos superbientem, quidam Optimates ipsius conspiraverunt sed molitione detecta multis ab eo supplicijs excruciati atq extincti sunt. Quumq idem audendum etiam ab alijs videretur, tam multis regis suspicio exitio fuit ut hac sui cura plus virium perderet quam si bello superaretur. Prosp. in Chron. If he did thus to his own people what would he not do to ye Africans. But how vast desolations he made there you may still further guess by the largeness -

< text from f 27r resumes >

Nor was it Afric alone these barbarians {sic} infested; the Mediterranean Islands felt their fury too. ffor \Marcelline saith A.C. 439 Theod 17 & Fausto Coss. Vandali Pyratæ multas insulas sed præcipue Siciliam vastavêre. And/ saith Salvian[72] Postremo nequa Vastatus \tells us/ \Eversis/ Gallijs et Hispanijs {sic}, postremò nequa pars mundi exitialibus malis esset immunis, navigare per fluctus bella cœperunt: quæ vastatis urbibus mari clausis atq eversis Sardinia et Sicilia id est fiscalibus horreis, atq abscissis velut vitalibus venis Africam ipsam id est quasi <28r> animam captivarêre reipublicæ: That is completed its captivity by sacking Carthage & pervading ye whole soon after they had cut of suppl taken Sicily & other Mediterranean Isles & thereby cut of supplies from Europe.

When they had thus by a tedious war wth ye Emperor's forces {illeg} wasted & subdued Afric & Sicily, they from thence A.C 455 sailed into Italy & spoiled Rome & other cities there carrying into Afric ye whole treasures thereof & consequently of ye Empire wch ye abstemious Goths {sic} had spared, & captivating ye flower of Italy. Post exitum Maximi confestim secuta est multis digna lachrymis {sic} Romana captivitas. Vrbem omni præsidio vacuam Geisericus {sic} obtinuit, - et per 14 dies continuos secura et libera scrutatione omnibus opibus suis Roma vacucta est, multaq millia captivorum prout quisq aut {sic} ætate aut arte placuerunt cum Regina et filiabus ejus Carthaginem abducti sunt. Prosper apud Euseb. l 1. Gensericus vacuam præsidio civitatem capit & occursu Leonis Papæ mitigatus ab incendio cædibus atq supplicijs urbem immanem servavit, omnibus tamen opibus ablatis multaq millia multa inde captivorum millia cum Augusta Eudoxia & ejus filiabus Carthaginem revexit. Paul Diac. lib. 15. Exinde Regum multorum divitias cum populis captivavit. \Quæ dum multitudo captivitatis Africanum attingeret littus dividentibus Vandalis et Mauris ingentem populi quantitatem, ut moris est Barbaris, mariti ab uxoribus, liberi a parentibus separabantur./ Victor De Persec. Vand. l. 1. Gazam omnem Imperatoriam in navibus positam secum in Africam tulit: ac siqua erant Romæ decora, itemq Iovis capitolini tegularum ex ære auratarum partem dimidiam abripuit. Vnam verò ex his navibus ubi statuæ fuerant tempestate perijsse dicunt, cæteras incolumes in Africam delatas. Procop. de Bello Wand. l. 1. Amongst other things were ye vessels of ye Temple of Ierusalem wch Titus had sent to Rome. Procop. {illeg} ib. l 2. Niceph. l 15. c 11. And to these spoiles of Rome they added at ye same time ye prey of many other cities: Miles Genserici avidus prædæ in Campaniam incursat, Capuam evertit, Neapolin expugnat, Nolam obsidet, urbes reliquas diripit - \onustus præda {illeg}/ cum ingenti captivorum numero Africam repetit. Aventinus in Annal. Boi. |& Pompon. Læt.|

From this time ye Vandals possessing themselves more & more of ye mediterranean Isles continued to play ye Pyrats & infest Europe wth very frequent incursians. Post mortem Valentiniani, saith victor, [73] Gensericus totius Africæ ambitum ob- <29r> tinuit, nec non et insulas maximas Sardiniam Siciliam Corsicam Ebusum Majoricam Minoricam & alias multas superbia sibi consueta defendit. And Procopius:[74] Post mortem Valentiniani, aliquot annos veris initio continuò longas fecit prædando et populando incursiones, nunc in Siciliam, nunc in Italiam, civitates insuper partim diripiendo partim solo æquando: ubi verò omnia delevit ad Orientis conversus Imperium Illyricum omne simul et Peloponnesum, hisq adjacentes insulas cum reliqua Græcia invadit. Ad Italiam rursum Siciliamq reversus quicquid erat reliqui diripuit. \Verùm e quondam {cum} e Carthaginis portu passis velis soluturus esset, interrogatus a Nauclero, quo tendere populabundus vellet: respondisse quo Deus impulerit, adeò ut ex nulla causa in obvios quoscunq hostiliter ferebatur./ So Sidonius in his Panegyric calld Anthemius, speaking of ye short reign of ye Emperors after Valentinian III, saith

- Quencunq creavit

Axe meo natum, confestim fregit in illo

Imperij fortuna rotas. Hinc Wandalus hostis

Vrget et in nostrum numerosa classe quotannis

Militat excidium, conversoq ordine fati

Torrida Caucaseos infert mihi Byrsa furores.

Præterea invictus Ricimer, quem publica fata

Respiciunt, proprio solus vix Marte repellit

Piratam per rura vagum, {illeg} qui prœlia vitans

Qui pacem pugnamq negat? Nam fœdera nulla

Cum Ricimere jacit.

Porrò ita formidabilis, inquit Baronius, [75] erat Gensericus piratica classe ut Alexandria etiam fuerit timore concussa. Etenim hæc habent d[76] acta Danielis Stylitæ. Quædam fama in omnes gentes manavit, Gensericum regem Wandalorum bellum gerere adversus *[77] Romanos magno apparatu & majori audacia, & quod magna manu pervenit Alexandriam, eam sibi volens belli facere præmium. Non parùm ergo animo angebatur magistratus et ipse Imperator &c. So troublesome were these violences, that for restraining them [78] Leo ye Greek Emperor A.C. 468 set forth a navy of eleven hundred ships & an hundred thousand men, wch at first prevailed, but landing a great part of their men in Afric, ye Vandals set upon them afresh & burnt their ships & then beat ye forces also wch they had landed. Thus having baffled both Emperors they continued their pyratical incursions till about ye year 500, when Theoderic king of ye Ostrogoths having newly propagated his <32r> kingdom into Italy, made peace wth them as Baronius in this year thus mentions: [79] Iam tutum, inquit, redditum erat commercium inter Africanos et Italos cum sanxivisset fœdus Rex Theodericus inter Africanos et Italos cum Wandalorum Rege {sic}, \[{illeg}]/ a quo hactenus frequentes fiebant in solum Italicum incursiones. Stabilita est enim inter eos pax fœdere nuptiarum, data ei {sic} \[Sc. Trasamundo]/ in Matrimonium Amalafrida. De qua inita inter illos concordia hæc Ennodius {sic} in Panegyrico Theoderici: Quid castigatas Wandalorum ventis parentibus eloquar deprædationes, quibus pro annuâ pensione satis est amicitia tua? Evagari ultra {sic} possibilitatem nesciunt, Duce sapientia: affines esse meruerunt quia obedire non abnuunt.

Symbol (circle surmounted by a cross with smaller circles to left and right and below it) in text Here insert. [Vicor {sic} after he has been &c.

< insertion from f 30r >

- quia obedire non abnuunt.

Symbol (circle surmounted by a cross with smaller circles to left and right and below it) in text [80]Victor after he has been very large in describing ye extreme miseries of Afric by ye banishments, enslavement, various tortures or slaughters of ye natives, adds this short hint of ye sufferings of Europe also by ye Pyratical incursions. Quæ verò, inquit, \Gensericus/ in Hispania, Italia, Dalmatia, Calabria, Apulia, Sicilia, Sardinia, Brutijs, Lucania, Epiro, vel Hellada gesserit, {Gensericus} melius ibi ipsi qui passi sunt miserabiliter lugenda narrabunt. So that scarce any thing not too remote from ye sea, escapt their fury./ But besides these there were other great wars by wch Europe was severely afflicted. For ye a[81]Huns under Attila in ye last five years of Theodosius ye 2d \years 441 & 442, & again in the years 445, 446 & 447/, miserably wasted Macedon, Greece Epire & Dalmatia \Thrace, Mœsia, Achaia. & {illeg} Greece & Epire/ & then \&/ A.C. 451 wth a {illeg} greater army consisting of Ostrogoths, Gepides & many other Scythian & German nations to ye b[82] number of 500000 o[83] invaded Gallia pretending to make war upon ye VisiGoths {sic} only, but ye rest of ye Gallic Barbarian Kingdoms (ye Franks Burgundians & Alans) being admonished by Ætius \ye Capitain of ye Romans/ yt his intention was to swallow them all singly, joyned wth ye Goths, & after he had c[84] wasted many cities & began to besiege Orleans, set upon him & wth much difficulty beat him, there {illeg} d[85] falling on both sides 162000 besides 90000 Gepides & Franks wch fell ye night before. And afterward he returning to invade ye Alans, ye {sic}[86] Goths & Alans beat him in another battel of three days continuance almost as bloody as ye first. Then he and ye reliques of \recruited a/ his forces \& led them/ into p[87] Venetia \Histria, Incubria, Gallia {togata},/ & f[88] rased divers of ye chief cities there, Aquileia, Millain Ticinum \Verona/, & others: at wch time many of ye Italians fled for safety to ye Adriatic Islands & built ye city Venice there, so called from ye region. But in ye heat of his fury he was g[89] curbed by an army sent by ye Greek Emperor Marcian. & forced to return home wth dammage: & ye next year (k[90] A.C. 444) dying, his sons fell into civil dissentions about sharing his dominions: on wch occasion ye nations under them laying hold shook off this rebelled & subdued them, ye Gepides in Mysia {sic}, ye Ostrogoths in Pannonia & others in other places.

And now ye Vandals having not only robd ye Empire of what Salvian calls ye its life & vital veins & soule, but of its heart too by spoiling Rome of it's wealth & captivating ye flower of Italy \& of its marrow too by continually invading & preying upon all places accesible/: there remaind only a trunk wch after a little feeble struggling died of its own accord, h[91]some \as factions one party/ of ye Italians weary of their helpless languishing condition calling into \calling from beyond the Danube into Italy against another/ \Italy against another,/ Oddacer King of ye Heruli into Italy \against another & helping him/ & giving him opportunity who {sic} seized it wthout war \quickly pervaded it,/ almost without {illeg} opposition, but yet not wthout {illeg} \spoiling/ some Cities & chiefly {illeg} Ticinum.


Besides all these I might mention ye wars by wch ye Ostrogoths threw ye Heruli out of Italy & succeeded them them {sic} there & those between ye Visigoths & Suevians in Spain, & ye Franks & other Barbarians in Gallia &c. But these, as they are much inferior to those of ye Vandals & Huns so they were not {up} against |ye| Romans but between Barbarian nations & consequently not \properly/ of ye nature of ye four winds wch were to hurt ye earth & ye sea {sic} together, that is to be waged between Barbarians & Romans for ye destruction of ye Empire. On ye same account \also/ ye wars of ye Huns in Gallia are liable to exception, but yet becaus Ætius a Roman Capitain \with an army of Romans/ was ingaged in them, they may be referred to ye Vandalic wars \of this wind/ in a secondary order, recconning this wind to extend from ye South to both sides Rome ye regions on both sides Rome as ye first wind did from ye east to all sides but ye west. I Vnless ✝

< insertion from f 30v >

✝ Vnless you had rather compare ye Hunnic wars to so many blasts of a Hurricane for thir shortness, fury & unconstant quarter to so many fits of a Hurricane i'th' midst of a great wind. ffor while they lasted they were more ye most violent of any {their} wars, but \yet/ ye {sic} Vandalic was much more successful & fatal to ye Empire, rending away together wth ye most flourishing part of it, more ground people & riches then perhaps they left to be seized by others, \whereas ye Hunnic war rent little or nothing away./ Considering therefore that ye {illeg} Vandalic war conduced most to ye fall of ye Empire wch ye winds were to effect & that by its durableness & constancy it resembles a wind better then any other war or agggregate of wars contemporary to it, & yt by also that it brake out in a new quarter & was ye only great war in that Quarter: it ought to be accounted ye cardinal wind & ye rest referred to it as so many irregular contemporary irregular blasts.

But besides ye Quarter -

< text from f 31r resumes >

I know not whether it be worth ye while to take notice that in this wind some wars (as ye Hunnic in Venetia) were on ye north of Rome, seeing these were very short & much inferior to those in other quarters. Where there are wars on all sides the quarter must be esteemed by ye principal {sic} war & such was ye Vandalic: for though ye Hunnic were more magnificent & fierce for the time yet ye Vandalic were much more durable succesfull & fatal to ye Empire. The Huns rent nothing from ye Empire, but ye Vandals rent away together wth ye most flourishing part of it more ground people & riches then perhaps they left to be seized by others [& desolated {sic} more what they rent away \then any but the Huns/, for ye Heruli & Ostrogoths mended ye condition of Italy by invading it. In a word the Vandalic was ye only notable desolating war in ye south \quarter/ of Rome & consequently ye only war to wch this wind or Trumpet can be applied.

But besides the Quarter, this Trumpet has another remarkable character, ye fall of a great star from heaven. -] Yet the Huns tormented the Empire more for ye time: for          says they destroyed 70 cities in Thrace Macedon & Greece. {illeg} In Gallia Beatus Rhenanus reccons 23 by name & says they {sic} destroyed many more; & in Italy their {illeg} fury was {sic} great as in other places though perhaps a little shorter: so yt well might Beda \Marcelline & others/ say of Attila this vast depopulator that he laid was almost all Europe \wherefore these are a main part of ye wars to wch this Trumpet sounded/. But yet ye Vandalic war considering its duration & constancy was more like a wind, & must be this third wind becaus ye only <31v> notable desolating war in ye south Quarter. The Hunnic wars therefore I referred to this as subordinate in duration & success. But if you think their violence \shortness/ so much recompensed by their violence that they may come in competition wth ye Vandalic wars, you may consider Attila's expeditions as so many fits of a Hurricane ith midst of a great wind.

< text from f 32r resumes >

And these I suppose are ye wars to wch the third Trumpet sounded because \as they were notably {sic} great & pernicious so they were/ ye only memorable wars in ye south quarter, wch is ye quarter of ye third wind. But besides this of ye Quarter, this Trumpet has another remarkable character, ye fall of a great star from heaven burning as it were a Lamp; that is of some very great a[92] Prince from ye heaven of his dignity, b[93] consuming by war. And this points at ye fall of ye western Cæsar, who from that time yt ye Vandals rent Afric & |ye| Mediterranean Isles from ye Empire & spoiled Rome & \captivated/ Italy, retained almost nothing but ye name of Emperor: insomuch yt some historians make that time ye end of this Empire. Yet it resisted absolute death for about twenty years longer under ye titular Cæsars Aritus, Majoranus, Severus, Anthemius, Olybrius Glycerius & Nepos falling by ye sword of one another, untill at last A.C. 476 it was (as to ye Imperial dignity) utterly extinguished under ye fatal name of *[94] Augustus {sic} \or Augustinus/ by Odoacer King of Heruli who \as was said/ being invited by some of ye Italians translated his nation into Italy.

The reason why I interpret this star of {illeg} no less dignity then yt of ye western Emperor is yt it is described of ye greatest magnitude, & while there are two Emperors in ye Roman world it would be against nature to represent them by suns. Yet least you should doubt of this interpretation you may compare it wth Isa 14.12 where ye fall of as great a Monarch, ye King of Babylon, because he had in like manner ye King of the Medes for his fellow, is exprest by the <33r> like Parable of a falling star{. How} art thou fallen from heaven O Lucifer son of ye Morning, saith ye Prophet, how art thou cut down to ye ground wch didst weaken the nations.

Now whereas this star is described to fall upon ye third part of ye rivers & fountains of waters, it is a figure, like that of casting ye mountain into ye sea, to express at once both ye ruin of ye star & ye disturbance of ye waters & embittring them by that burning wch consumed ye star. By ye third part of ye rivers \(their denoting d[95] the provinces of any kingdom)/ I still understand ye people of ye Western Empire, ye same waters wch were before called ye sea third part of ye sea, but are now compared to rivers becaus no longer in one intire mas but intermixed wth ye earth those many northern nations {illeg} wch in ye last Trumpet & beginning of this by invading ye sea a[96] dried up its waters & converted ym {sic} residue as it were to disseminated rivers. \/ < insertion from f 31v > Moreover by ye third part of the {sic} rivers on wch ye star fell I understand so much of ye Empire as the star reigned over at ye beginning of this Trumpet that is Afric one sixt part, & Italy Dalmatia \&/ Rhætia wth some part of Spain & Gallia wch being about half ye European portion of ye western Empire, ye other amounts to another sixt part; the other half being {illeg} occupied by ye barbarous nations. On these his dominions, & on the b[97] ruling cities < text from f 33r resumes > On these therefore & on ye b[98] ruling cities (Rome Carthage Ravenna, Aquileia, {illeg} Millain, Ticinum, Capua Naples, {illeg} Carthage, Hippo {sic}, &c.) the heads or ffountains of these waters, ye great star fell burning as it were a lamp, & by its fall & burning (that is by ye decay of ye Emperors power wch should have defended ye Romans & by ye c[99] wars in wch he consumed) smote ye waters & made them bitter as if they had been imbibed wth so much wormwood, or, as is exprest in ye third Vial, it turned them to blood: & many men died of their bitterness, that is a politic death by ye dissolution of \by the dissolution of the/ ye Empire being dissolved by {illeg} wth much bloodshed & bitter {sic} \acutenes/ of affliction pain \{illeg} being slain/ /being dissolved or (as I may say) slain\ wch expired or (as it were) died wth much bloodshed & bitter pain.

In ye next place follows a declaration of God's justice in executing these judgments. [100]Iohn heard ye voice Angel of ye waters say Thou art righteous o Lord wch wast & art & shalt be becaus thou hast judged thus: For they have shed ye blood of saints & Prophets, & thou hast given them blood to drink; for they are worthy. And another angel out of ye Altar said: Even so Lord God Almighty true & righteous are thy judgments. And this affords a third character of these times worthy of yoe special notice, namely that these wars followed upon a sanguinary persecution of ye Church & were inflicted upon the persecutors as a righteous judgment to shed their blood who had shed the blood of saints & thereby made the \a/[101] derived upon themselves the blood of <34r> all Prop{hets} & Martyrs since ye world began. In ye fift seal you had a conclusion to ye Heathen persecutions exprest by ye soules under ye Altar calling for Vengeance, & here ye brethren that should be killed as they were should be fulfilled: & here you have ye beginning of ye Christian or rather Antichristian persecutions, the killing of \those/ their brethren noted by Angel of ye waters & ye voice of one from ye same Altar of Martyrdom celebrating God's justice for giving ye blood-shedders blood to drink: I say the beginning, becaus we shall find ye beginnings of all ye chief enormities of the Apostacy some where or other described in this Prophesy, & this is ye earliest mention of their sanguinary persecution. We are therefore to seek for ye beginning of the Antichristian sanguinary persecutions a little before this Vial. And there it is to be found. For Honorius, a[102] when Alaric ste up Attalus against him, fearing ye laws he had formerly put forth for compelling all \ye Donatists wth the rest of ye/ Africans to his religion might make them fall of to Attalus, permitted liberty of religion to all, but after Attalus's deposition, b[103] at ye petition of a Counsel of ye African Bishops revoked that edict by this

[104]Impp. Honor. & Theod. AA. Heracliano {sic} Com. Afric.

{illeg} c[105] Oraculo penitus remoto quo ad ritus suos hæreticæ superstitiones irrepserant, sciant omnes sanctæ legis inimici plectendos se pœna & proscriptionis & sanguinis si ultra convenire per publicum execrandâ sceleris sui temeritate temptaverint. Dat 8 Kal. Sept. Varane. V.C. Coss. [410.]

And afterward \five years after/ when ye accused \(as I conceive wth d[106] Gothofredus)/ pleaded that this law was voided by ye Treason & death of Heraclianus {sic}, Honorius reinforced it by this inscribed to ye same Heraclianus {sic} though dead to signify that his laws depended not on ye names they were inscribed to, & therefore that ye former law was in foce against them that had transgressed it before this came out.

[107]Impp. Honor. & Theod. AA. Heracliano {sic} Com. Afr.

Sciant cuncti qui ad ritus suos hæresis superstitionibus obrepserant sanctæ legis inimici, plectendos se pœna et proscriptionis et sanguinis si ultra {illeg} convenire per publicum execrandâ scleris sui temeritate temptaverint: nequâ vera divinaq reverentia contagione temeretur. Dat 8 Kal. sept. Honorio 10 & <35r> Theodosio 6 Coss. [415.].

Before these Theodosius ye great put forth an edict for seeking out & killing ye Manichees, & some of ye Priscillianists were slain under Maximus, but these of Honorius, so far as I can find were ye first for killing true Christians. They were indeed chiefly intended against ye Donatists, but comprehended all others, & if they were so severe against a[108] them of their own faith for disallowing their Baptism only, what would they not do to those whom they thought not only schismaticks & rebaptizers but of an hæretical faith too? But how far these laws were put in execution I know not: I fear they cost ye lives of many, for Baronius[109] out of D. Austin {sic} notes yt Afric abounded wth Arians, as he calls them, so that there wanted not opportunity of cruelty, & Salvian informs us yt ye great men were generally cruel & bloodthirsty enough. But though some of their Bishops might at first relent at this cruelty (as I find c[110] D. Austin did toward ye Donatists) yet if others wth ye Magistrates were so hard hearted as to murder but a few \as ye reinforcement of ye Emperors edict is a demontration {sic} they were)/, it is sufficient to derive upon all them that did not abominate their murder, ye blood of all saints & Prophets from ye death of Abel till now: especially since this was ye beginning & precedent to all ye sanguinary persecutions of following ages wch have cut of some hundred thousands.

You see therefore how those on whom ye plague of this Vial was inflicted had shed ye blood of Saints & Prophets, & now if you recur to what has been already said of ye desolations of Afric you cannot but confess that God recompensed their bloodshed on their own heads after a highly severe manner so as to deserve to be celebrated by that saying of ye Angel: Thou art righteous, O Lord, wch wast & art & shalt be, because thou hast judged thus: {illeg} for they have shed ye blood of Saints & of Prophets & thou hast given them blood to drink; for they are worthy. I beleive you will easily think wth me that as there was no barbarian nation \{illeg} tion/ so prosperous, domineering, & cruel as ye Vandalic {sic}, so no region was hiterto so much afflicted & wasted by any Barbarians as Afric was by them. And yet this is not all. This was ye bloodshed of ye persecutors by wars: but God shewed his justice in a more especial manner, recompensing them wth persecution for <40r> persecution. Of ye barbarian invaders though all \notably/ plagued ye Romans by wars, yet all did not persecute them much for religion. The Ostrogoths persecuted not at all, ye Visigoths not till ye reign Evarix, & then only by d[111] interdicting successors to be created to such Bishops {sic} as died. wch interdiction ceased wth his reign. And Something too ye Suevians in Spain might do, but altogeth all \these/ put together were but \a/ fleabiting to what ye Vandals did: for ye manifestation of wch I need only refer you to ye Victor's History intitled De Persecutione Wandalica: where though it seems to me that ye Author hath corrupted ye truth wth some fabulous circumstances after ye manner of ye Monks or rather taken up stories as ye Monks & other hypocrytical knaves had corruptedly infused them into his credulous party, yet I think ye substance of his history (these circumstances abated) \in general/ need not be questioned. For though he hath set of ye sufferers of his party not only wth ye titles of Martyrs & Confessors, but wth several strange relations of Miracles & other fucuses of story {sic}, yet seeing he wrote of his own times he could not have done that plausibly if divers of his own party had not suffered some by various torments others by death, & that in a persecution of their religion, though scarce for ye confession of their faith alone wthout some other supervening actions or language wch ye Vandals would not bear wth.

The whole \fifty year's/ reign of Geiseric was but one continual lash: whence \in so much yt/ some of that party have not stuck to call him Antichrist. To ye \several/ banishments of their Priests & other afflictions of that Church \in his reign,/ Victor adds: Sed etiam martyria quamplurima esse probantur, Confessorum autem ingens & plurima multitudo ex quibus aliqua narrare tentabo &c. ✝ < insertion from f 35v > ✝ But yet I must confess I take all this to have been a persecution for ill manners rather then for religion, seing he prohibited not ye exercise of their religion by any Law. He was indeed a very cruel Tyrant, & would brook no affronts, & ye Affricans were insolent enough to provoke him: whence all might happen that Victor relates, without a persecution of religion. Salvian plainly acquits him for ye first 20 years of his reign, & this passage of Victor \(lib 1)/ seems to me to acquit him in generall. Diversæ calumniæ non deerant \quotidiè/ etiam illis Sacerdotibus qui in his regionibus versabantur, quæ regiones palatio tributa pendebant, {illeg} et si forsitan quispiam ut movis est dum Dei populum admoneret Pharaonem, Nabuchadonosor, Holofernem aut aliquem similem nominasset, objiciebatur illi quod in personam regis ista dixisset, & statim exilio tradebatur Hoc enim persecutionis genus agebatur hic apertè, alibi occultè ut nomen piorum nomen talibus insidijs interiret. Qua de re plurimos Sacerdotum tunc novimus relegatos &c. This coming from ye mouth of so partial a writer as Victor, shews ye insolence & perversnes of ye Africans, & excuses ye Vandals. ffor had there been any persecution of religion there would have been no need to seek for other crimes.

But what ever ye Africans suffered for, it's plain they suffered for such things as they put upon ye score of religion, \& accounted a restraint thereof/ & so these suffer <40v> ings may be accounted \recconed/ a just requital of their persecuting.

This was in ye 37 years reign of Geiseric. But in \his Son/ Hunnerrick's reign they suffered much more for ye time. He at first - < text from f 40r resumes > / But ye persecution of his successor Huneric though shorter was more violent for ye time. He at first called home their Priests wch his father \Geiseric/ had banished, & gave \all/ liberty to ye exercise of their religion: but this respite only put them into ye capacity of greater affliction: wch began thus. First he purged his Court & Army of Homoüsians \afterwards/ spoiling those he found there ({illeg} were {many}) \(on what further motive I know not)/ of their estates & banishing them into Sicly & Sardinia. Then he caused their sacred Virgins \or Nuns/ to be gathered together & searched by Midwives, & for unchastity hung up wth great weights tyed to their feet, & burnt wth red hot iron plates applyed to their backs bellies {sic} paps & sides, & in their torments thus urged to confess {sic} their defilers: Dicite quomodo episcopi vobiscum concumbunt & clerici vestri. By wch <41r> torments many died & ye rest were made crook't. This was very severe but I wonder not much at ye numbers that suffered when I consider what Salvian has written of ye Extreme & universal unchastnes of ye Africans unles so far as \where/ ye Vandals {purged it} \cured it not/ by causing marriage, & that \seing/ prohibition wthout grace does but inflame ye desire.

Vpon {sic} this followed ye banishment of almost five thousand Bps Priests Deacons & Monks at once into a Desart. What crime ye Vandals charged them with to select them out from ye rest Victor conceals. Their faith alone it could not be, ye persecution for that beginning afterwards. And therefore following upon ye examination of the defiled Nuns I concl \cannot but/ suspect it was \chiefly if not solely/ ye result of their confession. ffor The old men among them were once young enough, & though Victor minces ye matter, yet he tells us ye Vandals examined ye Nuns to find occasion of animadverting upon ye Clergy, & amidst so many tortured \defiled/ ones tortured to confess it's impossible but confessions must be made. And why not (some at least) true as well as fals? Yet Yet all are saints wth Victor. Not an ill confession, not a stein to his church: not a \{illeg}/ crime and \particularly/ acknowledged \in his own party/ in all his history, Nothing there to be met wth but piety & holines: \Nothing there but Saints,/ Not a punishment be it for what it will but makes a martyr or a Confessor if inflicted by a Vandal, & it shal go hard too if his saintship be not recommended by a miracle or two. And yet out of Salvian we learn that ye Africans even before this time were become ye most abominably dissolute & wicked sort of people in all ye extremely wicked Empire, being almost wthout exception given {sic} to Lechery, lying, deceit, violence, insolence, pride malice, injustice &c. crimes {sic} sufficient to minister occasion to Victor's Martyrs ye sufferings of Victor's martyrs, & most likely to do so; for when ye Vandals had a mind to be severe it's not likely that they would shut their eyes at ye committers of such vices & punish only ye innocent.

But to proceed: After ye banishment of these, the King summoned all ye rest of ye Clergy to Carthage to dispute wth his Bishops about their faith & prove it out of scripture: & accordingly there came together ye Bps of all Afric & divers Islands. Where cavilling about superiority & ye language they should dispute in, & urging to have ye multitude brought in, & making tumultuous clamors, ye King commanded them as movers of sedition & decliners of ye dispute to be beaten & banished some into Corsica to hew wood, & others into other places: & then issued forth an Edict <42r> for putting ye Roman persecuting laws in force against ye Africans, {viz} particularly those for prohibiting their worship by confiscations & mulcts, banishing them from all cities & towns, prohibiting them to give or receive any thing or to make \or inherit/ wills under set penalties, injoyning their books to be burnt, & laying a penalty of proscription & death upon ye judges wch favoured ye accused, &c. And then sent forth ministers into all parts of his kingdom to put this edict in execution: whence sprang ye African afflictions so much insisted on by Victor, as he thus mentions in short. Addidit, saith he, Bestia illa insatiabilis sanguinem sitiens innocentum, Episcopis necdum adhuc in Exilium directis, per universas Africanæ terræ Provincias uno tempore tortores crudelissimos destinari: ut nulla remansisset domus et locus ubi non fuisset ejulatus et luctus, ut nulli ætati, nulli parceretur sexui nisi illis qui eorum succumberent voluntati. Hos fustibus, illos suspendio alios ignibus concremabant.

In ye edict it self wch caused all this there is no sanguinary punishment spec besides that of remiss Iudges. But yet ye forcible dissolving of Conventicles, expelling ye people from cities & towns, interdicting commerce whereby ye expeld might procure things necessary for life, proceeding wth those as rebels who made resistence or were taken in any Conventicle or company where resistence was made, using \imprisonment or other/ violence to extort such pecuniary mulcts as ye condemned \accused/ could not or would not pay, & animadverting upon such as any other way crost their laws or humor, though it was but in giving saucy deriding language, wch they might think religious gallantry (as Lucifer Cal. did his revilling Constantius) but Conquerors use not to brook in a Conquerd people: these I say & such like causes might procure ye stripes & deaths of many; especially since ye Africans were a people so highly wicked & stuborn \& difficult to be broken/ (as you may learn by ye history of ye Donatists,) & ye Vandals were \by nature/ as fierce & cruel as they were stubborn & insolent. And I am apt to think ye bloodines of ye Persecution <43r> sprang from no other causes seing Victor could produce no law for shedding their blood or tormenting them for their religion. For instance where Victor relates this story: In Typasensi verò quod gestum est Mauritaniæ majoris civitate, ad laudem Dei insinuare festinemus. Dum suæ civitati Arrianum Episcopum ex Notario Cyrilæ ad perdendas animas ordinatum vidissent: omnis simul civitas evectione navali de proximo confugit, relictis paucissimis qui aditum non invenerant navigandi: Quos Arrianorum Episcopus primo blandimentis postea minis compellere cœpit ut eos faceret Arianos. Sed fortes in domino non solum suadentis insaniam irriserunt, sed verum etiam publicè mysteria divina in domo una congregati celebrare cœperunt. Quod ille congnoscens, relationem occultè Carthaginem adversus eos direxit. Quæ cum regi innotuisset, Comitem quendam cum iracundia dirigens, præcepit ut in medio foro congregata illuc omni provincia linguas eis & manus dextras radicitus abscinderet: the cutting off these members may well make one think they had used them to ill some ill purposes: their tongues (as Victor confesses) to deride, & that probably after such a manner that ye Vandals might account it blasphemy; & their hands to handle weapons, I guess to resist ye new Bps taking possession, ffor the {sic} flight \of the rest/ to ye ship & that in such hast as to leave some of \these/ their partners behind them, whence should it proceed but from their being beaten.

In short; if ye throwing out Athanasius caused that incredible sedition in Alexandria wch partly in ye tumult partly in ye following executions of ye rebels procured ye death & punishment of so many celebrated by Athanasius for martyrs well might ye putting Huneric's edict in execution all over Afric minister substance enough for Victor's martyrology had he been much more profuse then he is: so that ye extreme affliction of Afric thereby I think is not to be doubted.

And yet as if this was not enough, he concludes his Mar \Book/ /Martyrology\ wth ye relation of such a famin as in the time of this persecution as I never read of: wch concurring to fulfil God's giving them blood to drink, I shal not stick to describe it here together wth Victor's


Theodosio 6 Coss. [415.]

Before these Theodosius put forth an edict for seeking out & killing ye Manichees, & some of ye Priscilianists also were slain under Maximus but these {sic} of Honorius so far as I can find were ye first for killing true Christians. They {coextended} were \indeed/ chiefly intended against ye Donatists, but comprehended all others, & if they were so severe against a[112]them of their own faith for disallowing their {own} Baptism only, what would they not do to those whom they thought not only schismatics & rebaptizers but of an hæretical faith too. But how far these laws were put in execution I know not: I feare they cost ye lives of many, for b[113]Baronius out of D. Austin tells us notes yt Afric abounded wth Arians as he calls them & Salvian informs us that a so that there wanted not opportunities of cruelty, & Salvian informs us that ye great men were generally {illeg} cruel & bloodthirsty enough. But though some of their Bishops might \at first/ relent at this cruelty (as I find D. Austin did[114]) yet if others wth ye Magistrates were so hard hearted as to murder but a \very/ few, it is sufficient to derive upon all them that consented to ye did not abominate their murder, ye blood of all martyrs Saints & Prophets shed from ye beginning of ye world \death of Abel till now/, especially since this was the beginning & precedent {sic} to all ye sanguinary persecutions of following ages wch have cut of {illeg} \some/ hundred thousands.

Thus you see how those on whom ye plague of this Trumpet & Vial was inflicted, had shed ye blood of Saints And now though you heard above how much God shed their blood for it, yet I shall \here/ add something further out \of/ Victor that you may clearly see there was hitherto no Roman region so much desolated as Afric. Having brought his history down to ye end of Huneric's reign he describes such a famin as I never read of & then concludes his history wth a most bitter lamentation for ye desolation of Afric as well by ye Vandals as by this famin \his Church; wth wch he concludes his history/. Ea, inquit, tempestate facta est incredibilis fames & cœpit Africam totam una depopulatione vastare. Nullus tunc adfuit imber, nulla prorsus gutta de cœlo profluxit.

Tristia fuere tetraq omnia ut par pestilentiæ clades Africam confunderet omnem. Non hominibus non jumentis germinates herbas ediderat tellus: omninò virores arnerant. <37r> Dudum currentium impetu præcipiti alvei fluminum fontiumq crispantes perennitate subtracta pariter siccaverant venæ. Oves & boves universi insuper & pecora {illeg} campi, simulq bestiæ sylvarum, inedia consumente nusquam {sic} penitus visebantur. Nullum gestum est illo tempore commercium: nullum cespitem terræ juvencis trahentibus scindens vertit avatrum {sic}, quia nec boves suberant, nec castra omninò remanserant. Et quia Sed et rusticorum manus alia interierat, & subinde quæ forte supererat jam sepulturam quærebat. Et quia urgente famis incommoditate, neq commercia, ut fati sumus consuetudini, neq cultura reddebatur debita terris, juvenum, senum, adolescentium atq adulescentularum, puerorum vel etiam puellarum agmina simul et funera, ubi potuerant, quomodo potuerant passim diffundebantur, circumeuntes oppida, vicos vel singulas urbes. - Alij diffusi per campos, alij sylvarum secreta petebant, antiquas radices herbarum vel quis quilias alias requirentes. Nonnulli cùm domo niteventur egredi in ipso limine corruentes catervatim fame debellante cadebant. Stratæ verò vel semitæ cadaveribus repletæ, exhalantium fætore mortuorum gradientes vivos omni ex parte necabant. Nec deerant quotidiè ubiq expirantium funera, & non fuerat virtus quæ miserationis impenderat sepulturam. Neq enim sufficiebant ad sepeliendum vivi fame dominante & ipsi post paululum morituri. Cupiebant singuli libertatem suam filiorumq suorum perpetuæ servituti redigere & non poterant invenire. Montes et colles plateæ civitatum viæ vel semitæ unum omnibus fuerant ubiq sepulchrum. - Nullus filium, nullus conjugem, nullus proprium tenuit servum, sed exiens unusquisq non ubi voluit sed ubi valuit, aut statim defecit aut nunquam omninò redivit. Vrgebatur infelix multitudo ad ipsam se urbem Cathaginem congregare. Et dum illuc catervatim adhuc cadavera confluerent, ubi Rex {sic} inferendarum mortium vidit strages, pelli urbe omnes illicò jubet ne contagio deficientium commune pararet etiam exercitui ejus sepulchrum. Suis ergo Provincijs & domibus singulos imperat revocari sed nec erat qui reverteretur, dum utiq sepulturam suam in vultu portaret. - In tantum sibi devastans vindicavit fames dominium, ut locas nonnulla & admodum populosa habitatoribus extinctis, alto nunc silentio parietibus solis extantibus <38r> conquiescant. Sed quid ego jamjam immovor in hoc quod explicare non queo? Nam si nunc superessent, vel eis fari de talibus rebus licuisset, & Tullianæ eloquentiæ fluvius siccaretur, & Salustius elinguis omnimodis remaneret. Et ut alienos indignos {sic} rei tantæ præteream, si Cæsariensis surgeret Eusebius ad hoc opus idoneus, aut ejus translator græcæ facundiæ, latinisq floribus Rufinus ornatus. Et quid multa {illeg}? Ambrosius, non Hieronymus neq ipse noster sufficeret Augustinus. Audite hæc omnes, auribus percipite omnes qui habitatis orbem, quiq terrigenæ & filij hominum simul in unum dives et pauper. Nonnulli qui Barbaros diligitis & eos in condemnationem vestram aliquando laudatis, discutite nomen & intelligite mores. Nunquid alio proprio nomine vocitari poterant, nisi ut Barbari dicerentur, ferocitatis utiq crudelitatis & terroris vocabulum possidentes? Quos quantiscunq muneribus foveris, quantiscunq delineris obsequijs, illi aliud nesciunt nisi invidere Romanis, & quantum ad eorum attinet voluntatem, semper cupiunt splendorem et genus Romani nominis ne bulare, nec ullum Romanorum omninò desiderant vivere. - Si disputatio necessaria fuerat Episcopalis, quare suspendia quare ignes, quare ungulæ simul et cruces? quare Arianorum serpentina proles contra innocentes genera talia tormentorum invenit qualia nec ipse Mezentius exquisivit? Dimicavit contra innocentiam cupiditas furoris & avarita crudelitatis ut et animas perderet & substantiam harpagaret. Si collatio desiderabatur quare rapinæ rerum alienarum non tantum saccorum \sacerdotum/ verùm etiam omnium laicorum. - Assit {sic} jam quæso omnis ætas omnis sexus omnisq conditio. Assit {sic} obsecro omnis turba Catholici nominis quæ gremio materno toto orbe gestatur. - Conveniant simul ad domum nostri doloris, & paribus oculis fundamus flumina lachrymarum quia causæ & fidei nostræ unum est negotium. - Adveniant omnes qui mecum angustæ viæ carpunt iter & propter verba labiorum dei vias custodiunt duras & videant si est dolor sicut dolor meus. Quoniam vindemiata sum in die furoris domini, aperuerunt super me os suum omnes inimici mei, si- <39r> bularunt et fremuerant dentibus, dinerunt devoravimus eam. En ista est dies quam expectavimus, invenimus vidimus. Adestote Angeli Dei mei, qui nunquam deestis constitui in ministerio vestro propter eos qui hæreditatem capessuri sunt æternæ salutis, & videte Africam totam dudum tantarum ecclesiarum cuneis fultam nunc ab omnibus desolatam, tantis ordinibus sacerdotum ornatam modò sedentem viduū & abjectam. Sacerdotes ejus & seniores in desertis locis & insulis defecerunt quærendo sibi escas ad manducandum & non inveniunt. Considerate et videte quia Sion civitas Dei nostri facta est vilis, facta est quasi polluta menstruis inter inimicos suos. Manum suam misit hostis ad omnia desiderabilia ejus, quia vidit gentes invadere \& ingredi/ atria sua \de quibus præcepera ne introvent ecclesiam tuam./ & Viæ ejus lugent, eo quod nemo veniat in die festo. Egressus est a facie ejus omnis decor & deliciæ didicerunt vias asperas ambulare. Virgines et juvenes in aulis educati Monasteriorum abierunt in captivitatem Maurorum, dum lapides sancti ejus non Disperguntur {sic} non tantum in capitibus omnium platearum, sed etiam in locis squalidis metallorum. Dicite Deo nostro susceptori, & habentes fiduciam supplicandi, quoniam tribulatur et venter ejus turbatus est a fletu ejus, quia sedit inter gentes & requiem non invenit, nec est qui consoletur eam. &c

Thus you see how largely God recompensed ye Africans wth persecution for persecution & desolation for desolation: in wch retribution there is this very observable circumstance that it was done by putting in force those against ye Romans those very laws of their own by wch they had laid desolate ye true Church: the Vandals professing that they retorted ye Roman laws upon them by way of just retribution. For Huneric in his edict by wch this persecution was acted, having repeated some evil behaviour of the clergy subjoyns: Adeò {illeg} in hos est necessarium ac justissimum retorquere quod ipsarum legum continentiâ demonstratur, quas inductis secum in errorem Imperatoribus diversis tunc contigit promulgari: & then proceeds to repeat & put in force ye Roman laws against them, wch is ye summ of his edict. This so {illeg} \expres/ a retribu <44r> tion I could not but note because it suits so signally wth ye saying of ye Angels celebrating God's just retribution: Thou art righteous, O Lord, wch wast & art & shalt be, because thou hast judged {sic} thus &c.

After Huneric's death, Gundabund his successor a[115] recalled ye banished Bishops, b[116] but wthin two or three years renewed ye persecution, & so ye next King Thrasamund c[117] was at first indulgent but afterward persecuted for about 19 or 20 years together: God permitting the restaurations of ye Roman African Church, as it were, that they might by iterated persecutions suffer o're & o're what they inflicted once upon the true Church.


The fourth Trumpet

The last blast of ye third wind, we may reccon to be that notable war \(described at large by Procopius[118])/ wherein ye Vandalic kingdom was overthrown by Bellisarius; wch happened about \in/ ye years {sic} 533 \& 534/. And this directs us to ye fourth wind, namely to yt {sic} famous Ostrogothic war wch commenced immediately after. ffor so soon as ye Vandals were overthrown the Emperor began to deliberate of this war, & in ye year 536 Bellisarius entered Italy & began it \began the next year/. The main seat thereof was Venetia & Lombardy & ye other regions between Rome & ye Alps, that is ye regioons \besides some actions in Dalmatia \Illyricum & perhaps in/ & perhaps in Pannonia \Noricum/ & Rhætia. ffor how els came ye Goths to be wholly deprived of those Provinces. Now these regions were northward/ northward of Rome wch is ye proper quarter of this wind: And therefore this must be ye war intended by this wind becaus ye first & most signall & durable war (between ye Romans & Barbarians) whose main seat was in yt quarter. ffor first this war {sic} of ye Goths continued for about \{illeg}/ 18 {sic} years \wth the Goths/ & yt wth very notable violence; & then their kingdom being ended ruined, the Lombards invaded Italy & succeed both in ye Gothic Dominions & quarrel, but become a more fierce & lasting {illeg} enemy: the war wth them from their first entrance a[119] lasting 36 {sic} years together almost without intermission. The history of these wars wth their sad effects you may see at large in Procopius \at large in Procopius Iornandes {sic} de Regn. Sucess./ Paulus Diaconus, Sigonius de Occidentali Imperio \Annales Boiorum/ & others.

In the former Trumpet you had ye fall of ye Western Cæsar, but this proceeds yet higher even to ye darkning of ye sun Moon & Stars, that is to ye utter extinction of ye remaining light of ye western Empire. ffor ye understanding of wch you are to know that ye Empire was fundamentally seated, not in ye Emperor dominion of ye Emperor but in that of the city of Rome. It was an Empire before <46r> <48r> the race of Emperors began, & might have continued so long after their fall could ye City but have recovered its pristine extent of dominion.

But though it could not recover that greatness yet it continued for some time after ye fall of ye Cæsars to shine considerably. The Consulship Odoacer indeed at first took away in anger, but after two years restored it & conserved it to ye end of his reign; & then Theodoric King of ye Ostrogoths \being sent against Odoacer by Zenon the Greek Emperor against Odoacer &/ having conquered & slain Odoacer him & besides Dalmatia & Rhætia wch were Odoacer's Provinces he added Sicily to his dominions {sic} he freed Italy & his other dominions \wth the rest of his Kingdom/ from ye incursions of ye Vandals & setled it in peace \/ < insertion from f 45v > ⓐ So far was ye dominion of Italy restored by his coming that Ennodius in his Panegyric to him saith: Interea ad limitem suum Romana Regna remearunt. He repaired also ye Walls &c - < text from f 48r resumes > & ⓑ < insertion from f 45v > ⓑ Per Theudericum dignitas urbis Romæ non parva est restituta, muros enim ejus iste redintegravit, ob quam causam a Senatu instauratam statuam meruit. Isidorus in Chron. Patricio et Hypatio Coss: Rex Theodoricus Romam cunctorum votis expetitus advenit, et senatum suum mira affabilitate tractans, Romanæ plebis donavit annonas, atq admirandis manibus, deputata per annos singulos maxima pecuniæ quantitate, subvenit sub cujus felici Imperio plurimæ renovantur urbes, munitissima castella conduntur, consurgunt admiranda palatia; magnisq ejus operibus antiqua miracula superantur. Cassiodorus in Chron. Vide plura apud Sigonium, Baronium aliosq.Symbol (circle with a cross to the right of it) in text < insertion from lower down f 45v > [Symbol (circle with a cross to the right of it) in text Erat Theodericus fama quidem Tyrannus, re tamen præ se veri specimen Imperatoris ferebat, ut qui vel eorum qui a principio ea in dignitate {sic} probatiores fuissent, nemini inferior fuerit: et Gothos item ac Italos pari quadam ac summa benevolentia suapte humanitate prosequebatur, ita ut omnes (quod utiq difficillimum est) ejus Imperium oblectaret. Procop. De Bello Gottico lib 1. Idem Procopius Gothos et Belisariū sic inducit colloquentes. -] < text from f 45v resumes > \Idem/ Procopius Gothos et Belisarium sic inducit colloquentes. Gothi: Zenon Theodoricum Bizantium obsessurum suadebat, ut ex Odoacre pœnas {sic} ob injuriam Augustulo Imp. illotam exigeret, hunc igiter in modum nos Italiæ suscepto Imperio leges simul et Rempublicam salvas non minùs reddidimus quàm superiorum alius quisquam Imperatorum. - Romanorum sacraria eo in honore sunt apud nos habita ut a nullo nostratium hominum sit, qui ad ea confugerit, violatus. Omnibus præterea urbanis antehac magistratibus Romani {sic} perfungebantur, Gothus vir nemo eorum particeps factus: vel producat \procedat/ in medium qui profari nos ista non vere existimet: addat et Consularem quispiam dignitatem, qua etsi Gothi ab Orientis Imperatore donati Romanis tamen perfungi liberè permiserunt. Ad hæc Belisarius: Zenon quidem Imperator in Italiam Theodoricum transmisit Odoacro ut bellum inferret non sibi ut hujus Imperium vindicaret, sed et (quid enim a Tyranno Tyrannus differt) sed ut ea Provincia a se liberata Imperanti sibi subjiceretur. Procop de Bello Got. Lib 2. Theodericum magistrum militum & virem Consulem {sic} \Romanum/ Zenon Imperatore Italia donavit, Senatum populumq Romanum ei commendans. Iornandes in Geticis & de Regn. Success. Evagrius Historicus Theodericum vocat & Athalaricum vocat Administratores occiden talis Imperij. Alij Imperium Occidentale ad Gothos translatum dicunt. &c. De hic vide plura apud {illeg} Sigonium aliosq. < text from f 48r resumes > repaired ye walls of Rome & some other buildings wth a great summ of money given for that purpose, & changed no custome but retained ye Senate, Consuls, Patricij, Prætors, Quæstors, Præfect of ye City, masters of ye hors & foot & other offices wch had been in ye time of ye Emperors, & assigned them only to those of ye Roman nation, as did also ye succeeding Ostrogothic Kings Athalaric & Theodatus. Thus Rome flourished under ye Goths after ye same manner of as formerly under her own Emperors, (as if she had changed nothing but ye title of her Emperors to yt of Kings \or as if, to speak wth a[120] historians, the western Empire was translated to the Ostrogoths/) And together wth Rome \Ravenna &/ divers other cities \(as Ravenna/ were repaired & restored to their pristine lustre, so yt Italy seemed in a state as peacefull & prosperous as in ye reign of some of their best Emperors: |as if she \Rome/ had changed nothing but ye title \name/ of her Emperors to that of Kings, (or \as if,/ to speak wth a[121] Historians, as if ye western Empire was translated to ye Ostrogoths.| |So that historians speak not improperly when they|

In this degree ye western light continued to shine till ye sounding of ye 4th {This} Trumpet, but then it was quite put out. ffor in ye first year of ye war Rome, being possessed \first seized/ by ye Goths, was betrayed to Bellisarius, \in the end of {illeg} ye 2d year of the war, & from {illeg} ffeb or March following for above a year together/ & from that time straitly beseiged by the Goths for above a year together \all the third year & something more wth an Army wch at first consisted of/ whereby /B wch siege\ her dignities being reduced to titular shaddows the Consulship expired \after/ wthin five \four five/ years after expi \more/ (viz. A.C. {sic} 542) \utterly/ expired < insertion from above the line > excepting that the Emperor {sic} b[122]Iustin {sic} Tiberius & Mauritius \{much}/ for one or two years in the beginnings of <48v> their reigns, to \please the Italians &/ declare their \his/ soveraignty over the west, took upon them ye title of Consul \wch/ for the two years \{illeg} in them/ beginnings of their several \his/ reigns or three first years of his reign < text from f 48r resumes > Symbol (circle in a square with lines from the corners to the circle) in text < insertion from f 46v > Symbol (circle in a square with lines from the corners to the circle) in text - Consulship after 5 years more (viz A.C. 542 expired. Afterwards ye city was again besieged & taken by Totila & \for a time/ made destitute of all her inhabitants, & a third part of her walls demolished, & then recovered by Belisarius & again taken by Totila & retaken by Narses After this when Iustin came to ye Empire, he to caress ye Italians & together assert assert {sic} his dominion over them, took upon him ye title of Consul for his two or three first years making a show as if he would restore ye ruined dignities of Rome, but then ye Lombards immediately invaded & wasted all Italy much more then ye Goths had done, & again besieged Rome in ye time of their 30 Tyrants A.C. 577. And partly by these desolations but {chiefly} by storms & fiery Meteors the City was so wasted that < text from f 48r resumes > After- <49r> wards \this siege/ ye City was again \{illeg} twice/ beseiged & taken twice \as oft/ by Totila, & \g[123] the first there/ made destitute {sic} of all her inhabitants & a third part thereof \the walls/ demolished. And after all these slaughters & desolations, being retaken by Narses, it was wthin a while further wasted by storms & lightning, besides two more sieges of ye Lombards, the one \first/ in ye yeare \A.C./ 577 \besieged again {illeg} by the a[124] Lombards/ in ye time of ye \their/ 30 Tyrants, \&/ the \A.C. 577/ other by Egilolphus in ye year 60-, in wch last, \the siege/ after somthing more then a years continuance was raised by a violent pestilence common to ye Enemy wth ye inhabitants \wch had raged \for/ 50 years together & was now ready to cease/. And by all \partly by/ these destructions \but partly \chiefly/ by storms & fiery meteors/ ye city was so wasted yt ever since it hath scarce been ye 10th part of what it was before, & that too for ye most part without ye compass of its former foundation.

Thus was ye Imperial City, wch formerly {sic} shone gloriously wth her Consuls Senate & other dignities reduced into darkness being made a heap of ruins & deprived of her magistracy, & from being Queen of ye world degraded to I know not what ignoble Dukedome, & compel'd to serve under Ravenna wch formerly served under her, & (O darkness!) even to pay tribute to ye Exarchs presiding there. This was ye conclusion of this great Empire. ✝ < insertion from f 48v > ✝ This was ye conclusion of this great Empire: concerning wch I cannot but note yt it was accomplished by ye direst desolations that (I believe) ever nation felt, God reserving his most grievous scourge for ye fountain of Apostacy & ye most grievous part of that scourge for ye last place to try ye utmost before he would give over an incorrigible insensible people. For all former desolations seem to be \equald if not/ outdone by ye Gothic \(they & the Greeks both wasting Italy as the country of the enemy) & yet those desolations/, & those were very manifestly \outdone/ by the Lombardic.

A little before ye Lombardic invasion there was \came/ a revelation {illeg} to one Redemptus a Bishop in these words. Finis venit universæ carnis. Finis venit universæ carnis. Finis venit universæ carnis. which Gregory ye great understanding of ye end of ye world made this comment upon it. Post illam Prophetiam d[125] mox illa terribilia in cœlum signa sub secuta sunt, ut hastæ atq acies igneæ ab Aquilonis parte viderentur. Mox effera Longobardorum gens de vagina suæ habitationis educta in nostram cervicem grassata est; atq humanum genus quod in hac terra præ nimiâ multitudine quasi spissæ segetis more surrexerat, a[126] succisum aruit. Nam depopulatæ urbes, eversa castra, concrematæ Ecclesiæ, destructa monasteria virorum & feminarum, desolata ab hominibus prædia atq ab omni cultore destituta in solitudine vacat terra, nullus hanc possessor inhabitat occuparunt bestiæ loca quæ prius multitudo hominum tenebat. Et quid in alijs mundi partibus agitur ignoro. Nam in hac terra in qua nos vivimus finem suum non nunciat sed ostendit. Vpon wch place of Gregory Baronius writes thus e. [127]At nequis putet mendax fuisse Oraculum de fine universæ carne prædictum: sciant his verbis non seculi consummationem significatam sed gentis Italicæ cladem: sicut olim Deum per suum Prophetam comminatum fuisse constat ubi ait f [128] Hæc dicit dominus deus terræ Israel. Finis venit: Venit finis super quatuor plagas terræ: Nunc finis super te &c. Sicut ergo finem universæ carnis minitante Propheta non mundi est desig demonstratus interitus sed imminentes tantum clades præfiguratæ fuere, ita pariter eadem quæ prædicta sunt Redempto accipienda erunt. Certe quidem finis quodammodo tunc dici potuit advenisse Romani Occidentalis Imperij cum Longobardi Italiam invadentes rerum potiti sunt. Etenim post paucos Hexarchos Constantinopoli ab Imperatoribus in Italiam misos qui Ravennæ considere consuevere, ijsdem diu prævalentibus Longobardus, Occidentis Imperium penitus collapsum <49v> est neq usq ad Carolum magnum restitutum, ut tamen in Gallias fuerit ipsum translatum. Sane quidem quàm durissima fuerit \foret/ Longobardorum adventu grassatio ejusmodi factis divinitus vaticinijs præsignata potest intelligi, quibus mundi ipsiu interritus fuit creditus significari. Quid autem passa sit Longobardis Italia vele hoc uno collige argumento: Si teste Procopio cùm ijdem amici essent Imperatoris & laboranti. Italiæ bello Gothico in auxilium Longobardi venitentes longe deteriora hostibus perpetrarunt, ut opus fuerit eos dimittere: quid ab ijsdem factum potest existimari cum jam hostes redditi hostili animo Italiam invaserunt Sane quidem adeò immensa ubiq increbuere sub p \ipsis/ mala ut non leves quæq personæ sed ipse Gregorius Papa existimarit jam instare novissimum dicem quo universi orbis conflagrato immineret.

After this I know not what can be well said more: & yet out of ye manifold {sic} lamentations of ye same Gregory I shall trouble you wth one more where \speaking to ye people/ he thus breaks forth. [129]Destructæ urbes, eversa sunt castra, depopulati agri in sollitudinem terra redacta est: Nullus in urbibus habitator \agris incola/ pene nullus in urbibus habitator remansit, & tamen ipsæ parvæ generis humani reliquiæ adhuc quotidie & sine cessatione feriuntur & finem non habent flagella cœlestis justitiæ. Ipsa autem quæ aliquando mundi domina esse videbatur qualis remansit Roma conspicimus, innumeris doloribus multipliciter attrita desolatione civium impressione hostium frequentia ruinarum. - Ecce jam de illa omnes hujus seculi potentes ablati sunt - Ecce populi defecerunt - Vbi enim Senatus? ubi jam populus? contabuerunt ossa consumptæ sunt carnes, omnis enim secularium dignitatum ordo extinctus est et tamen ipsos nos paucos qui remansimus adhuc quotidiè gladij adhuc quotidie innumeræ tribulationes premunt - Vacua jam ardet Roma. Quid autem iste de hominibus dicimus. Cum ruinis crebrescentibus ipsa quoq destrui ædificia videmus: postqdefecerunt homines etiam d[130] pariates cadunt. Iam ecce desolata, ecce contrita, ecce gemitibus oppressa est &c - Hanc autem quæ de Romanæ Vrbis contritione dicimus, in cunctis facta mundi civitatibus scimus, alia enim loca desolata sunt, alia gladio consumpta, alia fame cruciata, alia terræ hiatibus absorpta. Despiciamus ergo ex toto animo <47r> animo hoc præsens seculum vel extinctum. Greg. in Ezek. Hom 18.

Of the wars in other places wch Gregory here touches upon, those made by ye Huns invading Illyricūoccidentale & orientale & Thrace (regions situate to ye North east of Rome as ye seat of ye Lombardic wars inclined to ye northwest) were ye most grievous & lasting. They continued from ye year 539 to ye yeare 558 \& upward/ wth notable violence, & soon after brake forth again. And these wth what others there were at this time wthin ye Roman world, may be in general referred to this Trumpet, but the first place must be allowed to ye Lombardic as ye direst wars & those by wch ye effect of this Trumpet, that is ye extinction of ye western Empire, was accomplished.

Now whereas this is exprest {sic} by darking ye 3d t of ye sun moon & stars - < text from f 49r resumes > Now whereas this is exprest by the darkning of ye third part of ye sun Moon & Stars; by ye Sun & Moon you may understand ye Greek Emperor & Empress & by the third part of their light the third part of their dominions, that is ye western Empire, the right of wch by the ceasing of its own Emperors devolved upon ye Greek Emperor & was accordingly claimed by him \before &/ in his wars wth ye Vandals Goths & Lombards, \& for a time recovered/ And so by the stars are to be understood ye subordinate Magistrates in ye whole Empire, |&| by ye third part of them ye magistrates of ye third part, that is ye Consuls Senators <50r> & other dignities of Rome by wch as stars this Empire had irradiated & influenced ye world. ✝ < insertion from f 47r > ✝ And lastly by the expression that ye day shone not for a third part of it & ye night likewise we are to understand the duration of ye darkness of the third part of ye Empire Sun Moon & Stars that is of ye obscure state or Eclips of ye Western Empire: interpreting day & night of one & ye same time of obscurity called day in respect of ye Sun & night in respect of ye Moon & Stars. For here ye Sun moon & stars shine not alternatly, as in nature, to constitute successive days & nights, but shine altogether & are darkned altogether. Now \of/ ye western day & night of wch \wherof/ ye darkness was a third part, the beginning \the beginning/ must be at the beginning of ye western Empire A.C. 395, that was ye time of its Sun & moon-rise, for this Empire (as we shall explain hereafter) was the ten hornd beast \the subject of these plagues/, & that ye time year ye time of his ascention out of ye bottomless pit \reign of the Beast that was & is not A.C. 395 because he is ye eighth King or head, the subject of this Prophesy of ye Trumpets, beginning & ending together wth them; & tis his day & night that is darknes./ Also ye end of that day & night \(so much of it as was darkned, so a third part)/ must be at the end of the darknes, not sooner becaus ye darknes is a part of it \(viz: the third part,)/, nor later becaus that is the latest time of wch ye Prophesy has hitherto taken a view, & if it should extend further it would be \to us/ indefinite. The end of darknes I put in ye a[131] year 607 when ye Bishop of Rome obteined the universall Bishopric by ye grant of ye Emperor Phocas: Not sooner becaus ye Lombardic wars continuing till ye year 603 left Rome & Italy in ye lowest <47v> degree of obscurity, nor later becaus Rome by that concession of Focas began again to be Empress of ye world & to irradiate ye whole west by that hermaphroditic Luminary ye Pope & by those stars ye Cardinalls wth ye rest of his Court, wch from that time brake forth more & more out of ye cloud till they outshone all other temporal potentates. Moreover the beginning of ye darknes I reccon at ye beginning of ye siege of Rome \wch was in March/ in ye third year of ye Gothic war a[132] A.C. {illeg} 537 ineunte {illeg} \mense Martis/ for then began the western dignities wch after {11} \a few/ years more were annihilated began to \be/ manifestly dark obscured. In ye first year the war proceeded no farther then Dalmatia & Sicily, in ye 2d it entred Italy, but approached not Rome till \that siege wch began in December in/ the end of ye second or beginning of ye third year, wch was & that siege \began/ wch continued all ye third year & something more \a year & 9 days/, & was so sharp that in the time thereof the Goths & Romans had \no less then/ b[133] threescore & nine conflicts. as Procopius besides several other less skirmishes.

Suppsoing therefore ye desolation of Rome between ye fal desolation of Rome between ye fall of ye Temporal & rise of ye Spiritual Empire to be ye time of darkness, the length & ye ascention of ye beast out of ye bottomless pit to be ye begining of day & night: the length of ye whole day & night will be less more then 212 & less then 213 years & the third part thereof almost \less then/ 71 years, & {illeg} ye length of darkness will be between 70 & 71 years \70 years complete & some {illeg} or something more part perhaps of the next./, & almost 71 years if recconned to ye promulgation of Phocas Edict by ye Council called thereupon at Rome. ffor Boniface ye 3d who obteined this grant of Phocas began his reign but in spring A.C 607 & died before ye end of ye year: & therefore ye edict being obteined a[134] not wthout struggling it was probably about Autumn when ye Council came together. The day & night therefore shone not for ye third part thereof as was to be explained.

|And this makes good also the prophesy of the 70 ears desolation of Tyre, wch as we proved in Symbol (3 squares each containing an X) in text| < text from f 50r resumes > |Symbol (3 squares each containing an X) in text proved in Posit       was to be a 70 year's desolation of the Imperial City between ye fall of ye temporall & rise of ye Spiritual Empire, & to happen in the time of ye 4th Trumpet & be about ye length thereof: all wch being here so punctually fulfilled & applicable to no other time, is a most certain character of ye right application of this Trumpet. And thus much concerning this Trumpet-|

And thus much concerning this Trumpet: the application of wch is notably confirmed by ye correspondent Vial. The tenour of this is that it was poured upon the Sun & power was given him to scorch men wth fire & men were scorched wth great heat & blasphemed God &c, that is,[135] that ye pouring of out of this Vial was \an/ incitement of ye supreme terrestrial potentate to torment men wth war & men were tormented wth vehement war & blasphemed God. And thus it happened. ffor ye Greek Emperor (ye supreme terrestrial potentate) was ye cause of ye wars of this Trumpet by sending his armies into Italy in pursuance of his claim to those regions. The a[136] Gothic King laboured by all means for peace, causing ye Senate to mediate for it & ye Bishop of Rome to go himself to go Embassador to ye Emperor on ye same account & promising to acknowledg his a[137] crown held of ye Emperor, & yt in his dominions ye Emperor should have equall honour wth himself, as by c[138] stamping both their images together on his coyn \& by \the people's/ naming ye Emperor \always/ together wth him & before him in public acclamations/ &c. But nothing would satisfy but ye extirpation of ye Gothic Kingdom & for yt end ye imbroyling Italy in these wars.[139]

Thus much concerning ye wars of ye four first Trumpets, ye winds wch blew upon ye Empire till they had consumed it. These four relating to ye same subject were not unfitly connected wth one another & distinguished from ye next wch introduces a new scene of things.

< insertion from f 47v >

And thus much concerning ----- in these wars

I have now done wth ye wars of ye 4 first Trumpets, the winds wch blew upon the Empire till they had consumed it & together wth frequent pestilences, famins, Earthquakes Tempests fiery meteors & other calamities were one continuall consumption of men & cities for above two hundred years together, leaving ye \Roman/ world barbarous & thin wch they found flourishing in learning & so thick peopled that ye northern nations were forced to disburthen themselves upon their neighbours for want of room. These 4 Trumpets relating therefore to ye same subject were not unfitly connected wth one another & distinguisht from the next wch introduces a new scene of things.

< text from f 50r resumes > <50v>

a. Phocas Imp. cœpit Novemb 23 A.C. 602 ut Petavius in Rationario Temp. & notis ad Nicephori Breviarium, ex Chron: Alexandr. Theophane, Paulo Diac. Zonara, Cedreno alijsq probavit. Et Gregorius magnus obijt anno secundo Phocatis (P. Diac. Anastasius, Regino, Marianus Scotus, Hermannus Contractus, Vincentius in spec Histr. Cameracenas &c.) Mart 12 (Anastas. Marian: Scot. Platina, \a[140] Martinus chron M.S./ Onufrius &c) & vacat sedes mens 5 dies 18 (Anastas: Platina, Martinus {illeg} Onuphrius {sic}.) Tunc sedet Sabinianus An 1. mens 5, dies {illeg} 9 (Anastasius, Pla Hermannus, Platina, Author ffasciculi Temp. Onuphrius) vel An 1 mens 10 adjuncta præcedente vacatione (Marian. Scot.) Obit autem Feb. 22 (Anastasius,) vel 11 Cal. Mart: hoc est Feb 18 (Marian Scot) vel Feb 24 Indic 10 (Cameracenas.) & vacat sedes mens. 11 dies 26 (Anastas. Platina, Onuphrius) Dein Bonifacius 3 electus anno quinto Phocatis (Marian. Onufr.) sedet menses 8 dies 28 (Anastasius, Hermannus, \Martinus/ Fascic: Temp. Platina) & obit Novemb 12 (Anastas.) vel 3 Id. Decemb (Marian: Sc. Cameracenas.) Patet igiter |totū| Papatum Bonifacij incidisse in annum 607 inter Feb 18 & Novemb 12 circiter.

Tempus obitus Gregorij, Baronius e veteribus monumentis stabilivit, cæterisq hic allatis numeris, (præsretim Anastasianis) assensum præbuit, nisi quod posuit Sabinianum sedisse tantum menses quinq & dies novem, asserens \omnes/ tam Græcos quàm Latinos scriptores referre initium \& finem/ ejus ad eundem annum. referre Sed hallucinatus est et forte per oscitantiam transtulit ad Sabinianum quæ de Bonifacio observârat.

< insertion from f 2v >

year was almost spent before \when/ they entro ye Emp. so they could not proceed far \before ye next spring/ but only send bef ye into ye {illeg} a rumour of their coming.

The irruption of ye Ausurians \In the next year A.C. 396 began ye invasion of incursion of ye Ausurians into Lybia/ for Synesius in ye title \inscription/ to his Catastasis puts it, \Ηγεμ Γενναδ/when Gennadius was Augustal Præfect, Ἡγεμονεύοντος Γενναδίου, & this happend A.C. 396 as is manifest out of 14 Cod. Theodos: {lex 1} Tit 27 \lex 1/ de Alexandr. pleb. Primat. Synesius also in his 130th Ep. written to Symplicius (as Gothofredus thinks \as Goth. thinks)/, when Master of ye Hors, laments much ye invasion newly broke forth, wch Epistle \(as Got. well conjectures)/ was written to Symplicius (as Gothofredus well conjectures) when \he was/ Mr of ye hors; & {illeg} that is AC 396 as is manifest out of 8 Cod. Theod. Tit 5. Lex 56 De cursu publico & 6 Cod. Theod. Tit 4 L 28 de Prætoribus. Hence it is manifest yt ye desolation of Pentapolis so much lamented by Synesius in his Catastasis happened AC 402: And \&/ ye intermediate actions \wch he describle {sic}/ between ye Barbarians & Roman soldiers agree well to an edict of Arcadius dated Theodoro V.C. Cons. 1 i.e. A.C. 399 wch begins thus Saturianorum

The commotion of Gildo in Afric \as Claudin informs us/ began in ye beginning of winter \Autumn Arcad 4 & Honor 3 Coss ({illeg} \(i.e. A.C. {396})// as is manifest out of Claudian & ended in spring A.C. 398. Quen veincus indoxit hicus Ver perculit hostem. Clad in Bello Gild. See also Marcellines Chronicle.

The commotion of Tribigildus & G \was/ began in ye year 398 Honor 4 & Eutich Coss, as Gothofred \(in Chron Cod Th collects/ out of divers constitutions of Arcad put out this year; & in ye end of ye year 400 it ended, Gainas being slain in ye beginning of ye month next year. See Marceline Chron & Chron Alexandr.

The invasion of ye Isau east by ye Isauri began whilst Gil Tribigildus was harassing Asia as is manifest out of ye Place of Phil. cited above; & that in ye year 399 or before: for Claudian speaking of ye \eastern/ expedition of Eutropius in his consulship this year, thus described their outrages done at that same {sic} time.

< text from f 50v resumes > < insertion from f 3v >

The next Tr. hath these 3 main characters, 1 yt ye wars to wch it sounds are to be ye next great ones which break out after those of ye former Tr. \& consequently the first notable wind wch {illeg} out in war in {illeg}/ 2nd They are to be a western wind, that is in ye regions westward of Rome . 3rd during these wars a great mountain - City.

After ye whole Empire from Rome eastward had been involved in wars for 11 years together together, began to cease \After ye year 405 the wars wherin in ye regions eastward of Rome began to y cease/ insomuch that in ye year 409 or a furthest in ye next year \wthin a year or two or at furthest A.C. 408/ ye Eastern empire was again reduced to an universal serenity. ffor of Theod. jun. so soon as he came came to ye Empire |  at his first coming to ye EmpireSozom. writes Thus Bella quæcunq - pepigere. And a little after: Orientis itaq - Imperator oppugnat &c Its manifest therefore yt ye wars of ye 1st Tr. ended about ye year 406 or 407, & this leads us to ye beginning of ye next Trumpet: namely ye wars \here/ mentioned by Sozom wch at ye same time or immediately after brak forth in ye west. ffor {illeg} ffor ye 2d Tr. hathe these 3 main characters {illeg} City.

Now these

This was ye serenity of ye western regions \in ye time of the east wind/ till ye war in ye \beginning of ye/ year 407 [it was interrupted by yt great & fatal invasion of ye Gallia by ye northern nations \wch soon overspread the whole west/.] ye Vandalls - rapine. And therefore wth this invasion we must begin ye [2d Tr. or] west wind, or 2d Tr.

Again by ye 2d Character we are to begin ye 2d Tr wth those gt wars wch next succeed ye wars of ye first. Now ye wars of ye first began to cease \immediately/ after ye yr 405 insomuch {illeg} Trumpet & consequently \- 406 or 407 that is at \about/ ye/ same time or immediately before ye wars brake forth in ye west, & consequently these wars as well because they immediately precede ye {return of} \are next after the/ wars of ye former Trumpet as becaus they are in ye western quarter & \after ye time of silence/ ye first remark notable \notable/ wars in yt quarter \after ye time of silence/, must be ye wars of ye 2d Trumpet.

Now ye manner of these wars was this: first in ye beginning of ye year 407 & its casting down \into ye sea/ /down\ ye first sacking of it for - & ye first sacking of this city wch is it most eminent casting down yea & ye only casting down from ye height of pow \its/ greatnes, the following sackings being only plungings of it deeper in {sic} ye sea into wch it was cast before.

The same is also firmly established by ye 3d character for ye first saking of Rome happened in years 309 & 310 by Alaric as is famous in history. And having thus determined the time \of this Tr being thus determined/ let us now see ye manner of the w take a view of ye wars to wch it sounds.

First then/ And {sic} this is confirmed by ye 2d character. ffor at ye breaking forth of these wars those of ye first Trumpet ceased. The end of those wars we may suppose to be at ye Conquest overthrow of Radagaisus & expulsion of ye {Isau} A.C. 405 or at furthest at ye flight of Huldin wch most probably was ye next year

< text from f 50v resumes > < insertion from f 4v >

<4v> et in 6 Cons Honorij. Anno proxima verno tempore vincitur ad Pollentiam χόλαζα κατε᾽ρρ῾άγη Sozom l 8. c 27.

Per id tempus

Bella quæcunq adversus {illeg} illum [Theodos: nouum Imp. conflata erant sua sponte discutiebantur. Etenim per id tempus Persæ cum ad bellum prorupissent, centum annorum inducias cum Romanis pepigere. Stilico vero - occiditur. Sozom l 9. c 4

Cum Honorius iter arrepturus esset [Constantinopolim paulo post obitum Arcadij, &c Stilico persuasit ei Stilico ut in Italia remaneret propterea quod Constantinus quidam {sic} {illeg} te Tyrannidem paulo antea invasisset.

Heu juventutem male a nobis amissam! Heu frugum a nobis frustra speratos proventus! Hostilibus flammis agros consevimus. Plærisq nostrum divitiæ in pecore erant, in arnicutis Camelorum in gregalibus Equis: periere omnia, omnia abacta. Sentio me præ dolore non esse mei compotem virum agnosce quæso {sic}: mœnibus enim septus sum, {&} obsessus hæc scribo. - Equorum ungulis pulsantur omnia omnemq late regionem hostes obtinent. Synesius Epist 130 ad Simplicium.

Vide Prudentij lib 2 adversus Symmachum.

Tentavit Geticus nuper delere tyrannus

Italiam, patrio {vinicus} {sic} juratus ab Istro

Has arces æ quare solo, tecta aurea flammis

Solvere, mastrugis proceres vestire togatos.

Iamq ruens, Venetos turmis protriverat agros

& Ligurum vastarat opes, & amœna profundi

Rura Padi, Thuscumq solum victo asserre premebat.

Depulit hos nimbos - {illeg} vertem \equitum non pervigil aner/

Sed vis cruda virum \præfractaq congredientum Pectora/ - Dux {sic} agminis imperijq

Christipotens nobis Stilico fuit -

Illic ter denis gens exitiabilis annis

Pannoniæ pœnas tandem deleta pependit.

Corpora famosis olim ditata rapinis

In cumulos conjesta jacent: mirabere seris

Posteritas sectis inhumata cadavera latè

Quæ Pollentinos texerunt ossibus agros. Prudentius In Symmachum lib 2.

Scribit Olympiodorus apud Photiū: Alaricum vivente \etiamnum/ Stilicone, militiæ mercedē centenarios quadraginta accepisse.          Gothorum qui cum Rodogaiso erant primarios viros [οι κεφαλαιαιται] Optimatos appeallatos ait duodecim ferè millium numero. [Vide Cassiodorū {illeg} & S. August l 5 c 23 de Civ. Dei].

< text from f 50v resumes > < insertion from f 5v >

Before we proceed further it will not be amis to examin the chonology {sic} of these wars yt we may see how far they are included wthin this Trumpet |  be assured of their being incl coming wthin the times of this Trumpet |As for| Those {sic} wars described by Philost. in his \lib 11 11th c 8/ 8th chapter \lib 11/ newly cited, ye accurate chonologer {sic} Gothofredus in his comment on that placee {sic} referrs comprehends \them all/ wthin ye 10 years immediatly succeding ye death of Theo \Gothof/ The exact chronololeger {sic} Goth. in his com. on ye newly cited place of Philostorgius comprehends those \there mentioned/ wthin ye first 10 years immediatly succeding \next after/ ye d. of Theod.

But let us run over ye particulars.

After this in ye year 404 \When the Isauri had long wasted ye East they advanced |  overflowedinto Asia also, & \the news of wch was brought to Const/ happened \A.C. 404/ a litte after ye banish/ of Chrysostom when ye Emperor began to \was/ consulting {sic} about repairing ye ruins of Constantinople \ye City/ made by fire at ye banishment of Chrysostom (Zosim \supra/) AC 404 \A.C. 404/ But ye next year they \were/ repulsed by Nabarnacius & forced to return home. (         )

The expedition of Alaricus into Italy Gothofredus puts in Autumn A.C. 402, & at ye Esther following he was beaten at Pollentia, & again at {illeg}

The incursion of Huldin into Thrace A.C. 404 circiter

The expeditions of Alaric into Italy A.C. 402 Autumno & of Radagaisus into Italy a.c. 405 vel 405

The times of ye incursions of Huldin into Thrace & of Al & Radag. into Italy is was from Rome & ye regions on both sides of it to ye utmost bounds of ye east, at once as it were at ye sounding of an alarm - destructive & continued in this deplorable state for 10 or 11 years together, the enemies invaders acting \proceeding/ not like generous conquero{rs} but striving by all means to setting themselves \malitiously/ to spoil ye lay wast all places & do what misc{hief} they could, like waves {sic} \{ravening beasts}/ /furies\ sent in by Heaven to scourge ye Romans. And this fulfills ye 2 first conditions of this Trumpet, \viz./ ye type of sounding a Trumpet, & of an east wind: It remains yt wee examin how ye consider yt ye \show/ in ye next place that ye

The Isauri Wth this grassation of ye Isauri Freculphus conjoyns another great execution done upon an army of Goths, {either} \perhaps/ those wch Gainas invited into ye Empire \but more/ or another hand of ym wch invaded ye empire soon after.

The event of Guildo's commotion was to be totally overthrown \& that wth an army of 70 thousand/ in ye first battel, by his brother Mascezel, & that wth an army of 70 thous. \{illeg}/ In his brothers army Marcel{line} puts but 5 th. But \In his Army Marcellin puts/ whose army consisted but of 5 Th. as Marcelline {sic} relates it. But Zosimus makes his brother's army much greater. Stilico, inquit, amplis

The army of Alaric was often beaten. As {illeg} in Arcadia, wch Cl. 1. v.

Afterwards at Pollentia wch there was {sic} whole great Army of Barbarians consumed in Thrace not by a metaphoricall but real storm, as Freculphus informs us, conjoyning it wth ye grassations of ye Isauri. Post Gainæ oppress. inquit Is.

< text from f 50v resumes > < insertion from f 9v >

Before ye end of these Emperors therefore we cannot account ye 6t Seale fully accomplished. But in ye beginning of ye next Emperors \Gratian Grat & Theod/ we may: ffor first Gratian (who began A.C. 375) {illeg} ye \not only restrained the heathen worsh. but/ rejected ye very title of Pontifex Max. wch it was ye cu \set himself to/ restraine {sic} the heathen worship from ye beginning of his reign as is manifest by ye demolishing of Idols \even/ at Rome it selfe by Grac\c/has in time of his Vrbane Præfectio {sic} A.C 376 & 377 wch Ierome |in| epist. 7 thus mentions: Ante annos - insignia sunt. So Prudentius adversus Symmachum lib 1 Iam quid - regendos.

And as Gratian did {illeg} in ye west so \did/ Theodosius \soon after/ in ye east. For in ye 3d year of his reign he put forth this edict: Siquis se - implis one or more former edicts of ye same kind. And Zosimus describing ye actions of Theod in ye last year of ye trienniall Gothic war (or second year of his reign (AC 380) /in ye 2 year of his reign\ adds |  subjoyns: Deum quoq - presently. This acting of Theodosius therefore happened in ye year 380, & we may most In ye former year Theodosius was wholly taken up probably suppose that it commenced wth ye time of his sickness at Thessalonica, for before \till/ yn {sic} he was time he was so much taken up in ye Gothic war that he had little or no time to turn himself to any other buisines.

The year 380 we may therefore - ffor now \& not till now/ ye revenues - {illeg} & Gratian (& \I suppose/ after his example \{illeg} I suppose/ Theodosius \also/) rejected ye very title of P.M. wch it was ye custome of ye heathen Priests to present ye Emperors wth in ye beginning of their reign & all former Emperors, even Constantine & \his son/ Constantius had accepted of & retained.

The {sic} beginning of this Trumpet is also

I might a

There is a third argument of the beginning of this Seale, taken from ye \universall/ change {sic} of religion in ye end of ye year 380, wch of all changes that ever were wrought on a sudden \in ye christian Religion/ was ye greatest {illeg} both in regard of ye universality, it being wrought over all ye Empire, & in regard of ye nature of ye thing, it being ye foundation of all following Apostacy. To those yt understand ye {illeg} religion of ye ancient Christians this will prove a most evident & certain Demonstration of ye beginning of this seal (Prop    ) but I shall not here prosecute it becaus I would not now ingage my selfe in a dispute about religion. I proceed therefore to the {illeg} other contents of this Seale.

Besides this there was something to do between Gratian & \wth/ ye Alemans, ffor they were not so far conquered by Gratian but that they \as to submit but/ kept themselves in a posture ready for further action, wch made Gratian watch them continually wth his sword in his hand. What \further/ attempts they made in ye time of Gratian I know not. I read not of any. But soon after his death they \taking advantage I suppose of his diversion by Maximus ye Iugunthians (one sort of the Alemans)/ made an inrode into Rhætia, but were soon diverted \not by the Roman Legions but/ by ye Huns whom Valentinian hired to set upon them in their own country: The wch proved such a firm restraint to this wind \for ye future/ that it did not so much as breath any more upon ye Empire for \untill ye generall irruptions hereafter to {illeg} be described/ ye following 20 years & more [Ambrose Epist.    ] And as for ye sent inrode, though that may be compared to a blast of wind, yet being \only upon ye skirts of ym \&// in so \inconsiderably/ small a portion \there/of ye Empire & so short a time & proceeding only to pillaging some t of ye country wthout any battel wthin ye Roman \Empire/ conseqt thereupō that I read of, it may be in comparison of ye wars before & after \be/ accounted as {illeg} \very/ gentle {illeg} breathing rather th to a fierce wind, or \& to loud noise/ a soft murmuring or whispering (such as you may {imagine} to be made by ye prayers of ye saints in this time of silence). The end of this time {illeg} becaus this time is to end in {illeg} & thundrings & lightnings & a shaking, that is

< text from f 50v resumes > < insertion from f 46v >

Vrbem Romam ire mox pergit Vitiges, equitum peditumq ad centum & quinquaginta millia ductans, quorum pars maxima armis munita, vel equos ipsos armatos habebat. Procop de bello Got. l 1.

< text from f 50v resumes >

[1] a Apoc 12.1

[2] b Apoc. 12

[3] c Apoc 17.1, 15.

[4] d Apoc 13.1

[5] a Theodoret l 5 c \32 & 33/

[6] b Sozom. l 8 c. 4. Socrat. l 6. c 6.

[7] c Sozom l 8. c 4. /Socr: l 6. c 6.\

[8] a Theodoret l 5 c \32 & 33/

[9] a Theodoret l 5 c \32 & 33/

[10] b Sozom. l 8 c. 4. Socrat. l 6. c 6.

[11] c Sozom l 8. c 4. /Socr: l 6. c 6.\

[12] Zosim l 5.

[13] * i.e. Achaiam

[14] Claud in Ruffin lib 2.

[15] i.e. Athenienses.

[16] Claud. in Ruffin lib {illeg} 2.

[17] * Ruffinus scil.

[18] Claud. de Ruffin lib 1.

[19] * Ad Stiliconem loquitur de Ostrogothis.

[20] Claud. in Eutropium lib. {illeg}

[21] Zos. l 5

[22] alias Tirbigildus

[23] Claud. in Eutropium lib 2.

[24] * Λίβυει

[25] e Baron. Annal. An 403. sec 50 & 52.

[26] a Sozom. l 8. c /25\

[27] b Marcellin

[28] c Oros. l 7. c 37

[29] f Prosper chron

[30] g D. August. de Civ. Dei l. 5.

[31] Oros l 7. c 37

[32] * Def

[33] Claud in Ruffin. l 1.

[34] a So Nicephorus \l. 13. c. 36./ having numbered ye like plagues, add's: Ad hæc, alia quoq ejus generis mala tum novo prorsus modo extitêre; quæ satis ostenderunt non naturali aliqua ratione hæc, sicuti Græcæ superstionis {sic} sectatores fabulantur \delirantis dicunt,/ provenire, sed divinæ indignationis flagella ea hominibus immitti.

[35] b Socrat l. 6., c. 6. Sozom l. 8, c. 4.

[36] Vide infra. Sozom l. 8 c 25 compared wth l 8, c 1.

[37] Socr. l 5. c 1

[38] * Ammian. l 3.

[39] Claud de bello Get.

[40] Claud in {sic} 6 cons Honorij.

[41] Claud in 6 Cons: Honorij.

[42] * Eridanum.

[43] Alaricum de {illeg}

[44] Oro l 7. c 37.

[45] * Baron. Ann 406. Sec 1.

[46] Claud de bello Get.

[47] Claud. in laudes Stiliconis. l 1.

[48] Claud. in laudes Stil. l 1.

[49] a Def

[50] b Def

[51] c Def

[52] Claud. in laudes Stilichonis. l 1.

[53] a Ethelwedus Edit Londin. f 474 b.

[54] Zos l 5

[55] Oros l 7. c 42.

[56] c Prosper.

[57] c Prosper.

[58] d Idatius

[59] Prosper in Prolog. lib. de provid. Dei.

[60] d Oros l 7 c 42.

[61] Def

[62] æ. De Africæ regione sud Hipponensi \obiter/ dicit Augustinus in Epistola 122 ad Victorinum A.C. 411 data: Quod eam Barbari tunc non attigerant. Exinde autem ad hujus Tubæ initium secura floruit.

[63] a Prosper. Baron ann 427. § 1 & sequ. Paul. Diac. Miscel. lib. 14. Procop: de Bell. Wand.

[64] D. August. ep. 70.

[65] b Paul. Diac. l 14.


a In Africa

a Bonifacius in Africa bis victus, prima vice Hipponem regium se recipit, ubi diu obsidetur. Interim Constantinopoli Romaq exercitus Aspare duce submissus quo adjuto Bonifacius et Afri Romani iterum confligunt et iterum vincuntur. Alij alio fingêre, Aspar Constantinopolim Bonifacius Romam \ubi Placidiæ se reconciliavit/ ubi Plaudiæ Procop. Vide locū. Vide P. Dial l. 14.

In Africa Vandali ingentem {sic} lacerata omni Provincia Romanis cladem dedere. Prosper Pith.

[67] Possid. cap. 28.

[68] a Obijt Augustinus tertio mense obsidionis ejus.

[69] b Victor De persecut. Wandal. lib 1 in præf.

[70] a forte Gentium Templis quorum multa Homousiani non ut Moses, Vitulum aureum contriverunt, sed aqua sacrata superstitiosè spargendo, in proprios usus converterunt.

[71] Baron ad Ann 411. § 6.

[72] Salvian De Gubern Dei lib 6.

[73] Victor De Wand. Pers l. 1.

[74] Procop. de Bello Wandal. lib 1.

[75] Baron. Ann 465 {sic} § 33.

[76] d Apud Surium die 11 Decemb.

[77] * Græcos scil.

[78] Procop. de Bello Wand. l. 1. Niceph. l. 15. c. 27.

[79] Baron. Ann 500 § 11.

[80] Victor Hist. Wand. lib. 1, in fin.

[81] a Iornandi Get. Paul Diacon l 15. Sigonius de Occ. Imp. Iornan de Regni succes

[82] b Sigebert, sed Paul. Diac. lib. 15 ponit 700000

[83] o Vide etiam Iornand: Get.

[84] c \Paul. Diac. l 15/ Greg: Turon: l. 2, c. 6, 7. Beat. Rhenan. l. 1. Vita Lupi Frecensis Episc. apud Surium die 29. Iul.

[85] d Iornand: Get. alijq

[86] e Idatius. Vide et Isidorum, & Iornand: in Get.

[87] p Pompon: Læt.

[88] f Paul. Diac. l 15. Iornand: Get. Aventinus in Annal: Boi: Sigon: de Occ. Imp.

[89] g Isidor: Chron: Got.

[90] k Marcellin.

[91] h Vide Baron: ann 375. § 3, \4, 5/ & 376 {sic}. § 1. & Sigon de Occid. Imp. c 14.

[92] a D Fig.

[93] b Fig

[94] * Ex fato suo nomē Augustuli contraxit.

[95] d Fig.

[96] a Fig

[97] b Fig

[98] b Fig

[99] c Fig.

[100] Apoc 16

[101] a Matth. 23.35

[102] a Baron an: 410. § 48. Gothofred. Comment. in hanc Legem.

[103] b Baron & Gothofr. ibid.

[104] Lex 51. De Hæret. C. Theodos.

[105] c Edicto \mili/ priori {sic}tate religionum.

[106] d Vide Comment. Gothofredi in legem sequ.

[107] L 56 De Hæret. C. Theodos.

[108] a Donatistæ Homoüsiani erant & Triunitarij, sed persecutionem {sic} \passi/ sunt quod in schismate constituti rebaptizabant cæteros Homoüsianos. D. Augustin. in Epist 50.

[109] b. Baron. Ann. 428. § 7.

[110] c D. Augustin. Epist. 127.

[111] d. Consule. {illeg} Sidonij Epist. 6. lib. 7. \eodem tempore scriptam/ Nam fabulas Monachorum de hujus {illeg} æque ac aliorum persecutionibus planè contexuit \Greg. Turonnensis/ ut metu videtur.

[112] a Homoüsiani & Triunitarij erant Donatistæ sed \persecutionem quod/ in Schismate constituti rebaptizabant cæteros Homoüsianos. D. Augustinus in Epist 50

[113] b Baron Ann 428. § 7.

[114] c D. Augustin Epist 127

[115] a Victor Chron. Baron. An. 484. § 129

[116] b Baron: An: 484. § 129. Ex Procopio qui Thrasamundū vocat Persecutorem

[117] c Victor. Chron. Baron: Ann: 504 § 23 & 45.

[118] Procop. de Bello Vandalico.

[119] a. Viginti jam et septem annos ducimus quod in hac urbe inter Longobardorum gladios vivimus. Greg. mag. l 4. Epist. {illeg} \34./ Qualiter {enim} enim et quotidianis gladijs et quantis Longobardorum incursionibus ecce jam per triginta quinq annorum longitudinem premimur, nullis ex plere vocibus suggestionis valemus. Greg. {illeg} lib {11}, Epist 45 Ad Phocā Imp Indic. 6 edit. Rom.

[120] a

[121] a

[122] b Baron. ad Anni 566 & sequentis.


g A.C. {illeg} Pet. Basilij, {illeg} aggregato

g. A:C. 547 Indic 10 Totila dolo Isaurorum ingreditur Romam die 16 Cal Ian: ac evertit muros, domos aliquantas igne comburens, ac omnes Rommanorum res in prædam accepit, hos ipsos Romanos in Campaniam Captivi abduxit, post quam devastationem quadraginta aut amplius dies Roma fuit ita desolata ut nec {me} ibi hominum nisi bestiæ morarent. Marcellin. Chron.

[124] a. De hoc obsidio sic meminit Anastasius in Vitis Pontif [A.C. 577] Pelagius 2dus ordinatur absq jussione Principis eo quod Longobardi obsiderent civitatem Romanam, & multa vastatio ab eis in Italia fieret. Eodem tempore \Evagrius/ tantæ pluviæ fuerunt ut omnes dicerent quiæ aquæ diluvij super nos inundantur & talis clades fuit qualem a seculo nullus meminit.

[125] d Greg. Dial. l 3 c 38.

[126] a. En illa plebe innumerabili quanti remanscritis aspicitis & tamen adhuc quotidie flagella urgent, repentini casus opprimunt, novæ nos et improvisæ clades affligunt. Greg. magn. Hom. in Luc 21.

[127] e Baron. ad An 567 sect 15 & 16.

[128] f. Ezek 7

[129] Greg. in Ezek. Hom 18.

[130] d. Vetus est vaticinium: Roma a Gentibus non exterminabitur sed tempestatibus, coruscis turbinibus, ac terræ motu fatigata in semet ipsa marcescet. Cujus prophetiæ mysteria nobis facta sunt luce clariora, qui in hac urbe dissoluta mœnia, eversas domos, destructas ecclesias turbine cernimus, ejusq ædificia longo senio lassata, quia ruinis crebrescentibus posternantur videmus. Greg. Dial. lib 2. cap 35

[131] a

[132] a. Belli primus annus docente Procopio, incidit in Consulatum Belisarij, hoc est in A.C. 535. Vnde initium obsidij anno 3o necessario cadet in A.C. 537. Id quod ex Maracellino confirmatur qui non tantum initium hujus obsidij ad Aureum secundū post Cons. Belisarij Indict 15 hoc est ad A.C. 537 refert, sed etiam res in alijs annis belli hujus narrante Procopio gestas, ad correspondentes annos Consulum et Indictionum. Adde quod Obsidium hoc incidit in An 11 Iustinam ({Evagr} \contigit annis 60 completis/ post Romam ab Odoacre occupatam (Procop. Evagr. l 4. c 19) Odoacer autem occupabat A.C 476. Marcellin. Cassiodor.

[133] b {illeg} Procop. de bello Got. lib 2.

[134] a Platina de Vit. Pontif.

[135] Def

[136] a Procop. de bello Got. l 1.

[137] a Procop. de bello Got. l 1.

[138] c. Hodiè reperta extant numismata incripta {sic} hac DN. IVSTINIANVS AVG. illac DN. THEODAHATHVS REX. Baron ad Ann 536. s 8.

[139] r. Præter calamitates in his Commentarijs descriptas aliæ multæ fuerunt eæq gravissimæ: et inter cæteros pestis \gravissimus/ annorum {illeg} quinquaginta duorum qui ab A.C. 544 incipiens, per totam fere hanc quartam Tubam, vastabat orbem: Evagr. Hist.

[140] a Martinus Chron. M.S. in Archivis Trin. Coll. Cantabrigio.

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