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Position
The Dragon was the whole Roman Empire untill its division, & then the nations of the Western Empire were the Beast with its ten horns & those of the Eastern the Dragon continued.

Till the reign of Constantine the great, Rome continued the only Metropolis or seat of the Empire: but he out of some displeasure taken against that City caused Constantinople to be built a[1] about the 25t year of his reign A.C. 330, & b[2] indowing it with many privileges equal to those of Rome, made it a fellow seat of the Empire & called it new Rome; whence Thrace obteined the name of Romania for many ages after.

At his death A.C. 336 happened the first division of the Empire between these two seats. ffor c his second son Constantius inherited Constantinople with the lesser Asia, Egypt & the East; his third Son Constans Rome with Italy Illyrium & Afric; his first son Constantine Spain Gallia & other northern parts of Europe to the borders of Thrace; his brothers son Delmatius Thrace Macedon & Greece; Annibalinus Armenia; &             some other portion of the East. But d Constantius soon slew Delmatius, Annibalinus &             & took their dominions to himself; & in the third yeare e Constantine was also slain by the soldiers of Constans & all the e western part of his territories subjected to Constans & all the Eastern to Constantius: so that within three years after the death of their father, the whole Empire became divided between the two seats, the f common border of their ditions being at the confines of the eastern & western Illyricum.

Constans reigned thus alone in the west ten years more & after him Magnentius the Tyrant four years: but then g Constantius out of the East with an Army of 70000 invaded & overcame Maxentius & so reunited the two Empires under himself 18 Cal. Sept. A.C. 353. And in this united form the Empire continued till the reign of Valentinian I who was elected by the Sol <2r> diers successor to Iovian in the whole Empire A.C. 364 but within three Months constituted his brother Valens Emperour over the East & reserved only the west to himself.

Valens was succeeded by Theodosius I, & Valentinian first by his sons Gratian & Valentinian II & then by the Tyrants Maximus & Eugenius who slew his sons, & lastly by Theodosius I who vanquished the Tyrants & after the conquest of the last of them reigned sole Emperor 4 months & then left the Empire again divided between his sons Arcadius & Honorius, after which it could never be reunited.

This is the history of the division of the Empire & consequently of the rise of the Beast out of the Sea. ffor it has been sufficiently manifested i that the old Roman Empire was the Dragon, & in Posit        we shewed that the kingdom represented by the Dragon was in the time of the sixt head, that is between the 10th Persecution & Theodosius's Reign, to become divided, & one part of the division to be represented by the Beast rising out of the Sea, the name of the Dragon being continued to the other.

Now of these two parts it's plain that the western must be the Beast. ffor. jst it was fit that the name of the Dragon should be continued to the bigger of the two parts & such were the nations of the Eastern Empire they being two thirds of the Whole. 2dly The Dragon's having but one crown upon each head shows that he was to continue always monarchicall, & the Beast's having ten crowns on his horns which stood all on the same head shows that in the reign of that head he was to be rent into many kingdoms, as we explained at large above: & accordingly the western Empire was soon broken in pieces, & the eastern continued always monarchical, though not always of so large extent as to comprehend all the nations represented by the Dragon after the division, nor so lasting as to be of equal duration with him, for that Empire is already ceased whereas by the Dragon I still understand all those nations which <3r> the Eastern Empire conteined at it's first division from the western, much after the same manner that all Daniel's Beasts (as shall be presently shewed) signify to the end of the world all those nations which once constituted the Empires represented by those Beasts, . 3dly The Dragon gave the Beast his seat, Apoc. 13.2, & therefore that part must be the Beast to which the Dragon relinquished his old seat Rome to chose a new one for himself. The founding of the new seat as I told you was begun by Constantine the great about 6 years before his death, & he dying left his will with a certain Presbiter (Eusebius Nicomedensis as I suppose) to be given to Constantius as the most trusty & worthy of his sons, who thereupon convened his brethren in Pannonia & distributed his fathers kingdoms accordingly; giving Rome the ancient Imperial seat to his younger Brother Constans & reserving the new seat Constantinople to himself. And thus the Dragon (if the act of the Emperors may be esteemed the act of the Empire) gave his seat to the Beast. But we need not regard much the personal actions of the Emperors; its enough to denominate the western Empire the Beast to whom the Dragon gave his power & seat that it & no other dominion but it immediately & freely, not by way of invasion or violence but as it were by concession succeeded the Dragon in his ancient Imperial seat power & authority. 4. There is yet another reason of the assertion not to be past over becaus the fundamental one: & 'tis this, that Daniel's fourth Beast, which is the same with Saint Iohn's, signifies properly the western nations of the Roman Empire, & those alone. Daniel's Beasts are usually interpreted each of the whole dominion of the Empire it signifies; & thus perhaps they may be understood in a generall sense, but strictly & properly they must signify only the principal part of each Empire in such a manner that if all the nations considered in Daniel's prophesies, that is all the dominions of the four Empires taken together be divided into four parts, the four beasts may signify one one part & another another part, & altogether the whole without interfering with one another. And this I gather first from the parallel vision of Nebuchadnezzar's Image whose head & breast & belly & leggs were in the end all broken at <4r> once by the fall of a stone cut out of a mountain without hands: for this argues that these parts of the Image signify so many severall great nations or peoples at once, which although they reigned successively (first the Chaldeans then the Persians &c) yet each of them after it had done reigning continued in being till the rest had also reigned, so that all of them in the end might as it were be dasht in pieces together by the kingdom of saints represented by the stone. Secondly I gather it from the vision of the four Beasts: for the Beasts are not represented as perishing or vanishing every one at the rise of the next but continuing all together till the Ancient of days came to judgment & caused the 4th Beast to be slain & his body to be given to the burning flame. ffor it is expresly said that when the 4th Beast was slain the other three had their dominion taken away but yet their lives prolongued for a time & a season. which is as much as to say, that when the saints take the kingdom the nations represented by the 4th Beast shall perish but those represented by the other three beasts shall still continue in being for a time & have only their dominion (that is the temporall power of their Rulers whatsoever it be) taken away & given to the saints. All the four Beasts therefore continue together till the slaughter of the fourth Beast & therefore must represent nations distinct both from him & from one another. And consequently since Greece & the territories beyond the Hellespond belong to the three first; namely Babylonia & Media to the first Persia to the second, & Egypt, Syria, the lesser Asia & Greece (the four heads of the Leopard) to the third: there remain only the regions of the Roman Empire westward of those places for the fourth. Every one of these four Empires therefore, seing they extended into one another, is to be considered as consisting of two sorts of people, one intrinsic or the Beast it self, the other extrinsic or the nations of the other Beasts conquered by that Beast. For what els signify <5r> the words that The fourth Beast devoured & brake in pieces & stamped the residue with his feet, Dan. 7.7 but that the fourth Empire was to consist of partly those nations which were considered as the Beast himself (viz: Italy & its neighbours round about,) & partly other nations (Greece & all the East) which were conquered & as it were devoured broken in pieces & stamped upon by the people of the first.

Seeing therefore the Roman Empire before its division conteined not only Daniel's ten hornd Beast but also his Leopard & sometimes a part also of the two first Beasts; the whole before its division was fitly represented in the Apocalyps by a Beast of a differing kind from the ten hornd Beast namely by the great red Dragon; & afterwards when the Western Nations which are precisely Daniel's Beast became divided from the rest, the division was as fitly represented by the rising of the Beast out of the Sea, that is out of the great Sea of the Roman Empire wherein it lay inclosed before.

Having given you my reasons why I understand the western Empire by the Beast, I shall now for a conclusion to this Position consider the circumstances which attended the division of the Empire, that it may appear how all things agree to the Prophesy. And in doing this I shall give a comment on the prophetique histories of the Dragon & Beast in order.

The history of the Dragon.

How the victory of Michael over the Dragon was fulfilled by the victory of Christianity over Heathenism at the end of the 10th Persecution so as to deserve that acclamation: Now is come salvation & strength & the kingdom of our God & the power of his Christ; I shewed in Posit      . And yet that the casting out of the Dragon was not completed till Theodosius reign I shewed in Posit      In all this interval therefore though the Christian part were deservedly called the Kingdom of God, yet the Empire in general as well in respect of religion as polity retained the name of Dragon as it might well have done from the major part though they had never more recovered the Throne.

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Now when the Dragon was cast out, he was not destroyed. He was only cast out of heaven to the earth, which denotes not a total ceasing but a change of his worship from a nobler to an ignobler state, from the stately worship in the temples of the heathen Gods to the sordid worship in sepulchres of the Christian Divi, from the adoration of ancient Kings, & others the most renouned Heros of this world to the adoration of mean & despicable plebeians in their rotten reliques. He was cast out of heaven, as in respect of the Imperial Throne & Court which was the political heaven of the Empire from whence he fell, so in respect of the stately Idol Temples whose glorious roofs & walls are in the sixt seal compared to the heavens, & the Idols placed aloft to stars in them. From hence he was cast down to the earth to be worshipped below in vaults & caverns of the earth where Christians began to idolize the intombed carcasses of their dead. And from this new kind of Idolatry (so much the more wicked & odious in God's eyes becaus a corruption of his own Church) proceeded that exclamation in the next words: Wo to the inhabitants of the earth & of the Sea for the devil is come down unto you having great wrath becaus he knoweth that he hath but a short time. vers 12.

This exclamation is a plain declaration that the Devil so soon as his old worship was cast out, was to begin a new game in the world; & to prove that this new game was nothing els but the new worship of Saints & Reliques, I need use no other argument but this, that in the figure there is no interval between the Dragon's being cast out of heaven & his coming down to the earth, & therefore we must look for the beginning of the Devil's new game where his old game ended: & accordingly the worshiping of Saints & Reliques, & besides that no other worship which can be accused of Idolatry, began to overspread the world at that very time when the Idolatry of the Heathens ceased. ffor their Idol worship (at least among the Romans) ceased at that final universal shutting up of the Idol - <7r> Temples which was in the beginning of Gratian's & Theodosius's reign. And then began the Devil to overspread the Christian world with the worship of Sts & Reliques. In Iulian's reign he laid the bait, which for a while fermented more secretly, & at length wrought notoriously all the world over by means of those numberles miracles (whether feigned or diabolical) which were cryed up in Theodosius's & his sons reigns to be done every where by the reliques & at the shrines of Saints, the Monks swarming up & down the Empire with reliques to recommend & sell to the people, & the gravest Clergy men of that age countenancing the miracles & looking upon them as if the miraculous Apostolic age it self was revived in & out done by their own, & not considering that God sometimes permits even signs & wonders to be done by Seducers in favour of Idolatry to try men Deutr. 13.1, 2, & that the coming of the man of sin was to be after the working of Satan with all power & signs & lying wonders, God sending the world a strong delusion for want of love to the truth, 2 Thes 2.

This was the wrath with which the Devil came down among the Apostates, & set up that way of worship for the sake of which the nations of the Eastern Empire continue to this day represented by the Dragon. But besides this wrath vented on the Apostates the Dragon exercised his malice on the true Church also for it follows in the next words that when the Dragon saw that he was cast unto the earth he persecuted the woman which brought forth the manchild, & that with so great violence that the woman thereupon began her flight into the wilderness. Of the time of this persecution we have these two firm characters, one that it was so soon as the Dragon saw that he was cast unto the Earth, or at his first coming down among the inhabitants of the earth & Sea, the other that it was at the beginning of the seventh Seal as we shewed in Posit:     And both these reject it upon Theodosius reign. Nor did the event fall short of the prediction, for the Church continued to flourish <8r> over all the East till the reign of this Emperour, but he in the second year of his reign raised a most violent persecution against her, expelled her Bishops & Priests, dissolved her Assemblies, interdicted her worship, & oppressed her members so much, that the most of them were moved to fall away to the side of her Persecutors, & a good part of the rest to fly out of the Empire to barbarous nations: insomuch that within the short space of fourteen years shee seemed almost to disappear & leave the Empire to her adversaries. Never was there so great a change wrought by violence in so short a time.

Now as the woman upon this persecution fled from the Dragon he cast out of his mouth waters as a flood after her that he might cause her to be carried away of the flood. ch 12.15, 16. Here since the Dragon which persecuted the Woman is the Empire that instrument of the old Serpent, the waters which he cast out of his mouth must be the people of the Empire they being the flood of enemies which the Empire spewed out against her in the persecution, & the Earth which took part with the Woman against the Dragon must (according to what we explained above) be the people of forreign nations which bordered upon the Empire. The forreign nations therefore so soon as the Dragon had spewed out waters as a flood after her were to take her part & swallow up those waters: & accordingly so soon as the 14 year's persecution of Theodosius was finished, wherein the Church which had flourished from the Apostles time till then almost sunk under the vast numbers of Apostates which the Persecution had made to fall from her, & other enemies raised against her by the Empire; so soon I say as this persecution had thus filled up the number of the Churches enemies, the northern nations invaded the Empire & waged the wars of the four first Trumpets, & as many of them as were Christians took part with the Church insomuch as within a while to found divers kingdoms of the true religion, as the Visigothic the Ostrogothic the Vandalic the Burgundian the , & for some time the Suevian, the Alan , the Lombardic . And by these the Church was so much releived that it was 200 years more before she could be overcome a second time & made <9r> totally to vanish into the Wilderness. Thus the earth helped the Woman for a time & swallowed up the waters. It is not said annihilated them but swallowed them up, that is dryed up the power of the people signified by the waters (Fig    ) by invading & allaying them as earth allays or contemperates water when it soaks it up; & not only by allaying but conquering them. ffor the conquests whereby so many new Barbarian Kingdoms were erected which devoured so much of the Empire could not be expressed by a fitter nor scarce by any other figure here, then the Earth's swallowing up the waters.

After all this, when the Woman was totally fled into the Wilderness, the Dragon, having as it were lost sight of her, went to make war with the remnant of her seed, vers 17. that is with those true Christians which remained so few & so much dispersed as not to have the face of a Church, & therefore are not called the Woman but only her seed. ffor though the woman during her abode in the wilderness be really all one with this her seed, yet she most properly represents the Church as it consists of such visible Assemblys as have the face of a church, & therefore to distinguish this her state of dispersion & obscurity, from her visible state at other times, the aggregate of her members are here called only the remnant of her seed.

The history of the Beast

Whilst the Dragon was doing these things, the Beast rose out of the Sea, & sufferred a deliquium, & then ascended out of the bottomles pit & reigned to the End. Posit.    

He is described to be like the Leopard, that is, at first Monarchichal, but soon broken into many kingdoms as the Greek Empire was after the death of Alexander: to have feet like the feet of the Bear, that is [3] stout Armies like those of Cyrus (see ffig    :) & to have a mouth like the Lyon, that is a mouth speaking proud & blasphemous things against the most high like the kings of Babylon.

His rise out of the Sea & wound with a sword were to happen in the sixt head or seale (Posit V) that is between the 10th Persecution & Theodosius's reign, & this limits us to the rise of the Western Empire at Constantine's death for the first, & to the <10r> deliquium of that Empire by the mortal wound made with Constantius's sword for the second.

His rise out the Sea may be recconed to begin at the death of Constantine & to be completed within three years after when the whole Empire by the death of the younger Constantine became divided between Constans & Constantius, Rome & Constantinople. This was his rise as to his politique state; but besides he might be said to rise also about this time in respect of his new religion. For in the Homoüsian controversy Constantine sided with the Church in the latter part of his reign, but his Sons became divided in their opinions Constantius treading in his father's steps but Constans taking part with the Homoüsians, being thereto moved by the instigation of Pope Iulius & his guest Athanasius. And by their influences so many of the Bishops & Clergy were led aside that immediately after the Council of Sardica (which was called in the 11th year after the death of Constantine) the western Churches which had hitherto communicated with the eastern separated from them & refused to communicate with them any longer: of which separation the limit was the town Sardica & the Mountain          which were a little way within the borders of the Eastern Empire. Thus by a religious as politique division of the Empire the Beast rose at this time out of the great Roman Sea: & as the Dragon signified the old Empire both in respect of its being a body politique & in respect of its being a state of heathenism so I conceive the Beast signifies the western Empire both as it was a new body politique derived out of the old Empire & as it was of a new fals religion that great Antichristian Apostacy which it was to spread & reign in to the end & for the sake of which it is not represented by any natural Beast as the Chaldæan Persian & Greecian Empires were, but by a Nameles beast or monster to express its greater brutishness & uncleanness.

Now as the Beast thus rose both in a civil & religious respect, so he received his mortal wound in both respects. ffor when Constantius invaded & conquered the western Emperour Magnentius, he not only made the western Empire cease for a time but supprest its religion too, proceeding at first by perswasions & the convening of Councils to bring things <11r> an agreement without force, & at length banishing those few Bishops that remained obstinate < insertion from f 10v > ——— those few Bishops that remained obstinate & were condemned in the counsel of Mediolanum, namely Paulinus Trevir. Dionysius Alb. Eusebius Verc. Lucifer Caral. & Rhodianus. Yet Fulgos l 7. c 3 & Sulpitius Severus say that Dionysius subscribed to the counsel & consequently was not banished. A little after these was Liberius Bishop of Rome banished also, but yet within a while upon recanting his errors restored to his seat. And at this time so far was the Athanasian faction dwindled, that when the Emperor sent for Liberius he told him that Athanasius was condemned by all the Bishops of the whole world, & askt him how great a part he was of the whole world that he alone should vindicate that most wicked man & break the peace of the whole world. And — < text from f 11r resumes > of the whole world that he alone should vindicate the most wicked Athanasius & break the peace of the Church & whole world. And the Bishop answerd that the cause of his faith was not diminished by his being alone, for so of old there were only three found to resist Nebuchadnezzar. And a little after the Emperour again insisted upon his singularity, telling him that he was the only man who defended that wicked person.

Now this being the last moment of the Churches flourishing the Angel from hence as from the nearest distance shewed Saint Iohn in the 17th Chapter a prospect of the times of Apostacy calling the Beast (in respect of the time which was looked upon as present in the vision, which was when five Kings or Heads were fallen & the sixt in being) the Beast which was & is not & shall ascend out of the bottomless pit, & the Beast which was & is not & is at hand.

The political restauration of the Beast (as I said) was at the new division of the Empire between Valentinian & Valens & this was accompanied with a division in religion too. ffor Valens trod in the steps of Contantius but Valentinian tolerated all religions, whereby the Athanasian party by degrees revived in the west & not only revived but ran further into errors, apostatizing so far that the rise & spreading of this Apostacy is exprest by the Beasts ascending out of the bottomles pit. This Apostacy consisted in the depravation of manners worship & faith; of manners to so great a degree that Salvian one of their own Bishops comparing them with the heathens of the same time could not but judge the Christians apparently sunk below 'em; of worship by introducing the adoration of Saints & reliques with many other superstitions consequent thereto; of faith by changing the doctrins of the Trinity incarnation & passion, so as to deny the ffather to be the only supreme God, & that Spirit which was truly incarnate so as to become <12r> a true sensitive passible man subject to all infirmities of the flesh but sin & by undergoing the afflictions of a troublesome life & painful death performed the work of our redemption, to be the λογος or only begotten Son of God by whom he made the world, or any thing more then a meare human soul; that is so as to set up Antichristianity according to Saint Iohns definition of it. And certainly for a kingdom to rise with vitious living, Idolatrous worship & Antichristian faith at it's heels, & overspread the world therewith for so many ages, is to rise out of the bottomles pit with a witness.

The accomplishment of this ascending out of the Pit I suppose to be at the end of Theodosius reign, for though he & Gratian joyned in the work yet Valentinian II sided with the Arrians in Italy. Yea Theodosius himself, though he deposed the Arrian Bishops at the beginning of his reign, yet he began not to interdict the Assemblies of the people for religious worship till a[7] after his return from the war with Maximus, & the ensuing insurrection of Eugenius hindred their suppression in the west till after his overthrow. Wherefore the Beast cannot be said to have been fully risen before Theodosius became Master of the whole Empire, & after four months oppression of the Church, left it divided between his sons. Thus was the Oracle that the Christian religion should last but 365 years fulfilled And now the Beast being arrived to maturity as well by the fall of the Church & fulness of wickedness as by the final division of the Empire, begins his reign in the state of his 8th head which in chap 17 is called the Beast eminently as if all the former times belonged to the Dragon. And indeed although you may, as often as the Empire became divided restrain the Dragon to signify the eastern part only yet seing the monarchical form of the empire was not perfectly dissolved till the death of Theodosius, & the reign of the Beast is limited to the 8th head in Chap 17, & accordingly in chap 13 none of his seaven heads crowned; I had rather consider the whole Empire to be the Dragon till that Emperors death, & look upon the Western Empire in the times of division from the Eastern to be the Beast in a state of minority & imperfection, not yet fully emerged out of the Dragon but a portion of him till Theodosius perfected the Division.

The ten horns of the Beast.

Thus I have drawn down the history of the Beast till he began the wicked reign of his eighth head, & this being the horned <13r> head, the next thing to be considered is the rise of his horns, or his rending into ten kingdoms: for the more certain defining of which, we are first to know the just time & place in which they were to rise.

The place according to what we have shewed must be the western Empire precisely, excluding the eastern: for as they are the horns of Daniel's 4th Beast they must have nothing common with the heads of the Leopard, but be restrained to the regions precisely signified by that Beast; & also as they are the horns of Saint Iohn's Beast they are limited to him by their receiving their kingdoms the same hour with him & giving their kingdom to him & being all crowned on his head & uncrowned on the Dragons.

The time is determined by this that the ten kings receive their kingdoms the same hour with the beast Apoc 17.12, that is with the Beast as he is considered in the vers before where he is taken for the 8th head or King, which as we have shewed is the western Empire commencing at the death of Theodosius. The length of this hour therefore being known we shall have the just intervall of time within which the 10 Kings were to receive their Kingdoms. For by what was shewed in Posit     they were to rise after this head & therefore the hour must be dated from its rise. Now the length of the hour is determined by what we shewed above concerning the half hour's silence, to be 15 years, the double of that half hour. And therefore the 8th head or Western Empire is to be rent into these ten horns or Kingdoms within 15 years after it's beginning, that is, before the year 410. This is the latest, & the soonest is the year 408, the western Empire being preserved intire till then. ffor by what we produced above [8] out of Claudian, it is manifest that all Gallia & Spain continued quiet till that great irruption of barbarians which began the wars of the second Trumpet. Now this began with the year 408. ffor Orosius the earliest writer put's it Ante biennium a[9] Romanæ irruptionis. , & Marcelline an accurate chronologer Indic 6, Basso & Phil <14r> head, the next thing to be considered is the rise of his horns, or his rending into ten kingdoms: for the more certain defining of which, we are first to know the just time & place in which they were to rise.

The place according to what we have shewed must be the western Empire precisely, excluding the eastern: for as they are the horns of Daniels 4th Beast they must have nothing common with the heads of the Leopard; & as they are the horns of Saint Iohn's Beast they are limited to him by their receiving their kingdoms the same hower with him, & giving their kingdom to him, & being all crowned on his head & uncrowned on the Dragon's.

The time is determined by this that the ten kings receive their kingdoms the same hower with the beast Apoc 17.12, that is with the Beast as he is considered in the vers before where he is taken for the 8th head or king which as we have shewed is the western Empire commencing at the death of Theodosius. The length of this hower therefore being known, we shall have the just intervall of time within which the 10 Kings were to receive their kingdoms For by what was shewed in Posit     they were to rise after this head & therefore the hower must be dated from its rise.. Now the length of the hower is determined by what we showed above concerning the half-howers silence to be 15 years the double of that half hower. And therefore the 8th head or western Empire is to be rent into these ten horns or kingdoms within 15 years after its beginning, that is, before the yeare 410. This is the latest, & the soonest is the year 408, the western Empire being preserved intire till then. ffor by what we produced above [10] out of Claudian it is manifest that all Gallia & Spain continued quiet till that great irruption of Barbarians which began the wars of the second Trumpet, & this began with the year 408. ffor Orosius the earliest writer puts it two years before the a[11] sacking of Rome, Prosper <15r> & Marcelline in the second year after the overthrow of Radagaisus; & Marcellin Indic 6 Basso & Philippo Coss. By all which characters it must happen AC 408, yet so that the passage of the Barbarians over the Danube may fall in the last day of December A.C. 407. For Prosper informs us that it happened in the last day of December though he put both that & the overthrow of Radagaisus a year too soon. This determination is not a little confirmed by the time of Stilico's death which was caused by & soon followed upon that invasion (Oros. Iornand.) & happened A.C. 408. 10 Kal. Sept. between Arcadius's death & Alaric's invasion of Italy (Zosim.    ) both which were in the same year. I may add that in the year before, Stilico was preparing an expedition against the Greek Emperor (Zosim.) which it is not likely he would have presumed to proceed in if the Barbarians had been then in Gallia. Prosper therefore & after him Cassiodorus err who put it a year sooner. Yea Prosper is so uncertain in the time of this action that in calce lib 1 Euseb. Chron. he puts it after Arcadius's death. < insertion from f 14v > ✝ he has done in the first & last, seing the things have an affinity with one another. This determination is not a little confirmed by the time of Stilico's death which was caused by, & soon followed upon that invasion (Oros. Iornand.) & happened an. 408.10 Kal. Sept. between Arcadius's death & Alaric's invasion of Italy (Zosim.) both which were in the same year. I may add that in the year before Stilico was preparing an expedition against the Greek Emperor (Zosim.) which it is not likely he would have presumed to proceed in if the Barbarians had been then in Gallia. And to say no more, Ierom in his epistle ad Gerontiam written {quam} Roma vitam auro et omni supellectile redemerat, i.e. an. 409, relates the Gallic invasion from the beginning of it after such a manner as if the whole news was but then hot in the east where he was Yet Prosper makes the depopulations of Gallia by the Vandals Alans & Goths sucessively to have lasted 10 years & anno 316 Gallia had an universal peace < text from f 15r resumes >

Italy & the eastern parts of this Empire began before this time to be much troubled by the wars of the first Trumpet, but now those troubles were all overcome, Alaric, Radagaisus & all other invaders being either vanquished or repulsed. If any of them had a title to any portion of this Empire, 'twas Alaric, & yet he appears not to have had any unless as a subject to the Emperor. ffor though his nation entred the Empire above 30 years before, yet they resided within the eastern Empire all the reign of Theodosius & for five years after. And besides, their coming into the Empire was upon terms of subjection, which though they brake yet being well beaten by Theodosius, they not only made peace with him but returned to their obedience, & their Captain Alaric as one of his other subjects served under him in his wars with Eugenius. And after his death b[12] when they constituted Alaric their King & rebelled again, though Alaric harassed the Eastern Empire five years together yet when he came into the western he was so soundly beaten by Stilico that c[13] Claudian called the remainder of his nation, tanta ex gente reliquias breves, & Prudentius gentem delitam: whereupon he was forced to submit himself again being humbled so far that d[14] Orosius tell's us he did pro pace optima & quibuscunque sedibus suppliciter & simpliciter orare. But then e[15] Stilico beginning to think of getting the Empire , favoured them underhand for his use & after a while procured Alaric to be honoured with a military præfecture & sent him into the east in Honorius's service committing some Roman troops to his conduct amongst his Goths & promising to follow soon after with his own <15v> army; his pretence being to recover some regions of Illyricum which the Eastern Emperor injuriously detained from the western, but his real designe to make himself Emperor of the East: for the facilitating of which he had invited that great inundation of Barbarians for a diversion to the western Empire to invade it after his departure. In these circumstances Alaric stayed in Epire till the year 408, & therefore was not supreme Lord over any part of the West so as to breake the Empire till this year in which he returned to invade it. The western Empire therefore was preserved intire till the very end of the year 407 & so there remain only the years 408 & 409 for its breaking into the ten horns or kingdoms.

To these circumstances of time & place we may add another of the proportion of these ten kingdoms to the four capital Kingdoms into which the Greecian Monarchy was divided, namely that these were to be much less then those: ffor this may be gathered both from their greater number & from — <16r> gathered both from their greater number & from their representation in Daniel's vision chap 7, those being there represented not by horns as these are but by four heads of the Tyger to set 'em forth with the more amplitude comparatively to these.

And these things premised I proceed now to the enumeration of these horns which are these. 1 The Kingdom of the Vandals 2 The Kingdom of the Suevians. 3. the Kingdom of the Alans in Spain. 4 The Kingdom of the Alans in Gallia. 5 The Kingdom of the Burgundians. 6 The Kingdom of the Franks 7 The Kingdom of Brittain. 8 The Kingdom of the Visigoths 9 The Kingdom of the Huns. 10. The Kingdom of Ravenna: all whose Kings received power as Kings in the years 408 & 409.

The first seven were founded by the Gallic irruption which began the wars of the second Trumpet : the manner of which was this. The Vandals under Godegisilus, the Alans in two bodies one under Goar, another under Resplandial, the Suevi under Ermeric & the Burgundians under Gundicar, in the end of the year 407 rising from their seats in Germany as was said force their way through the Franks, pass the Rhene at Ments & diffuse themselves through the next regions of Gallia & amongst other actions the Vandals take Trevirs.. < insertion from f 16v > A.C. 408. Indic 6. Basso et Philippo Coss: Stilico Comes regnum inhians, Alanorum Suevorum Wandalorumque gentes donis pecunijsque illectas contra regnum Honorij excitavit. Marcellini Chron. < text from f 16r resumes > Vpon this Alarm the Brittish soldiers revolt & set up tyrants there first Marcus whom they slew presently yn Gratian whom they slew in four months & lastly Constantine under whom so soon as they had set him up (which was the summer following the irruption,) they invaded Gallia, thinking to get the whole Empire. Constantine soon possest a good part of Gallia, but the Barbarians being in his way, he invited the Franks against the Van & drew Goar also to his side. The Franks also , being put into a posture of war those beyond the Rhene by the late hostile impression which the other Barbarians had made upon them & invited to invade Gallia by their example pass the Rhene & there on this side by the immin fall upon the Vandals take trevirs from them & slay almost twenty thousand of them in battel, the rest escaping only by a hand of a[16] Resplendial Alans that came timely to their assistence. Then Resplendial seeing this disaster, & that Goar was fallen away to the Romans, consulting his safety left the coasts of the Rhene & together with the Suevians & residue of the Vandals went towards Spain, . They were at first stopt by the Pyrenæan mountains which made them diffuse themselves into Aquitain & several other parts of Gallia but after some time they had the passage betrayed to them by some of the soldiers of Constans the Son of Constantine whom his Father had <17r> created Cæsar & sent into Spain to order his affairs there. They entred Spain 4 Kal. Octob. A.C. 409 & from that time every one conquering there what he could, at length to avoyd wars with one another they divided their conquests by lot & the Vandals obteined Bœtica & part of Gallæcia, the Suevians the rest of Gallæcia & the Alans Lusitania & the Carthaginian Province. Ⓡ

< insertion from f 15v >

Ⓡ In the meane while forces of Honorius sent against the Barbarians took Trevirs from the Franks. Also, Stilico's expedition against the Greek Emperor being stopt by Honorius's order, Alaric came out of Epire into Noricum & demanded a summ of money for his service. The senate were inclined to deny him, but by Stilico's mediation granted it. But after a while Stilico being detected & slain as a trayterous conspirator with Alaric, & so Alaric disppointed of his money & reputed an enemy to the Empire, he brake streight into Italy with his army which he brought out of Epire, & sent to his brother Adaulphus to follow him with what other forces were remaining in Pannonia, which were not great, but yet not to be despised. After he had besieged & taken Rome & was shipwrackt in his attempt to pass into Afric, as was described above Honorius made peace with him & got up an army to send against the Tyrant Constantine. At the same time Gerontius one of Constantine's Capitains revolted from him & set up one Maximus Emperor in Spain: whereupon Constantine sent Edobec another of his Capitains to draw to his assistence besides the Barbarians that were in Gallia fresh supplies of Franks & Alemans from beyond the Rhene. Gerontius advancing began to besige Constantine in Arelatum, but Honorius at the same time sending Constantius with the Army on the same errand, Gerontius fled, & Constantius continued the siege being strengthned by the access of the greatest part of Gerontius's soldiers. <16v> After 4 months siege, Edobec having procured succors, the Barbarian Kings at Ments constitute Iovius Emperour & together with him set forward to relieve Arelatum. At their approach Constantius retired, & they pursuing, beat them by surprize, but not prosecuting his victory the Barbarians soon recovered themselves, yet not so as to hinder the fall of the Tyrants. Symbol (cross surmounted by three circles in triangular formation) in text < insertion from lower down f 16v > Symbol (cross surmounted by three circles in triangular formation) in text but yet Brittain could not be recovered to the Empire but remained ever after a distinct Kingdom. < text from f 16v resumes > The next year the Goths invaded Aquitain, yet scarce so as to leave their hold in Italy, till they were beaten in Aquitain by Constantius they invaded Symbol (three dots in triangular formation) in text < insertion from lower down f 16v > [Symbol (three dots in triangular formation) in text by Constantius: which victory happend about the year 414. They invaded Aquitain with much violence, causing the Alans —] < text from f 16v resumes > causing the Alans & Burgundians to retreat which were then depopulating it. At the same time the Burgundians were brought to terms of peace the Emperor granting them for inheritance a region upon the Rhene which they had invaded, And the same I guess he did with the Alans, but the Franks not long after among other mischiefs retaking & burning Trevirs, Castinus was sent against them with an army. < text from f 17r resumes >

Now the records of this history, (that I may not deliver it gratis) are chiefly these: ✝

< insertion from f 16v >

✝ Stilico Alarichum cunctamque Gothorum gentem pro pace optima et quibuscunque sedibus suppliciter et simpliciter orantem occulto fædere fovens ad terendam Rempublicam reservavit. Præterea Gentes alias copijs viribusque intollerabiles quibus nunc Galliarum Hispaniarumque Proviniciæ premuntur, hoc est Alanorum Suevorum Vandalorum ipsoque simul motu impulsorum Burgundionum ultrò in arma solicitans suscitavit, eas interim ripas Rheni quatere et pulsare Gallias voluit. Itaque ubi Imperatori Honorio exercituique hæc tantorum scelerum scena patefacta est, commoto justissime exercitu occisus est Stilico. Oros l. 7, c. 38. < text from f 17r resumes > Ante a[17] biennium Romanæ irruptionis excitæ per Stiliconem gentes Alanorum Suevorum Vandalorum, multǽque cum his aliæ, ffrancos proterunt, Rhenum transeunt, Gallias invadunt, directoque impetu Pyrenæum usque perveniunt, cujus obice ad tempus repulsæ per circumjacentes Provincias refunduntur. His per Gallias bacchantibus, apud Britannos Gratianus municeps ejusdem insulæ tyrannis creatur & occiditur: Hujus loco Constantinus eligitur qui continuò ut invasit imperium in Gallias transijt. Oros. l 7. c 40. & Paul. Diac in Eutrop.: continuat: l 13. Frigeridus, cùm Romam refert a Gothis captam atque subversam, ait: Interea Resplendial Rex b[18] Alanorum, Goare ad Romanos transgresso, de Rheno agmen suorum convertit, Vandalis Francorum bello laborantibus, Godegisilo Rege absumpto, acie viginti ferme millibus ferro peremptis, cunctis Vandalorum ad internecionem delendis ni Alanorum vis in tempore subvenisset. Movet nos hæc causa quod cum aliarum Gentium Reges nominet cur non nominet et Francorum Greg. Turonensis l. 2. c 9.       Vandali Alani et Suevi Pyrænæos montes transgressi Hispaniam ingrediuntur omnes eodem tempore ( Sozom l 9. c 12. Idat. Chron. Isidor: Hist: Suev: & Hist. Wand. P. Diac. in Eutrop. continuato. Sigebert. alijsque omnes.) Idque 4 Kal. Octob. : Olympiade: 297, <18r> Æra Hispan 447, Anno 15 Honorij (Idat.) Honorio 8 & Theodosio 3 Coss: (Prosper. Idat. Cassiodor.) hoc est Sept 2 A.C. 409. ** < insertion from f 17v > ** Quomodo aditus in Hispaniam barbaris proditus, sit vide apud — — — — Oros: l 7: c 40. Vbi hæc habet: Constantis milites barbari, prodita Pyrenæi custodia, claustrisque patefactis cunctas gentes quæ per Gallias vagabantur Hispaniarum provincijs immittunt ijsdemque ipsi adjunguntur, ubi actis aliquamdiu magnis cruentisque discursibus, post graves rerum atque hominum vastationes quarum ipsos quoque modo pænitet, habita, sorte et distributa usque ad nunc possessione consistunt; Hoc est ad an 417, quando hæc scripta fuerunt. < text from f 18r resumes > Anno 17. Honorij, Æra Hispan 449 (A.C. 411) subversis Hispaniæ Provincijs barbari ad pacem ineundam conversi sortè ad habitandum sibi provinciarum, dividunt regiones, Gallæciam Vandali occupant et Suevi sitam in extremitate Maris Oceani, Alani Lusitaniam & Carthaginensem Provincias, & Vandali congnomine Silingi Bæticam sortiuntur. Hispani per civitates et castella residui a plagis, barbarorum per Provincias dominantiam se subjiciunt servituti. Constantinus post triennium invasæ tyrannidis ab Honorij duce Constantio intra Gallias occiditur. Idat: chron. & Eadem pene habet Isidorus in Hist: Wandal. ✝ < insertion from f 17v > ✝ Quomodo Gothi Basso et Philippo Coss: ex Epiro in Noricum profecti mercedem poscunt & Alarico 10 Kal. Sept. interfecto Italiam e vestigio invadunt non manentes advocata e Pannonijs auxilia vide apud Zosimum lib. 5 < text from f 18r resumes > Anno post urbem captam Constantius comes in Galliam cum exercitu profectus, Constantium Imperatorem apud Arelatum civitatem clausit cœpit occidit. Iovinus postea vir Galliarum nobilissimus in tyrannidem mox ut assurrexit cecidit. Oros l 7, c 42. Iovinus apud a[19] Mundiacum Germaniæ alterius urbem studio Goaris Alani et b[20] Guntiarij Burgundionum præfecti Tyrannus creatus est. Olympiodor. apud Photium. Symbol (X with NE arm missing in a circle) in text Dum - < insertion from f 17v > Symbol (X with NE arm missing in a circle) in text Dum Constans, inquit Frigeridus, cum Patre resideret, ab Hispania nuncij commeant a Gerontio Maximum unum e clientibus suis Imperio præditum atque in se Comitatu gentium barbarorum accinctum parari: quo enterriti, Edobecco ad Germanos gentes præmissu, Constans & præfectus jam Decimius Rusticus ex officiorum magistro petunt Gallias cum Francis et Alamannis omnique militum manu, ad Constantinum jamjamque redituri. Item cùm Constantinum obsideri scribit Frigeridus, ita dicit: Vix dum quartus < text from f 18r resumes > Frigeridus cùm Constantinum obsideri scribet, ita dicit: Vix dum quartus obsidionis Constantini mensis agebatur cum repentè ex ulteriori Gallia nuncij veniunt Iovinum assumpsisse ornatus regios & cum Burgundionibus Alemannis Francis Alanis omnique exercitu imminere obsidentibus, ita acceleratis moris reserata urbe Constantinus deditur. — Et paulò post: Hisce diebus Præfectus tyrannorum Decimius agroetinus ex primicerio notariorum Iovini multique nobiles apud Avernos capti a Ducibus Honorianis & crudeliter interempti sunt. Trevirorum civitas a Francis direpta incensaque est secunda irruptione. — Cùm autem Asterius codicillis Imperialibus Patriciatum sortitus fuisset, hæc adjungit: Eodem tempore Castinus domesticorum Comes expeditione in Francos suscepta ad Gallias mittitur. Greg. Turnonens. l 2. c 9. Franci per Gallias incessentes deripiunt primò & secunda irruptione incendunt urbem Trevirim. Sigebert. < insertion from f 17v > Wandalis Suevis et Alanis Hispanias occupantibus, Gerontius omnium Constantini ducum fortissimus, hostis illi factus, Maximum Imperiali veste induit & Tarracone morari jussit. Constantinus verò cum defectionem Maximi comperisset Edobecum ducem suum trans Rhenum direxit ut Francorum et Alemannorum auxilia impretraret, Constanti autem filio suo Viennæ custodiam commisit. At Gerontius expeditione suscepta obiter Constantem Viennæ interfici curavit & Arelatum profectus eam obsidere aggressus est. Sed novi multò post cùm Exercitus Honorij duce Constantio contra Tyrannum missus advenisset, Gerontius cum paucis militibus fugit & mox perit, major enim pars eorum ad Constantium transfugerat. Interim circumsidente Arelatum Honorij exercitu, Constantinus adhuc obsidionem sustenebat cum ei nunciatum esset Edovicum cum ingentibus auxilijs adventare. Nunciato protinus Edovici adventu, et quod is in proximo castra haberet, Honorij duces se ultra amnem Rodanum recipiunt. Et Constantius quidem qui pedestres copias ductabat adventum hostium opperiebatur. Vlfila verò Constantij Collega haud procul abditus cum equitatu subsidebat. Potsquam hostes exercitum Vlfilæ prætergressi jam cum militibus Constantij pugnam inituri erant, repentè signo dato prorumpens Vlfila hostes e tergo invadit. Statimque disjectis eorum copijs alij in fugam versi alij occisi, plurimi armis abjectis veniam poscentes salutem consecuti sunt. Dein cùm Constantius trajecto iterum amne ad obsidium urbis revertisset, obsessi portas apperiunt, Constantinus una cum Iuliano filio in Italiam missus antequam eo pervenisset in itinere est occisus. Nec multo post Iovinus & Maximus Tyranni ex improviso interfecti sunt. Sarus item et alij complures qui Honorij imperio fuerant insidiati. Sozomen l 9. c 12, 13, 14, 15. Hanc historiam Prosper refert ad Consulatum Theodosij A.C. 411. De hac et sequenti victoria adversus Gothos versa pag Symbol (cross in a circle surmounted by another cross) in text < insertion from f 18v > Versa pag. Symbol (cross in a circle surmounted by another cross) in text Gothos hæc habet Hieronymus: Tunc lugubres vestes Italia mutavit & semiruta urbis Romæ mænia pristinum ex parte recepere fulgorem. - Putares extinctam Gothorum manum, et colluviem perfugarum atque servorum, domini desuper intonantis fulmine concidisse. Non sic post Trebecam Thasymenum & Cannas: in quibus locis Romanorum exercituum cæsa sunt milia, Marcellini primùm ad Nolam prælio se populus Romanus erexit. Minori priùs gaudio strata Gallorum agmina, auro redempta Nobilitas et seminarium Romani generis in arce cognovit. Penetravit hic rumor Orientis littora, &c. Hieron: ad Demetriadem epist 8.     De prælio priori meminit etiam Zosimus (lib 6). licet malo rerum gestarum ordine, additque Barbaros, quod Romani non insequerenter fugientes, resarcita clade quam acceperant vires recolligisse & rursus hosti pares evasisse. Et Iornandes (in Geticis) meminit Gentes Francorum et Burgundionum Gallias diu & crudeliter infestasse usque ad adventum Gothorum ex Italia in Aquitaniam, tunc autem metu Gothorum in suis se finibus cœpisse continere: non ultra Rhenum scil: sed in Germanijs cis Rhenum et Gallia Belgica quibus ungues infixerant. Et non multò post Francis Trerim denuo capientibus & incendentibus Castinum contra illos missum esse puto salten ante an 420 nam exinde detinebatur in bello Hispanico & Afr. Symbol (4 circles in a diamond formation) in text < insertion from lower down f 18v > [Symbol (4 circles in a diamond formation) in text De Treviris autem prædictis quatuor eversionibus hæc Iubaianus: Non agitur Trevirorum Non agitur Trevirorum urbe excellentissima sed quia quadruplici est eversione prostrata. Et paulo post: Expugnata est quater urbs Gallorum Trevir opulentissima. Atque iterum: Excisâ ter continuis eversionibus summâ urbe Gallorum. Salvian de gubern. Dei lib. 6. ] < text from f 18v resumes > Anno 18 Honorij (A.C. 412) rursum alia prædatio Galliarum Gothis qui Alarico duce Romam cœperant Alpes transgredientibus: Anno 19 Valentia nobilissima Galliarum civitas a Gothis effringitur ad quam fugiens se Iovinus contulerat. Anno 20 Aquitani a Gothis tradita. Prosper apud Euseb. lib 1. Symbol (two wavy lines surmounted by three circles arranged as a triangle) in text

< insertion from the bottom of f 18v >

Symbol (two wavy lines surmounted by three circles arranged as a triangle) in text These records of the Ancients I shal conclude with the collection of a modern writer speaking of the Barbarian kingdoms founded at this time within the Empire. Honorio, inquit, regnante in Pannoniam Hunni, in Hispaniam Vandali Alani Suevi et Gothi, in <19v> Galliam Alani Burgundiones et Gothi certis sedibus permissis accepti. Sigonius de Occ Imp. ad an 423. Yet < text from f 18v resumes > Hæc autem {exppugnatio} erant a Vandalis Francis et Romanis successivè A.C. 408 & 409 & a Francis denuò A.C. 415, de quibus postea. < text from f 17v resumes > < text from f 18r resumes >

The beginnings & first actions of these kingdom's being described, let us now take a view of their Kings & standing severally.

1. The a[21] Kings of the Vandals were A.C 408 Godegisilus, 409 Gunderic, 426 Genseric, 477 Huneric, 484 Gundemund, 496 Thrasamund, 523 Hilderic, 531 Gelimar. ⊛ < insertion from f 17v > ⊛ Gunderic led them into Spain & Genseric into Afric. ffor though Frigerid supposes Godegisilus slain in battel with the Franks b[22] Procopius affirms he died in Spain, & with Procopius c[23] Isidor agrees who calls Gunderic the first king that succeded in Spain & makes him begin his reign in the third year after they had invaded it. Yet Procopius affirms that Godegisilus died in Spain sed Frigerido suffragatur Isidorus in fine Chron Wand ubi dicit quod a primo anno Gunderici quo in Hispaniam ingresssus est, usque ad Gelimiri casum et Wandalorum interritum anni 123 mens. 7. < text from f 18r resumes >

2. The d[24] Kings of the Suevians were AC 408 Ermeric, 438 Rechila, 448 Rechiarius, 458 Maldra, 460 Frumarius, 463 Re <19r> mismundus; & at length e[25] after divers Arrian Kings reigned A.C. 563 Theodemir, 568 Miro, 582 Euboricus, & 583 Andeca. This Kingdom remained always in Gallæcia & Lusitania ✝ < insertion from f 18v > ✝ Ermeric after the fall of the Alan's Kingdom e [27]inlarged it into all Gallicia forcing the Vandals to retire into Bœtica, & Rechila e [28]added Bœtica & the Carthaginian Province, but the Goths lessened it again at the end of Rechiarius his reign. It lasted 177 years. < text from f 19r resumes > & lasted 177 years according to Isidorus, or as Vasæus writes till the year 584 when Leovigildus subdued Andeca & made their kingdom a province of the Visigoths. Some account this kingdom revived in the kingdom of Portugal, because the Suevians were seated on that side Spain.

3 The Kings of the Alans in Spain were A.C 408 Resplendial f[29] who led them into Spain & A.C. 416 Ataces. This Kingdom was g[30] more potent then the two former, but of much shorter continuance: for Vallia King of the Visigoths h[31] in the last year of his reign, that is between the years 418 & 419 slew Ataces (or Othacar) with almost all his Army, & then the Alans subjected themselves to Gunderic the King of the Vandals who lived in Boetica. But Vasæus tells us that within a year or two they withdrew themselves again from Gunderic & lived in the Carthaginensian Province without a King tributary to the Romans: giving the name Catalaunia to the region: Of which name Beatus Rhenanus (lib 1, p 27) gives us this account. Symbol (cross with the N arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text < insertion from f 18v > Symbol (cross with the N arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text this account. Catthi cum Alanis juncti Hispaniam prorupere regno illic constituto, quod vernacula linguâ a consociatis nationibus occupatricibus hodiè Cathaloniam vocant. Tametsi quidam a Gothis & Alanis derivent. Cujus causa est quod minus noti sunt Catthi vulgò quàm Gotthi. < text from f 19r resumes > Catthi cum Alanis juncti Hispaniam prorupere regno illic constituto quod vernacula lingua a consociatis nationibus occupatricibus hodiè Catholoniam vocant, Tametsi quidam a Gothis et Alanis derivent cujus causa est quod minus noti sunt Catthi vulgo quàm Gotthi.

4 The l[32] Kings of the Alans in Gallia were Goar, Sambida, Eocharich, Sangibanus, Beurgus, &c. Aventinus (in Annal. Boiorum) tells us that Goar was King of his Alans before he led them into Gallia, & that he together with Huldin & Sarus Kings (as they called them) of the Hunns & Goths was hired by the Romans out of Germany against Radagaisus. But what his dominion was in Germany is nothing to our purpose seeing that was wholly without the Empire & ceased at his transmigration. We are here to consider him only as he invaded the Empire & began a new kingdom upon a Roman people & dition by conquest. Vnder m[33] Sambida (whom n[34] Bucher puts the successor if not the Son of Goar) these Alans had the territories of Valence given them by Ætius the Emperors General A.C. 440, & p[35] two years after, Eocharic being then come to the throne, they had the regions of the rebellious Galli Armorichi given them by the same Ætius & invaded them, expelling the Lords thereof. Vnder q[36] Sangibanus they joyned with Ætius & the other Kings in that memorable battel against Attila A.C. 451: at which time q[37] Orleans was their regal city.[38] . < insertion from f 18v > Attila had then invaded his territories & r[39] besieged Orleans & thereupon Ætius with his associates coming to raise the siege the battel was fought there in the Campi Catalaunici so called, as I conceive, from these Alans mixt with the Catthi, as Catalaunia in Spain was from the other Alan Kingdom. The region is now for shortnesscalled only Campain. < text from f 19r resumes > Vnder s[40] Beurgus or z[41] Biorgor they infested Gallia round about till the reign of Maximus the Emperor, & then they troubled Italy. But <20r> at length ✝[42] Ricimer the Emperors Generall slew Beurgus at the foot of the mountain Bergamus in Liguria a Province of Italy. Feb 6. A.C. 464. Rustico et Olybrio Coss. What kings they had afterward I read not, nor what became of the kingdom. Only I find it was standing in the time of Theuderic a king of the Austrian Franks who began his reign A.C. 511 & not only standing but in so good condition as to invade these Franks though with bad success. For in excerpta Chronica Gregorij Turonensis Chap 32 I find this record. Alani a Theudeberto filio Theuderici superantur, omnemque prædam et vitam amiserunt. The title of the Chapter is; De Alanis, quomodo in regno Francorum interfecti sunt. After this loss I guess they became a province of the Franks becaus I find Theudebert first under his Father & then for him self was a great warrior & amongst other deeds v[43] conquered A.C. 539 some provinces of Italy, & that at this time the kingdom of the Burgundians was also overthrown.

5 The Burgundian Kingdom was founded by those Burgundians which advanced to the side of the Rhene in the Reign of Valentinian, but x[44] now A.C. 408 brake into the Empire together with the Vandals & other Barbarians. Prosper & Cassiodorus deliver that in the consulship of Lucian which was A.C. 412) the Burgundians obteined a part of Gallia next the Rhene, that is, not only by conquest but also by concession of the Emperour, as y[45] Bucher well determins. ✝ < insertion from f 19v > ✝ This their first seat was in Gallia Belgica, of which Sidonius (in Avitum) makes this mention. — Belgam Burgundio quem trux presserat &c. And that their kingdom was potent from the beginning & soon became well setled, is to be gathered from this passage of Orosius written A.C. 417. Burgundionum esse prævalidam et perniciosam manum, Galliæ hodieque testes sunt, in quibus præsumpta possessione consistunt: quamvis providentia Dei omnes Christiani modò facti, catholica fide, nostrisque clericis quibus obedirent receptis, blande mansuete innocenterque vivant, non quasi cum subjectis Gallis, sed verè cum fratribus Christianis Oros. l. 7. c. 32. < text from f 20r resumes > About the year 435 they received a[46] great overthrows by Ætius & the Huns, in which wars their king Gundicar was slain < insertion from f 19v > [47] < text from f 20r resumes > but five years after they had b[48] Subaudia granted them to be shared with the inhabitants, & from that time they became again a very powerfull kingdom being for a time r[49] bounded by the river Rhodanus, but afterward extending much further toward the heart of Gallia. Their c[50] Kings were A.C 408 Gundicar, 436 Gundioc, 467 Bilimer, 473 Gundobaldus with his Brothers, 510 Sigismund, 517 Godomarus. Gundioc or Gundeuchis left his Kingdom with Bilimer to be divided between his sons Gundobald, Godegisilus, Chilperic & Godmarus. Gundobald the eldest e[51] conquered the regions about the Rivers Araris & Rhodanus with the territories of Marseille, f[52] invaded Italy in the reign of Glycerius, & conquered all his brethren. Godomarus made Orleans his royal seat whence the Kingdom was afterwards called also Regnum Aurelianorum. He was conquered by Clotharius & Childebert Kings of the Franks h[53] in the year 526 or according to k[54] Petavius in the year 532: & so the Kingdom came to the Franks. Clodomir A.C. 561 left his kingdom divided between his sons & gave Burgundy to Guntheramnus whose successors were A.C. 594 Childebert, & A.C. 597 Theodoric. Theodoric by conquest joyned the kingdom of Austrasia to Burgundy: But at his death A.C. 615 the whole fell to <21r> Clotharius the Monarch of the Franks. Afterward Austrasia & with it I suppose Burgundy was again sometimes divided from & sometimes reunited to the Parisian Kingdom untill the reign of Charles the great who made his son Carolotus king of Burgundy & thenceforward for above 300 years together it injoyed its proper Kings; viz: untill a little after the year 1136; but was then broken into the Dukedom of Burgundy, the County of Burgundy & the County of *[55] Subaudia, & afterward those were broken into several other less Counties which you may see reccon'd up by Lazius De Gent. migr. lib. 11.

6 ✝ < insertion from f 20v > ✝ 6. The first mention of the Franks in credible Histories is in that German invasion of the Empire which happened in the reign of Gallienus & his successors: whence it's probable that they came then from remote parts of Germany & upon their repuls seated themselves upon the Rhene. Their seats there were in Franconia & Thuringia . They had formerly kings, but in the reign of Theodosius & his sons lived under Capitains Marcomir, Suno, Genobald & others till the year 408, & then began a new kingdom by asserting their liberty from the Romans invading Gallia & instead of Capitains setting up a king over them: for at the time of the Vandalic invasion they were in servitude to — < text from f 21r resumes > ffor at the time of the invasion they were in servitude to the Romans & therefore did not then joyn with their enemies but suffered the first shock of the invasion. Their bondage to the Empire is to be learnt out of Claudian above cited, where he describes not only so firm a peace with them that the Belgic heards might feed quietly on the mountains of the Franks as far as to the river Albis & Romans hunt securely in the Hercynian wood but so great an inslavement of them that Stilico caused their former Capitains to be taken away & set new ones over them & imposed the Roman laws upon them so that they had no power to punish rebels but only to imprison them & reserve them to be tryed by Roman Iudges: which is so great a subjection, that for the time it lasted they may well be recconned an Appendix to the Empire. And this may give them some title to a horn of the Beast from the time that they asserted their liberty & set up a king over them: but the maine ground of that title is that they then began those conquests over Gallia whereby in time they translated their nation wholly thither < insertion from f 20v > ffor their invasion of Gallia followed so soon after that of the Vandals & Alans that Paulus Diaconus (lib 14) joyns them together. Trithemius describing — occiderunt &c. And Bucher a diligent — Cologne also. And to conclude, the dating this Kingdom from the said taking — < text from f 21r resumes > ffor Bucher a diligent examiner of their records determins the a[56] beginning of their kingdom on this side the Rhene to be at the taking of Trevirs from the Vandals & affirms out of Salvian that they then subverted *[57] Cologne also. And b[58] Trithemius describing the Siege of Rome by Alaric adds: Dum hæc agerentur in Italia per Gothos, Franci tempus adesse rati quo sibi Galliam subjicerent universam, contractis copijs adunaverunt exercitum, & fines Gallicanos transgressi primò cùm Vandalis congrediuntur quorum regem Godgisith cum 20 millibus occiderunt &c. In short the dating this kingdom y[59] from the taking of Trevirs is the generall tradition of historians, only they differ in the time of that Cities taking <22r> referring it to the years c[60] 403, or 406 or 410 but by what we showed above both that & the precedent taking it by the Vandals must be in the year 408. ffor the march of the Barbarians toward Spain & the immense wasting of Aquitain & other parts of Gallia after they were stopt by the Pyrenæan hills untill they had the passage betrayed to them, (all which followed both takings of Trevirs) could not well take up less then a year: & Orosius describes it so as if the time between their passing the Rhene & marching towards Spain was not considerable. Bucher would f[63] collect by the putting the Consuls in an epitaph found on the tomb of one Eusebia there, that the town stood secure in the year 409 & was not taken by the Vandals till the next year, but I should rather infer that the Romans had recovered it before the date of that Epitaph from the Franks: ffor of the foure times that Trevirs was taken since thre were continually one after another (as Salvian tells us) the third taking must be much nearer to the two first then to the 4th.

The g[64] kings of the Franks were A.C. 408 Theudemire, 417 {Pharamund,} 428 Clodio, 448 Merovens, 456 Childeric, 482 Clodo{illeg} Theudemir (called Didio {illeg} Ivo Carnotensis, & Thiedo & Thiedemeres by Rhenanus) Bucher supposes to have immediately succeeded Marcomir & Suno the Capitains of the Franks whom Stilico caused to cease A.C. 395. And perhaps he might begin then as one of the new Capitains whom Stilico set over them becaus his father Ricimer lately dead was one of Theodosius's principal favorites (being Domesticorum Comes, & Consul A.C. 384, & loaded with other honours:) but his shaking off subjection to the Romans so as to receive power as a king, suits only with the year 408 when the other barbarians first by invading the Franks put them into a posture of war & then by invading Gallia cut of the influence of the Romans upon them: Constantine, I guess, at the same time to gain their allience confirming them in their liberty. To this determination agree well the excerpta Gregorij Turonensis e Fredigario lib 2 cap 5, 6, 7, 8. where he thus describes in order this kings beginning, the Tyranny of Iovinus, the second taking of Trevirs by the Franks & the expedition of Castinus. Ex{illeg}ctis, inquit, ducibus in Francis denuò Reges creantur ex ea{dem} stirpe qua prius fuerant. Eodem tempore *[65] Iovinus {illeg} regios assumpsit. Constantinus fugam vertens Italiam di{illeg} a Iovino principe percussoribus super Mentio flumine {illeg}catur. Multi nobilium jusse ✝[66] Iovinus {illeg} Avennis capti & a ducibus {Honorius} crudeliter inter{illeg} Trevirorum civitas facti {illeg} senatoribus no <23r> mine Lucij a Francis capta et incensa est. — Castinus Domesticorum Comes expeditionem accepit contra Francos eosque proterit &c. Then returning to speak of Theudemire he adds: Franci electum a se regem, sicut prius fuerat crinitum inquirentes diligenter ex genere Priami Frigi & Francionis super se creant nomine Theudemerem filium Richemeris, qui in hoc prælio quod supra memini a Romanis interfectus est. (i.e. in prælio cum Castini copijs.) This taking of Trevirs (because Iovinus was slain A.C. 413 (Prosper) & it followed the ruin of his confederates) I suppose is that which Bucher out of Vindeline in Lege salica & others assignes to the year 415, & its most probable that immediately after this followed the expedition of Castinus, & consequently within a yeare or two the death of Theudemir: < insertion from f 22v > Ivo puts Theudemir's reign between Pharamund's & Clodio's but that can't be: for Castinus who slew him, was a[67] A.C 422 sent with an army into Spain to make war upon the Barbarians there, b[68] A.C. 424 fled to Boniface in Afric. c[69] A.C. 425 was banished & d[70] A.C. 428 Clodio began. < text from f 23r resumes > of which Greg. Turonensis in his History lib 2 c 9 makes this further mention: In Consularibus legimus Theodemerem regem Francorum, filium Ricimeris quondam et Ascilam matrem ejus gladio interfectos. Bucher supposes this Symbol (cross with the S arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text < insertion from f 22v > Symbol (cross with the S arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text Bucher supposes this king to have reigned only over the Franks that were in Gallia & that the trans{illeg}nane Franks afterward grew into one with these: which would be more to our purpose if we could be sure of the matter of fact. < text from f 23r resumes >

Of Pharamund Prosper has this record: Anno 25 Honorij Pharamundus regnat in Francia. This Bucher ✝ < insertion from f 22v > ✝ This being there put the yeare before an eclips of the sun, 4 years before the death of Constantius & seven years before the death of Honorius, which happenned in the years 418, 421, & 423 or 424, Bucher refers to the year 417 — < text from f 23r resumes > h[71] ref to the year 417, dating these yeares of Honorius from < insertion from f 22v > < text from f 23r resumes > the death of Valentinian, & k[72] proves that at this time Pharamund was not only king by the constitution of the Franks but crowned also by the consent of Honorius & had a part of Gallia assigned to him by covenant: which I suppose was the cause that Roman writers reccond him the first king. In the last year of his reign, Ætius l[73] [74] took from him some part of his possession in Gallia; but his successor Clodio m[75] recovered all & more conquering as far as to the river *[76] Some: & Merovæus added to Clodio's victories, of both which [78] Sidonius — who wrote at that time gives us these hints z.[79] Francus quà Cloio patentes Atrebatum terras pervaserat — Et alibi — Francus Germanam primam Belgamque secundam Sternebat. At length Clodomer drove the Goths out of Gallia, p[80] & placed his seat at Paris A.C. 508 where it has continued ever since, the former Kings being q[81] seated at *[82] Metz & sometime at Despargum. This was the original of the present kingdom of France.

7. The revolt of Britain under the successive Tyrants {illeg} Gratian & Constantine is recorded by Olympiodorus, Orosius, {illeg} Sozomen, Idatius, Zosimus, Iornandes, Procopius, Sigebert {illeg} & Gallic expedition of Constantine, Prosper & after him <24r> Zosimus puts Honorio 7 & Theodosio 2 Coss: which is a year too soone ffor both of them joyn it with the irruption of the Barbarians into Gallia as consequent thereto & so does Orosius the antientest recorder of these times But further Constantine reigned three years (Idatius edit Sirmondi) & was slain the next year after the sacking of Rome, that is A.C. 411 (Oros. Prosp. Marcel. Idat.) 14 Kal. Octob (Marcellin) & therefore must have begun his reign in the year 408. Yea Sozomen joyns Constantius's expedition into Gallia with Arcadius death or the times a little after , & Orosius in the newly cited place tells us that he passed into Gallia continuò ut invasit Imperium as soon as ever he was in the Throne. The beginning of his reign must therefore be about the time of Arcadius's death; & this happenned A.C. 408 (Sozomen. Socrat. Marcel. Cassiod. Procop. Zosim.) either in May 1st (Socrates) or 11 Kal. Sept. (Theoph.) Wherefore Constantine's reign must begin A.C. 408 in Sommer. And from hence if you substract the 4 months reign of Gratian & the short reign of Marcus you will fall upon the beginning of that year (I suppose the end of Ianuary, for the 1st defection; for Marcus's reign was so short that Orosius — — — — passes him over in silence & begins with Gratian And perhaps Gratian's reign might not be full 4 months. From these grownds it is evident therefore that Prosper set's Constantine's reign & Gallic expedition a year too soon, as he does also the Invasion of Italy by Radagaisus & of Gallia by the Vandals Alans & Suevians, & much more does Olympiodorus err whilst he set's Constantine's reign a year sooner then Prosper.

Now though the reign of these Tyrants was but short yet they gave a beginning to the Kingdom of the Brittains & so are to be recconned the thre first Kings for from that time Brittain continued a distinct Kingdom absolved from subjection to the Emperors, for after the Island was almost emptied of the Romans by Constantines expedition, the Brittains laying hold of the advantage expelled the rest & asserted their liberty & from that time the Emperor through the troubles & weakness of the Empire could not spare soldiers to be sent <25r> thither again. This we learn out of unquestionable records. ffor Prosper tell's us A.C. 410 Variane Cos: Hac tempestate præ *[83] invaletudine Romanorum vires funditus attenuatæ Brittanniæ And Sigebert conjoyning this with the siege of Rome sayth Britannorum vires attenuatæ & subrahunt se a Romanorum dominatione. And Zosimus lib 6 Cuncta pro lubitu invadentes transrhenani Barbari, eò tum incolas Insulæ Brittanniæ, tum quasdam Celticas nationes redigerunt ut ab Imperio Romano deficerent & Romanorum legibus non ampliùs obedientes, κατ᾽ εἁυτὸν βιατεὺειν, arbitratu suo viverent. Itaque Britanni sumptis armis et pro salute sua periclitati, civitates a barbaris imminentibus liberarunt. Itidem totus ille tractus *[84] Armorichus, cæteræque Gallorum Provinciæ Britannos imitati consimili se modo liberarunt ejectis Romanis Præsidibus, & propria quadam republica ex arbitratu suo constituta. Hæc Britanniæ Celticarumque gentium rebellio, quo tempore Constantinus iste regnum usurpabat accidit. < insertion from f 24v > So also Procopius (vand. l 1) speaking of the same Constantine: Κωνσταντινος μάχη ἡσσηθὲις, ξὺν τοις παισὶ θνήσκει. Βρεττααννίαν μέν τοι ῾ρωμαιοι ἀνασώσασθι ὀυκέτι ἔσχον ἀλλ᾽ ὀυσα ὑπὸ τυράννοις ἀπ᾽ ἀυτου ἔμενε. Constantinus bello superatus cum liberis interijt; Britanniam tamen Romani non amplius potuêre recipere, sed ab eo tempore sub Tyrannis constituta mansit. And another old author ✝ < insertion from lower down f 24v > a[87] Author, A.C. 409 Roma a Gothis fracta ex quo tempore Romani in Britannia cessarunt. < text from f 24v resumes > And so Sigonius ad Ann 411 Imperium Romanorum post excessum Constantini in Britannia nullum fuit. And indeed the Emperor seems to have had no desire to keep the Island, for Zosimus (lib 6) tell's us that the Emperor during the Tyranny of Constantine wrote to the Britains to look to their own concerns. < text from f 25r resumes >

Yet after this (viz. b[88] A.C. 419) the Britains being invaded by the Scots sollicited Honorius for aid, c[89] & he out of pity or hopes of recovering the Isle sent d[90] Gallio with a Legion thither by whose assistence the Scots were overthrown & forced to retreat, & then Gallio with his soldiers returned back again. This victory by the last coyn of Honorius in Camden appears to have been in the year 420 because of the three Cæsars on its other side which reigned together in this year only.

What the first Tyrant or Tyrants were which Procopius tells us held the Island from the departure of Constantine I read not, e[91] but in the year 425 they made Vortigern their king: for thus it is found recorded in an old Chronicle at the end of Nennius in Camden f[92] Guortigernus tenuit Imperium in Britannia Theodosio et Valentiniano Coss. [i.e. An. 425] & in quarto anno regni sui Saxones ad Britanniam venerunt. Fælice et Tauro Coss [i.e. An: 428.] This coming of the Saxons Sigebert refers to the 4th year of Valentinian which falls in with the year 428 assigned by this Chronicle, & two years after (according to Beda & q[93] Vsser) the Saxons together with the Picts were beaten by the army of the Britains which one Germanus (who came into England r[94] A.C. 429 [& returned into France s[95] A.C. 430]) baptised at Mold in Flintshire when they were to go against the said enemy. And after this the Britains had t[96] various wars <26r> the Picts & Saxons together, in which they were almost overwhelmed & when they got free from these, they were again as much perplexed with the Picts: Whereupon they sent to implore the Emperors aid v[97] A.C. 447, & that being denyed they called in Hengist & Horsa with their Saxons who came accordingly x[98] A.C. 449 & by their aid the Britains expelled their enemies but a while after (viz y[99] A.C. 455) began to be vexed by new & lasting wars with these Saxons which they had called in.

Vortigern perished a[100] A.C. 466, & after him reigned Aurelius Ambrosius the b[101] son of the aforesaid Constantine, & then Vther Pendragon the brother of Aurelius, & then the victorious Arthur the son of Andragon who was slain in battel c[102] A.C. 542. After him d[103] reigned in order Constantine, Aurelius Cunanus, Vortiporus, Inalgo, & lastly Carthericus in whose reign the Britains were dispersed & broken into several Principalities, the Heptarchy of the Saxons succeeding them as the Normans have since done the Saxons.

8 The e[104] Kings of the Visigoths were A.C. 408 Alaric, 410 Athaulphus, 415 Sergeric, 415 Vallia, 419 Theoderic, 451 Thorismund, 452 Theoderic &c. For the reasons above mentioned I here date the reign of Alaric but from his last invasion of the western Empire though he was Lord of the Goths before. In the f[105] end of Athaulphus reign the Goths were worsted by the Romans & attempted to pass into Spain. Sergeric reigned g[106] but a few days. In the h[107] beginning of Vallia's reign they assaulted the Romans afresh but were again repulst, & then made peace k[108] on this condition that they should in behalf r[109] of the Empire invade the Barbarian kingdoms in Spain: which they did together with Constantius in the years 416, 417, & 418, overthrowing the Alans & part of the Vandals, & then t[110] received Aquitain by a full donation leaving their conquests in Spain to the Emperor though Sigonius thinks they had some seats granted them there also. m[111] A.C. 455 Theoderic (n[112] assisted by Gundeuchus king of the Burgundians) invaded Spain which was then almost all subject to the Suevians, & took a good part of it from them. p[113] A.C 506. The Goths were driven out of Gallia by the Franks. A.C. 585 They conquered the Suevian kingdom & became Lords of all Spain, A.C. 713 the Saracens invaded them but in time they recovered again & have reigned in Spain ever since.

9

<27r>

No 39.

<28r>

head, the next thing to be considered is the rise of his horns, or his rending into ten kingdoms; for the more certain defining of which we are first to know the just time & place in which they were to rise.

The place according to what we have shewed must be the western Empire precisely, excluding the eastern; for as they are the horns of Daniel's 4th Beast they must have nothing common with the heads of his Leopard: & as they are the horns of Saint Iohn's Beast they are limited to him by their receiving their kingdoms at the same hower with him & giving their kingdom to him, & being all crowned on his head & uncrowned on the Dragon's.

The time is determined by this that The 10 Kings receive their kingdoms the same hower with the beast Apoc 17.12, that is with the Beast as he is considered in the vers before where he is taken for the 8th head or king, which as we have shewed is the western Empire commencing at the death of Theodosius. The length of this hower therefore being known we shal have the just interval of time within which the 10 Kings were to receive their kingdoms. Now for defining this, if according to Posit     we take a Philosophic day for a year, the hower will be 15 naturall days: but this is too short a time for so great a revolution as the setting up of ten Kingdoms, & therefore we must repeat the figure & take these 15 days for Philosophic days that is for 15 years. And this I perswade my self is the true measure of the hower becaus the double of the half hower's silence which lasted from the ceasing of the Gothic wars in the beginning of winter A.C. 380 to the commenceing of Theodosius's wars with Maximus in the beginning of summer A.C. 388. that is seven years & a half or thereabouts. The 8th head or Western Empire therefore is to be rent into these 10 horns or kingdoms within 15 years after its beginning that is before the year 410.

To these circumstances of time & place we may add another of the proportion of these ten Kingdoms to the four kingdoms into which the Greecian Monarchy was divided, namely that these were to be much less then those: ffor this may be <29r> gathered both from their greater number & from their representation in Daniel's vision chap 7, those being there represented, not by horns as these are but by four heads of the Tyger to set em forth with the more amplitude comparatively to these. And these things premised I proceed now to the enumeration of the horns, which are these 1 The Kingdom of the Vandals. 2 The Kingdom of the Suevians 3 the Kingdom of the Alans in Spain. 4 The Kingdom of the Alans in Gallia 5 The Kingdom of the Burgundians, 6 The Kingdom of the Francks, 7 The Kingdom of Brittain, 8 The Kingdom of the Visigoths, 9 The Kingdom of the Huns, 10 The Kingdom of Ravenna, : All whose Kings received power as Kings in or very nearly in the year 408.

The five first were founded by that great irruption of the Barbarians into Gallia which began the wars of the second Trumpet, A.C. 408 ineunte: from which time all their leaders Godegesclus, Ermeric, Resplendial Goar, & Gundicar by virtue of their conquests received & exercised power as Kings.

Goar & Gundicar ~ ~ ~ stayd in Gallia, but Godegesclus & Ermeric & Resplendial translated their people into Spain a[114] 4 Kal. Octob. b[115] Honorio 8 & Theodosio 3 Coss. A.C. 409, & framed thre Kingdoms there the c[116] Vandals seating themselves ✝ < insertion from f 29v > ✝ in Boetica & part of Gallæcia, the Suevians in the rest of Gallæcia, & the Alans in Lusitania & the Carthaginensian Province: which regions (so soon as they had conquered them viz c[117] A.C. 412) they c[118] distributed among themselves by lot to avoyd wars with one another

1. The Kings of the Vandals were A.C. 408 Godegisclus, 410 Gunderic, 426 Genseric, 477. Huneric, 484 Gundemund, 496 Trasamund 523 Hilderic, 531 Gelimer. Vnder Genseric they trajected into Afric A.C. 427, & were conquered by Belisarius under Gelimer & their kingdom dissolved A.C. 534.

2. The Kings of the Suevians were A.C. 408 Ermeric, 438 Rechila 448 Rechiarius 458 Maldra, 460 Frumarius, 463 Remismundus, & at length after divers Arrian Kings reigned A.C. 563 Theodemir 568 Miro, 582 Euboricus, & 583 Andeca. This Kingdom continued to the end in Gallæcia & Lusitania & lasted 177 years according to Isidorus, or as Vasæus writes, till the year 584 when Leovigildus subdued Andeca & made their kingdom a province of the Visigoths.

3 The Kings of the Alans in Spain were A.C. 408 Resplendial & 416 Ataces. This Kingdom was more potent then the two former but much sooner dissolved for Vallia King of the Visigoths in the last year of his reign, (that is A.C. 419,) slew Ataces with almost all his army, & then the Alans subjected themselves to Gundicar the King of the Vandals who lived in Bætica. But Vasæus tells us that within two or three years they withdrew themselves again from Gunderic & lived in the Carthaginian Province without a king, tributary to the Romans: where becoming mixed with Goths, they gave at length the name of Got-Alania or Catalaunia to the region.

4 The Kings of the Alans in Gallia were Goar, Sambida Eochdarich. Sangibanus, Beurgus &c. < text from f 29r resumes > in Gallæcia & Bætica & the Suevians in Lusitania part of Gallæcia &     & the Alans in Lusitania & the Carthaginensian Province which regions, when they had conquered them to avoyd war with one another, they distributed by lot & about 18 years after soon as they had {illeg} 18 years after the Vandals removed into Afric & reigned there a plague to the Romans till A.C 534 when Bellisarius subdued them; but the Suevian Kingdom continued in Spain & lasted 177 years according to Isidorus, or as Vasæus writes till the year 584 when Leovigildus subdued Andeca their last King & made their Kingdom a Province of the Visigoths. The Kings of the d[119] Vandals were A.C 408 Godegisclus, 410 Gunderic, 426 Genseric, 477 Huneric, 484 Gundemund, 496 Trasamund, 523 Hilderic 531 Gelimer: Those of the d[120] Suevians A.C. 408 Ermeric, 438 Rechila, 448 Rechiarius, 458 Maldra, 460 Frumarius, 463 Remismundus, & at length after e[121] divers Arrian Kings reigned A.C. 563 Theodemir, 568 Miro, 582 Euboricus, & 583 Andeca.

The Alans f[122] Kings were Resplendial, Goar, Sambida <30r> Sangibanus, Beurgus &c. a Resplendial passed into Spain with part of his nation, b[123] at the same time with the Vandals & Suevians & was succeeded there by c[124] Ataces but d[125] Vallia King of the Goths e[126] A.C. 418 ruined that part of their Kingdom, slaying Ataces with almost all his army. Vnder f[127] Sambida the Alans had the territories of Valence given them by Ætius the Emperors General A.C. 440, & f[128] two years after they invaded it & took possession of it by force of arms, expelling the Lords thereof. Vnder g[129] Sangibanus they joyned with Ætius & the other Kings against Attila in that memorable battel A.C. 451: at which time the City [130] Orleans was under their dition. Vnder Beurgus or i[131] Biorgor k [132] they infested Gallia round about till the reign of Maximus the Emperour, & then they troubled Italy, but at length Ricimer l[133] slew Beurgus at the foot of the mountain Bergomus in Liguria a Province of Venetia, Feb. 6, A.C. 464: Rustico et Obebrio Coss:. What became of this kingdom afterward I read not, but it's likely that it was at length swallowed up by the Francks among their neighbouring kingdoms.

5 The Burgundian kingdom was founded by those Burgundians which advanced to the side of the Rhene in the reign of Valentinian but a[134] now A.C. 408 brake into the Empire together with the Vandals & other Barbarians. Prosper & Cassiodorus deliver that in the Consulship of Lucian (which was A.C. 412) the Burgundians obteined a part of Gallia next the Rhene, that is not only by conquest but also by concession of the Emperor as Bucher conjectures. r[135] About the year 435 they received great v[136] overthrows by Ætius & the Huns, but five years after they had b [137] Subaudia granted them to be shared with the inhabitants, & from that time they became again a very powerfull kingdom being seated in Gallia Sequana & Lugdunensis. Their c[138] Kings were A.C. 408 Gundicar, * Peritius 436 Gundioc, 467 Bilimer, 473 Gundobaldus cum fratribus, 510 Sigismund, & 517 Gundomarus: the last of which was conquered by Clodomir king of the Francks in d[139] the year 526 or according to Petavius in the yeare 532, But Clodomir A.C. 561 left his Kingdom divided between his sons & gave Burgundy to Guntheramnus whose successors were A.C 594 Childebert & A.C. 597 Theodoric. Theodoric by conquest joyned the Kingdom of Austrasia to Burgundy. But at his death A.C. 615 the whole fell to Clotharius the Monarch of the Francks. Afterward Austrasia <31r> & with it I suppose Burgundy was again sometimes divided from & sometimes reunited to the Parisian Kingdom untill the reign of Charles the great who made his sone Carolotus King of Burgundy & thence forward for above 300 years together it enjoyed its proper Kings viz untill a little after the year 1136; but was then broken into the Dukedom of Burgundy, the County of Burgundy & the county of Subaudia, & afterwards those were broken into several other less Counties which you may see recconned up by Lazius De Gent. migr. lib. 11.

< insertion from f 30v > The ancient Franks were a[140] seated on the north east of the Rhene between the Alemans & the Ocean, & from hence they brake into Gallia under the conduct of Pharamond a little after the Vandals. The founding of their kingdom is by historians recconned to be b[141] at the taking of Trevirs which was one of their first actions. Now Trevirs — < text from f 31r resumes > The Kingdom of ffrance b[142] historians date from the first taking of Trevirs by the Franks. Now Trevirs was c[143] four times taken & c three of those times were immediately one after another. The first was by the d[144] Vandals & therefore must be after their irruption into Gallia A.C. 408, the second was by the e[145] Franks from the Vandals & must therefore be before their departure into Spain A.C. 409. And least you should suspect it was taken from the reliques of the Vandals after the departure of the main body, Figeridus (as he is cited by f[146] Bucher) having spoken of the subversion of Rome, makes mention of Resplendial King of the Alans in the time of that siege leading his forces to assist the Vandals who had been beaten by the Franks in their taking Trevirs. Whence it is manifest not only that Trevirs was taken by the Franks before Rome by Alaric, but also before the migration of the Alans into Spain who went thither at the g[147] same time with the Vandals & that under conduct of h[148] Resplendial.

The irruption of the Franks into Gallia & their wars with the Vandals i[149] Trithemius when he had newly spoken of the siege of Rome, relates thus: Dum hæc agarentur in Italia per Gothos, Franci tempus adesse rati quo sibi Galliam subjicerent universam, contractis copijs adunaverunt exercitum & sub ducibus Pharamundo &c fines Gallicanos ingressi primò cum Vandalis congrediuntur, qui Gallias denuò incursabant, quorum regem Godgisith [quem alij Godogisilum vocant] cum viginti millibus occiderunt. & k[150] Gregory Turonensis out of Figerid speaks to the same purpose affirming also that they took Trevirs at the same time. Yet in the death of Godogisil they are mistaken; for he survived this loss & led his Vandals into Spain & died there, as l[151] Procopius who lived in the next age relates. We may therefore safely conclude that the taking of Trevirs by the Franks was in the time of the siege of Rome before the Vandals went into Spain, & <31v> ⊛ after the death of their Capitains Marcomir & Suno had kings , v & first Theodemir the Son of Ricimer. This Ricimer was Consul A.C. 384 & Domesticorum Comes to Theodosius, adhering to the Emperor as one of his chief favorites & of the posterity of the antient Kings of the Franks: whence its probable that Theodemir might be one of those Kings which Claudian tells us Stilico set over the Franks after the exit of the said Marcomir & Suno A.C. 395. But however we are not to reccon his reign (as a horn) from thence but from the time that his nation shook off the Roman Yoke, for till then, what ever title he might bear, he was but a Subject & vicegerent to the Emperor & could not be said to have received power as a king; the receiving of which power & not the title of King is made the index of the primordia of the ten horns. This Theodemir (called — <32r> Vandali sub Godegisilo, Alani gemina tribu una sub Goare altera sub Resplendiale, Suevi sub Ermerico & Burgundiones sub Gundicario, anno 406 ad finem vergente, sedibus suis in Germania et Sarmatia egressi Symbol (circle containing a cross with no E arm, with another cross to the right) in text < insertion from f 33r > Symbol (circle containing a cross with no E arm, with another cross to the right) in text pag. superiore. — egressi, Rhenum juxta Moguntiam transeunt. Interea, ffranci transrhenani Vandalos adoriuntur, prælio vincunt, viginti millia eorum cum Rege Godegisilo occidunt, cæteris ad internecionem delendis nisi Resplendial rex Alanorum Goare ad Romanorum solum jam transgresso, in tempor{e} venisset, de Rheno agmen suorum ducens. Protritis igitur Fran{ci} Barbari omnes Rhenum trajiciunt seque diffundunt in Germaniam primam. < text from f 32r resumes > primùm irruunt in Francos trans Rhenum positos ut dictum est, dein Rhenum juxta Moguntiam transeuntes se diffundunt in Germaniam primam, et urbes Moguntiam, Vangiones, Nemetas & Argentoratum[152] evertunt, & quidem Vangiones longa obsidione. , Eodem tempore Saxones transacto Rheno Belgiam secundam incursabant. His autem redeuntibus, illuc etiam perga | unt Vandali cum socijs & Rhemenses, Ambianos, Atrebatas, Morinos, Tornacenses, aliosque urbibus expugnatis in potestatem redigunt.

Interim Britannorum milite{s} his auditis commotis Tyrannos sibi præficiunt primò Marcum quendam quem non multò post occidunt, postea Constantinum municipem. Is Gallias mox invadit et [153] Britannico Galliam omnem Aquitanumque militem adjungens fit totius ferè regionis, deinde et Hispaniarum dominus, Barbaros etiam (si Zosimo fides) prelio vincit sed quia victos non insequereter, hosti rursus pares evadunt.

While these things were doing, Stilico's expedition against the greek Emperour being stopt by Honorius's order, Alaric came out of Epire into Noricum & requested a summ of money for his service. The Senate were inclined to deny him, but by Stilico's mediation granted it. But after a while Stilico being detected & slain as a trayterous conspirator with Alaric, & so Alaric disappointed of his money & reputed an enemy to the Empire, he turned rebell <34r> again & brake streight into Italy with his army which he brought out of Epire, & sent to his brother Adaulphus to follow him with what other forces he had in Pannonia, which were not great, but yet not to be despised. And upon this Honorius fearing to be shut up in Rome retired to Ravenna, which from that time continued to be the seat of the Emperors. And the Huns brake into Pannonia & founded a new kingdome there.

<35r>

After Alaric had beseiged & taken Rome & was shipwracked in his attempt to pass into Afric, as was described above, Honorius made peace with him & got up an army to send against the Tyrant Constantine. At the same time Gerontius one of Constantine's Capitains had revolted from him & set up one Maximus Emperor in Spain & came now with an Army into Gallia: whereupon Constantine sent Edobec another of his Capitains to call to his assistance what aids he could procure from Goar Gundicar & other Barbarians in the remoter parts of Gallia, & committed the custody of Vienna to his son Constans. Gerontius advancing first slew Constans at Vienna & then began to beseige Constantine in Arelatum: but Honorius at the same time sending Constantius with an Army on the same errand, Gerontius fled & Constantius continued the siege, being strengthned by the access of the greatest part of Gerontius's soldiers. After four month's siege Edobec having procured succours, the Barbarian kings (chiefly Goar & Gundicar) at Ments constitute Iovinus emperor, & together with him set forward to releive Arelatum. At their approach Constantius retired, & they pursuing, beat them by surprize, & so had Arelatum & Constantine yeilded to him. But the Goths in Italy constraining him thither the barbarians in Gallia recovered themselves & began again to rage as much as ever being incensed by the fall of Constantine & encouraged by the confused state of the Empire. < insertion from inline > ffor now Constantines Empire being fallen & Honorius forces imploied in Italy agai{nst} <35v> the Goths, the Barbarians in Gallia were at full liberty.

< text from f 35r resumes >

< insertion from f 34v > ✝ The Vandals with their associates in Spain towards the end of this year 411 converted themselves to peace, & divided their conquests there by lot. The Vandals obteined Bœtica & part of Gallæcia; The Suevi the rest of Gallæcia & the Alans Lusitania & the Carthaginian Province: the Emperor for peace sake confirming them in those seats by grant. < text from f 35r resumes > The next year the Goths being beaten in Italy & having Aquitain granted them to retire thence into, they invaded it with <36r> much violence, causing the Burgundians & Franks to retreat who were then depopulating it. The next year the Emperor gave the Burgundians seats upon the Rhene to quiet them, & Bucher lib 14. c 4. n 5 argues well that at the same time he gave seats also to the Alans their confederates. But the Franks being not forreign invaders but rebellious subjects, had not yet any such privilege allowed, & therefore still continued their acts of hostility. They had already taken & plunderred Trevirs the metropolis of all Gallia & in the reign of Iovinus (which began A.C. 411 & ended A.C. 413) they took it again & burnt it. About the yeare 415 Castinus was sent against them with an Army & slew their king Theudemir & his mother with the sword. But now the Emperor designing a war upon the Bararians in Spain, that Gallia in the mean time might rest quiet, granted the Franks also seats & the title of king to their new king Pharamund, And thus was first Spain & then Gallia calmed again & the new founded kingdoms setled in peace before the war began in Spain which overthrew the Alan kingdom there.

<37r>

Coss: that is an 408. And Prosper assignes the overthrow of Rhadagaisus, the passage of the Vandals & Alans over the Rhene, & the beginning of Constantine's tyranny to three years continually succeeding one another making the middlemost to have been in the last day of the middle year, that is of the year 407: ffor Rhadagaisus was overthrown A.C. 406 as was shewn above & Constantine began in Summer A.C 408 as shall be shewn hereafter. Prosper indeed (whom Cassiodorus & Zosimus follow) puts the Consuls a yeare too soon in all these three things; but its to be supposed that he has committed the same error in the middlemost that ✝

Italy & the eastern parts of this Empire began before this time to be much troubled by the wars of the first Trumpet; but now those troubles were all overcome, Alaric, Radagaisus & all other invaders being either vanquished or repulsed. If any of them had a title to any portion of this Empire, 'twas Alaric, & yet he appears not to have had any unless as a subject to the Emperor. ffor though his nation entred the Empire above 30 years before, yet they resided within the Eastern Empire all the reign of Theodosius & for five years after. And besides their coming into the Empire was upon terms of subjection, which though they brake, yet being well beaten by Theodosius they not only made peace with him but returned to their obedience, & their Capitain Alaric as one of his other subjects served under him in his wars with Eugenius. And after Theodosius's death b[156] when they constituted Alaric their King & rebelled again, though Alaric harassed the Eastern Empire five years together yet when he came into the western he was so soundly beaten by Stilico that c[157] Claudian called the remainder of his nation, tanta ex gente reliquias breves, & Prudentius gentem deletam: whereupon he was forced to submit himself again, being humbled so far that d[158] Orosius tells us he did pro pace optima & quibuscunque sedibus suppliciter & simpliciter orare. But then e[159] Stilico beginning to think of getting the Empire favoured them underhand for his use & after a while procured Alaric to be honoured with a military Prefecture, & sent him into the East in Honorius's service, committing some Roman Troops to his conduct amongst his Goths & promising to follow soon after with his own army: his pretence being to recover some regions of Illyricum which the Eastern <38r> {Emperor} was accused to detain injuriously from the western, but his real designe to make himself Emperor of the East: for the facilitating of which he had invited that great inundation of Barbarians for a Diversion to the western Empire to invade it upon his departure. In these circumstances Alaric stayed in Epire till the year 408, & therefore was not supreme Lord over any part of the west so as to break the empire till this year in which he returned to invade it. The western Empire therefore was preserved intire till the end of the year 407 & so there remain only the years , 408, & 409 for its breaking into the ten horns or kingdoms.

To these circumstances of time & place, I may add another of the proportion of these ten Kingdoms to the four capital kingdoms into which the Greecian Monarchy was divided, namely that these were to be much less then those: ffor this may be gathered both from their greater number & from their representation in Daniel's vision chap: 7, those being there represented not by horns as these are, but by four heads of the Tyger, to set them forth with the more amplitude comparatively to these.

And these things premised, I proceed now to the enumeration of the horns, which are these. 1 The Kingdom of the Vandals. 2 That of the Suevians. 3 That of the Alans in Spain. 4 That of the Alans in Gallia. 5 That of the Burgundians. 6 That of the Franks. 7. That of Brittain. 8 That of the Visigoths. 9 That of the Huns. 10 That of Ravenna: all whose Kings received power as kings in the year 408 & 409

< insertion from f 37v >

1 The Kingdom of the Vandals

2 The Kingdom of the Suevi in Spain.

3 The Kingdom of the Alans

4 The Kingdom of the Alans in Gallia

5 The Kingdom of the Burgundians

6 The Kingdom of Brittain

7 The Kingdom of the Franks

8 The Kingdom of the Visigoths first in Italy, then in Gallia & Spain.

9 The Kingdom of the Huns in Pannonia.

10 The Kingdom of Ravenna

< text from f 38r resumes >

The first seven were founded by the Gallic Irruption which began the wars of the second Trumpet, & gave occasion to the other three: the manner of all which was this. The Vandals under Godegisilus, the Alans in two bodies one under Goar, another under Resplendial, the Suevi under Ermeric, & the Burgundians under Gundicar, in the end of the year 407, rising from their seats in Germany & S{alm}atia, as was said, first make an impression upon the transrhenane Franks, then pass the Rhene at Ments, & diffuse them <39r> selves into Germania prima & the adjacent regions, & amongst other actions the Vandals take Trevirs. Then they advanced into Belgium & began to do the like there: but Vpon this the Salian Franks ( a German nation whome the Emperors had sometime before received into the Empire & placed in that part of Belgium which lies between Brabant & the Rhene) took up arms & made so stout a resistence that they slew ) almost twenty thousand of the Vandals in battel, the rest escaping only by a hand of a[160] Resplendials Alans which came timely to their assistance. Then Resplendial seing this disaster, & that Goar was fallen away to the Romans, consulting his safety, left the coasts of the Rhene, & together with the Suevians, & residue of the Vandals went towards Spain, the Franks in the mean while prosecuting their victory so far as to retake Trevirs: which after they had plundred it, they left to the Romans. The Barbarians were at first stopt by the Pyrenæan mountains, which made them diffuse themselves into Aquitain, , but after some time they had the passage betrayed to them & entring Spain 4 Kal. Octob. A.C. 409, from that time every one conquered there what he could, & at length to avoyd wars with one another, they divided their conquests by lot, & the Vandals obteined Batica & part of Gallæcia, the Suevians the rest of Gallæcia & the Alans Lusitania & the Carthaginensian Province, the Emperor for peace sake confirming them in those seats by grant.

In the mean time the British soldiers allarm'd by the rumor of these things, revolt, & set up Tyrants there, first Marcus whom they slew presently, then Gratian whom they slew within four months, & lastly Constantine under whom they presently invaded Gallia, thinking to get the whole Empire. And <40r> Constantine having soon possest a good part of Gallia, created his son Constans Cæsar, & sent him into Spain to order his affairs there: about which time it was that the barbarian invaders were let into Spain by some of the soldiers of Constans betraying the Pyrenæan passage to them.

The Roman Franks also having made Theudemer the Prince of their old royall Family King over them, began streight after their conquests to invade their neighbours the Vandalls. The first they set upon were the Galli ✝[161] Arborichi, but meeting with notable resistance they desired their alliance: & so the Arborichi falling off from the Romans, , they made an intimate league to be as one people, marrying with one another & conforming to one anothers manners till they became one without distinction. Thus by the access of these nations, & of the forreign Franks also who afterward came over the Rhene, the Salian Kingdom soon grew very great & powerfull. There were some other Celtick nations also brought to rebell at the same time with the Arborichi: all which formed a kind of a common wealth till they were swallowed up by the Barbarian Kingdoms. And all these rebellions happened during the Tyranny of Constantine.

About the same time , Stilico's expedition against the Greek Emperor being stopt by Honorius's order, Alaric came out of Epire into Noricum & requested a summ of money for his service. The Senate were inclined to deny him, but by Stilico's mediation granted it. But after a while Stilico being detected & slain as a trayterous conspirator with Alaric, & so Alaric disappointed of his money & reputed an enemy to the empire, he turned rebell again & brake streight into Italy with his army which he brought out of Epire, & sent to his brother Adaulphus to follow him with what other forces he had in Pannonia, which were not great, but yet not to be despised. And upon this Honorius fearing to be shut up in Rome retired to Ravenna which from that time continued to be the seat of the Emperor & the Huns brake into Pannonia & founded a new kingdom there. § After Alaric had besieged & taken Rome, & was shipwracked in his attempt to pass into Afric, as was described above, Honorius made peace with him & got up an Army to send against the Tyrant Constantine. At the same time Gerontius one <41r> of Contsantine's Capitains revolted from him, & set up one Maximus Emperor in Spain: whereupon Constantine sent Edobec another of his Capitains to draw to his assistance besides the barbarians that were in Gallia supplies of Franks & Alemans from beyond the Rhene, & committed the custody of Vienna to his son Constans. Gerontius advancing, first slew Constans at Vienna, & then began to besiege Constantine in Arelatum: but Honorius at the same time sending Constantius with an Army on the same errand, Gerontius fled, & Constantius continued the siege, being strengthened by the access of the greatest part of Gerontius's soldiers. After four months siege, Edobec having procured succours, the Barbarian Kings at Ments constitute Iovius Emperor & together with him set forward to releive Arelatum. At their approach Constantius retired, &, they pursuing , he beat them by surprize, but not prosecuting his victory, the Barbarians soon recovered themselves, yet not so as to hinder the fall of the Tyrants. But yet Brittain could not be recovered to the Empire but remained ever after a distinct kingdom.

The next year A.C. 412 the Goths being beaten in Italy, had Aquitain granted them to retire thence into & they invaded it with much violence, causing the Alans & Burgundians to retreat which were then depopulating it. At the same time the Burgundians were brought to terms of peace, & the Emperor granted them for inheritance a Region upon the Rhene which they had invaded. And the same I guess he did with the Alans. But the Franks not long after, among other mischiefs, retaking & burning Trevirs, Castinus was sent against them with an Army A.C. 415 . This was the second taking of Trevirs by the Franks. And Merovæus about the year 448 took it again & destroyed it. So that it was taken four times, once by the Vandals & thrice by the Franks.

<42r>

This is the history of the beginnings of these kingdoms so far as I can trace it. And the records of this history (that I may not deliver it gratis) are chiefly these.

1 A.C. 408 Indic. 6. Basso et Philippo Coss. Stilico Comes regnum inhians, Alanorum Suevorum Wandalorumque gentes, donis pecunijsque illectas contra regnum Honorij excitavit. Marcellini Chron.

2 Stilico Alarichum cunctamque Gothorum gentem pro pace optima et quibuscunque sedibus suppliciter & simpliciter orantem occulto fœdere fovens, ad terendam Rempublicam reservavit. Præterea Gentes alias copijs viribusque intollerabiles quibus nunc Galliarum Hispaniarumque Provinciæ premuntur, hoc est Alanorum Suevorum Vandalorum ipsoque simul motu impulsorum Burgundionum ultrò in arma solicitans suscitavit, eas interim ripas Rheni quatere et pulsare Gallias voluit. Itaque ubi Imperatori Honorio exercituique hæc tantarum scelerum scena patefacta est, commoto justissimè exercitu occisus est Stilico. Oros. l. 7, c. 38.

< insertion from f 41v > 5 ✝ Excitata est in perniciem ac dedeus nostrum gens quæ de loco in locum pergens, de orbe in orbem transiens, universa vastaret. Ac primùm a solo patrio effusa est in Germaniam primam nomine barbaram ditione Romanam; post cujus primum exilium arsit regio Belgarum, deinde opes Aquitanorum luxuriantium: Et post hoc, corpus omnium Galliarum. Salvian de Gub. Dei l. 7. < text from f 42r resumes >

< text from f 42r resumes >

3 Ante biennium Romanæ irruptionis excitatæ per Stiliconem gentes Alanorum, Suevorum,Vandalorum, multæque cum his aliæ, ffrancos proterunt, Rhenum transeunt, Gallias invadunt, directoque impetu Pyrenæum usque perveniunt, cujus obice ad tempus repulsæ per circumjacentes Provincias refunduntur. His per Gallias bacchantibus, apud Britannos Gratianus municep ejusdem Insulæ Tyrannus creatur et occiditur. Hujus loco Constantinus eligitur qui continuò ut invasit imperium in Gallias transijt. Oros. l. 7, c 40. & Paul. Diac. in Eutrop. continuato, l 13.

< insertion from f 41v > 6 ✝ Quomodo Gothi Basso et Philippo coss. (i.e. A.C. 408) ex Epiro in Noricum profecti, mercedem poscunt, et Stilicone 10 Kal. Sept. interfecto, Italiam e vestigio invadunt, non manentes advocata e Pannonijs auxilia, vide apud Zosimum lib. 5. De pugna etiam Constantini Tyranni adversus Barbaros vide Zosimum lib. 6. Sed Suspicor hanc pugnam fuisse insignem illam Constantij anno 411 cum Barbaris commissam, & a Zosimo corruptè triSymbol (cross surmounted by 4 circles in diamond formation) in text < text from f 42r resumes > < insertion from the right margin of f 42r > Symbol (cross surmounted by 4 circles in diamond formation) in text butam Constantino. Nam Salvianus lib. 7 hoc argumento adstruit gentes Barbaras ubi Hispanias irrupêre, degere potuisse intra Gallias & ut non degerent neminem timuisse, quòd illæsæ a Romanis usque ad tempus illud cuncta vastaverant.

< text from f 42r resumes >

4 Frigeridus, cùm Romam refert a Gothis captam atque subversam ait: Interea Resplendial Rex a[163] Alanorum, Goare ad Romanos transgresso, de Rheno agmen suorum convertit, Vandalis Francorum bello laborantibus, Godegisilo Rege absumpto, acie viginti fermè millibus ferro peremptis, cunctis Vandalorum ad internecionem delendis ni Alanorum vis in tempore subvenisset. Movet nos hæc causa quod cum aliarum Gentium Reges nominet cur non nominet et Francorum, Greg. <43r> Turonensis l: 2, c: 9. < insertion from inline > <42v>

< text from f 43r resumes >

Vandali Alani et Suevi Pyrenæos montes transgressi Hispanias ingrediuntur omnes eodem tempore. (Sozom. l. 9, c. 12. Idat. Chron. Isidor in Hist: Suev. et in Hist Wand. P: Diac: in Eutr: contin. Sigebert, alijque omnes.) Idque 4 Kal. Octob. Olympiade 297, Æra Hispan 447, anno 15 Honorij (Idat.) Honorio 8 et Theodosio 3 Coss: (Prosper. Idat. Cassiodor.) Hoc est Sept 28. A.C. 409.

< insertion from f 42v > {illeg}

< text from f 43r resumes >

Quomodo aditus in Hispaniam Barbaris proditus sit vide apud Oros: l. 7, c. 40. Vbi hæc habet. Constantis milites barbari, prodita Pyrenæi custodia, claustrisque patefactis, cunctas gentes quæ per Gallias vagabantur Hispaniarum Provincijs immittunt, ijsdemque ipsi adjunguntur, ubi actis aliquandiu magnis cruentisque discursibus, post graves rerum atque hominum vastationes, quarum ipsos quoque modò pænitet, habita sorte et distributa usque ad nunc possessione consistunt. Hoc est ad an: 417 quando hæc scripta fuerunt.

< insertion from f 42v > pag. præced. < text from f 43r resumes > Anno 17 Honorij, Æra Hispan 449 (A.C. 411) subversis Hispaniæ Provincijs, Barbari ad pacem ineundam conversi, sorte ad habitandum sibi Provinciarum dividunt regiones; Gallæciam Vandali occupant et Suevi sitam in extremitate maris Oceani, Alani Lusitaniam & Carthaginensem Provincias, & Vandali cognomine Silingi Bœticam sortiuntur. Hispani per civitates & Castella residui a plagis, barbarorum per Provincias dominantium se subjiciunt servituti. Constantinus post triennium invasæ tyrannidis ab Honorij Duce, Constantio intra Gallias occiditur. Idat. Chron. Et eadem pene habet Isidorus in Hist Wandal. ✝ Iornandes — < insertion from f 42v > ✝ Iornandes vir Gotthus tradit Vandalos audito Gothorum in Gallias adventu fugisse & se reclusisse in Hispanijs. Sed magis probabile est eos jam, pace cum ipsis facta, et sedibus ab Imperatore concessis, sponte abstinuisse a depopulandis Provincijs: nam Gothorum adventus in Gallias anno sequenti contigit. Sic et Sozomenes l. 9. c. 12 dum tradit Vandalos Alanos & Suevos Collapsa Constantini potentia, Pyrenæi aditum <43v> properè occupasse, & præsidia multa multasque urbes tum Hispanorum tum Gallorum Cœpisse res Vandalorum confusè tradere videtur, tum quòd nullibi tradit Vandalos vastasse Gallias ante Pyrenæi aditum occupatum, sed hujus regionis vastationem conjungit cum vastatione Hispaniarum quasi utraque post occupationem aditûs istius contigisset, tum quod aditus hicce occupatus sit anno 409 antequam potentia Constantini collabi incœperat, Constantinus enim floruit ad annum 410 quo Italiam invadere aggressus est, nec imminui cœpit (nisi ab ipsis Barbaris Hispanias invadentibus) ante rebellionem Gerontij, quam et ipse Sozomenes, tum occupatione aditûs istius, tum invasione Italiæ tentata posteriorem facit. Sed non mirum est si subditus Orientalis Imperij res Imperij alterius minùs distinctè calluerit.

< text from f 43r resumes >

Anno post Vrbem captam Constantius Comes in Galliam cum exercitu profectus Constantinum Imperatorem apud Arelatum Civitatem clausit cœpit occidit. Iovinus postea, vir Galliarum nobilissimus in Tyrannidem <44r> mox ut assurrexit cecidit. Oros. l. 7. c: 40.

Iovinus apud a[164] Mundiacum Germaniæ alterius urbem studio Goaris Alani et b[165] Guntiarij Burgundionum Præfecti Tyrannus creatus est. Olympiodor. apud Photium.

Dum Constans, inquit Frigeridus, cum patre resideret, ab Hispania nuncij comeunt a Gerontio Maximum unum e clientibus suis Imperio præditum atque in se comitatu gentium barbararum accinctum parari: quo exterriti, Edobecco ad Germanas gentes præmisso, Constans & Præfectus jam Decimius Rusticus ex officorum Magistro petunt Gallias cum Francis et c[166] Alamannis omnique militum manu, ad Constantinum jamjamque redituri. Item cùm Constantinum obsideri scribit Frigeridus, ita dicit: Vix dum quartus obsidionis Constantini mensis agebatur cùm repentè ex ulteriori Gallia nuncij veniunt Iovinum assumpsisse ornatus regios & cum Burgundionibus c[167] Alemannis Francis Alanis omnique exercitu imminere obsidentibus, ita acceleratis maris reserata urbe Constantinus deditur. — Et paulo post: Hisce diebus Præfectus Tyrannorum Decimius agrostinus ex primicerio notariorum Iovini, multique nobiles apud Avernos capti a Ducibus Honorianis & crudeliter interempti sunt. ‡ < insertion from f 43v > ‡ Hæc verba sic interpretatus est Sigebertus (an rectè judicent alij,) Franci per Gallias incessentes diripiunt primò et secunda irruptione incendunt urbem Trevirim — — — — — — —

— Cæterum Salvianus docet Trevirim quater expugnatam et eversam fuisse, & quidem tribus continuis vicibus quarum tertia combusta fuit, quarta verò perijsse dicit quia tribus primis excidijs non correcta. Ex incendio videtur tertiam expugnationem fuisse secundam per Francos a Fredegario memoratam, sed quinam reliquis vicibus expugnarunt sive Barbari sive partim Barbari partim Tyranni difficile est statuere Neque tempora expugnationum a fidis authoribus assignantur. < text from f 44r resumes > Trevirorum civitas a Francis direpta incensaque est secunda irruptione. — Cum autem ✝[168] Asterius codicillis Imperialibus Patriciatum sortitus fuisset, hæc adjungit: Eodem tempore Castinus domesticorum Comes expeditione in Francos suscepta ad Gallias mittitur. Greg. Turon. l: 2, c. 9.

Wandalis Suevis et Alanis Hispanias occupantibus, Gerontius omnium Constantini Ducum fortissimus, hostis illi factus maximum Imperiali veste induit & Tarracone Morari jussit. Constantinus verò, cùm defectionem Maximi comperisset, Edobecum Ducem suum [169] trans Rhenum direxit ut Francorum et Alemannorum auxilia impetraret, Constanti autem filio suo Viennæ custodiam commisit. At Gerontius expeditione suscepta, obiter Constantem Viennæ interfici curavit, & Arelatum profectus eam obsidere aggressus est. Sed non multò post cùm exercitus Honorij Duce Constantio contra Tyrannum missus advenisset, Gerontius cum paucis militibus fugit & mox perit, major <45r> enim pars eorum ad Constantium transfugerat. Interim circumsidente Arelatum Honorij exercitu, Constantinus adhuc obsidionem sustinebat cùm ei nunciatum esset Edovicum cum ingentibus auxilijs adventare. Nunciato protinus Edovici adventu, et quod is in proximo Castra haberet, Honorij Duces se ultra amnem Rhodanum recipiunt. Et Constantius quidem qui pedestres copias ductabat, adventum hostium opperiebatur. Vlfila verò Constantij Collega haud procul abditus cum equitatu subsidebat. Postquam hostes exercitum Vlfilæ prætergressi jam cum militibus Constantij pugnam inituri erant, repentè signo dato prorumpens Vlfila hostes e tergo invadit. Statimque disjectis eorum copijs alij in fugam versi alij occisi, plurimi armis abjectis veniam poscentes salutem consecuti sunt. Dein cùm Constantius trajecto iterum amne ad obsidium urbis revertisset, obsessi postas apperiunt; Constantinus una cum Iuliano filio in Italiam missus, antequam eo pervenisset, in itinere est occisus. Nec multò post Iovinus & Maximus Tyranni ex improviso interfecti sunt. Sarus item & alij complures qui Honorij Imperio fuerant insidiati. Sozomen. l 9. c 12, 13, 14, 15. Hanc victoriam Prosper refert ad Consulatum Theodosij A.C. 411. De hac et sequenti victoria adversus Gothos hac habet Hieronymus: Tunc lugubres vestes Italia mutavit, & semiruta urbis Romæ mœnia pristinum ex parte recepere fulgorem. — Putares extinctam Gothorum manum, et colluviem perfugarum atque servorum, domini desuper intonantis fulmine concidisse. Non sic post Trebeiam Thasymenum & Cannas, in quibus locis Romanorum exercituum cæsa sunt millia, Marcellini primùm ad Nolam prælio se populus Romanus erexit. Minori priùs gaudio strata Gallorum agmina, auro redempta Nobilitas & seminarium Romani generis in arce cognovit. Penetravit hic rumor Orientis littora, &c Hieron: ad Demetriadem epist. 8. Et post prælium prius Iornandes (in Geticis) meminit Gentes Fran <46r> corum et Burgundionum Gallias diu et crudeliter infestasse usque ad adventum Gothorum ex Italia in Aquitaniam, tunc autem metu Gothorum in suis se finibus cœpisse continere: non ultra Rhenum scilicet sed in Germanijs cis Rhenum & Gallia Belgica, quibus ungues infixerant. [Et non multo post, Francis Trevirem denuò capientibus & incendentibus, Castinum contra illos missum esse puto: saltem ante annum 421. Nam a[170] an. 422 missus est cum exercitu in Hispaniam contra Barbaros illic degentes; b[171] an 424 fugit ad Bonifacium in Africa; et c[172] an 425 exulavit.]

De transitu Gothorum in Gallias hæc habet Prosper. Anno 18 Honorij (A.C. 412) rursum alia prædatio Galliarum Gothis qui Alarico Duce Romam cœperant Alpes transgredientibus: Anno 19 Valentia nobilissima Galliarum civitas a Gothis effringitur ad quam fugiens se Iovinus contulerat: Anno 20 Aquitania Gothis tradita. Prosp. edit. Pithœana.

< insertion from f 45v >

Anno tandem 416 Gallias omnes pacem consecutas fuisse patet ex Itenerario Rutilij scripto sub Autumno anni vrbis 1169, i.e. juxta computum Varronianum quod tunc in usu erat A.C. 416. Is ubi Gallica Rura diu desolata hoc carmine lamentatus esset Illa quidem longis nimium deformia bellis, mox addit

Iam tempus laceris post longa incendia fundis

Vel pastorales ædificare casas.

Et paulo post

Submittant trepidi perfida colla Getæ

Ditia pacatæ dent vestigalia terræ

Impleat Augustos barbara præda sinus

Æternum tibi Rhenus aret —

Duriùs hic loquitur de Gothis, utpote qui jam humiliati erant, sed nondum ut amici auxilia tulerant Romanis in Hispania.

Has barbarorum sedationes Orosius in fine Historiæ quem anno 417 ad finem perduxit, exprimit per voces comprimere, coangustare, addicere gentes immanissimas, sic enim adulatoriè describit pacificationem Barbarorum per fœdera et sedes concessas, Imperio addictos vocans quia sedes obtinuerant in Imperio, & coangustatos quia non amplius regiones omnes licentere invadebant, sed intra fines certarum sedium ictis fœderibus pacificè continebantur.

Iam demum itaque cum Francis etiamsi Imperij civibus rebellibus fœdus initum et sedes concessæ, & novus eorum Rex Pharamundus ab Imperatore titulum regis obtinuit, ut optimè disputat Bucherius l     c     & {Bucher} his vocibus innuit, Pharamundus regnat in Francia, i.e. ita <46v> regnat ut a Romanis (e quorum numero erat Prosper) Rex diceretur: cùm ante constitutionem imperatoriam Romani Gentem istam etsi Monarchæ Theudemero subditam non pro regno sed pro rebellibus civibus haberent.

Hoc tempore gentibus Armoricanis pacem et leges Romanas restitutas canit etiam Rutilius Itin l 1. Et quamvis non omnes Armorichos ad imperium reductos fuisse constet ex Procopio Zosimo et Orderico Vitali, tamen ex horum pace restituta de quibus loquitur Rutilius, pleniùs constat pacificatio Galliarum & præsertim gentis Francicæ quæ hos hactenus infestârant. Et proinde hic finienda erunt Bella quibus decem Regis surrexerant, Imperio jam passim sedato.

Habetis jam historiam generalem bellorum quibus decem Reges primò potestatem ut Reges acceperunt, deinde et exernam constitutionem & nomen regnorum annuente Imperatore: Quæ cùm ex antiquissimis et probatissimis authoribus hic prolatis collegerim, abstinere possim a citandis neotericis qui sua ex veteribus desumpsere. Alicujus tamen ponderis esse possent quæ de regnis hoc tempore ortis, in genere scripserunt aliqui; Vti Bucherius, qui præter ea quæ de regno Francorum fusius docet, nominat (lib. 13, c. 4 s. 10) reges Alanarum & Burgundionum in Gallijs ac Suevorum et Vandalorum in Hispanijs; statuens regnum Alanorum quidem modò trans Ligerim in Armoricis modo ad Rhodanum circa Valentiam, Burgundionum autem in Germania superiore primùm, tum in Subaudia, indeque etiam circa Araris Rhodanique confluentes. Sic et Sigonius ex decem regibus septem simul numerat. Honorio, inquit, regnante, in Pannoniam Hunni, in Hispaniam Vandali Alani Suevi et Gothi, in Galliam Alani Burgundiones et Gothi certis sedibus permissis accepti. Sigon. de Occ.. Imp. ad an: 423.

< text from f 46r resumes >

<47r>

The beginnings & first actions of these kingdoms being described, let us now take a view of their Kings & standing, severally.

1. The a[173] Kings of the Vandals were A.C. 408 Gunderic the successor of Godegisilus. 426 Geiseric. 477 Huneric. 484. Gundemund. 496 Thrasamund. 523 Hilderic. 531 Gelimer. Gunderic led them into Spain, & Geiseric into Afric, & Gelimer was taken by Belisarius b[174] A.C. 533. The duration of their kingdom Isidorus (in fine Chron. Wand.) thus sets down. A primo anno Gunderici quo in Hispaniam ingressus est, usque ad Gelimeri casum & Wandalorum interitum anni 123, mens. 7. The greatness of it you have heard described above in the third Trumpet.

2 The c[175] Kings of the Suevians were A.C. 408 Ermeric, 438 Rechila. 448 Rechiarius. 458 Maldra. 460 Frumarius. 463 Remismundus. And at length d[176] after divers Arian Kings reigned A.C. 563 Theodemir, 568 Miro. 582 Euboricus & 583 Andeca. This Kingdom remained always in Gallæcia & Lusitania. Ermeric after the fall of the Alan's Kingdom d[177] enlarged it into all Gallicia, forcing the Vandals to retire into Bœtica, & Rechila d[178] added Bœtica & the Carthaginensian Province. And Riciarius (as ✝[179] Iornandes writes, de finibus, rebus suis {exilans} nititur totam Hispaniam occupare. Cui Theodericus Rex Gothorum Legatos mittat {illeg} dixit ut recederet a finibus alienis. {illeg} <47v> his murmuras, & me venire causaris; x[180] Tolosam ubi tu sedes, veniam, ubi si vales, resiste. To this degree of power & pride grew this king. So that the Goths were fain to call the Burgundians to their assistence: both which together set upon him & overthrew him in battel. This Kingdom lasted 177 years according to Isidorus, — <48r> Isidorus, or as Vasæus writes, till the year 584, when Leovigildus subdued Andeca & made their kingdom a Province of the Visigoths. Some account this kingdom revived in the kingdom of Portugal, because the Suevians were seated on that side Spain.

3 The kings of the Alans in Spain were Resplendial & Ataces . The first began his reign in Gallia A.C. 408 & e[181] led his people into Spain, the other began in Spain A.C. 416. This kingdom was f[182] more potent then the two former but of much shorter continuance: for Vallia King of the Visigoths g[183] in the last year of his reign, that is about the year 419 slew Ataces (Vtacus or Othacar) with almost all his Army, & then the Alans subjected themselves to Gunderic King of the Vandals who lived in Bœtica. But Vasæus tells us that within a year they withdrew themselves again from Gunderic. ✝ < insertion from f 47v > ✝ Alani, inquit Vasæus, indomiti, nec alieni patientes imperij a Gunderico cujus se fidei tradiderant, desciscunt & Carthaginesem Provinciam ac Lusitaniam repetunt, et sine Rege terras eas incolunt, vectigales tamen Romanis. Hæc profert ex Chronico Regis Alfonsi, dein ex alijs addit, {patrium} Alanorum ab ipsis Alanqueram dictam fuisse, et Provinciam illam Cathaloniam quæ nunc sic dicitur: de quo nomine Beat. Rhenanus (lib. 1 p. 27) sic scribit. Catthi cum Alanis — — — Gothi {illeg} < text from f 48r resumes > Catthi cum Alanis juncti Hispaniam prorupêre regno illic constituto, quod vernaculâ linguâ a consociatis nationibus occupatricibus hodiè Cathaloniam vocant. Tametsi quidam a Gothis et Alanis derivent. Cujus causa est quod minùs noti sunt Catthi vulgò quàm Gotthi. ✝ The greatness of — < insertion from f 47v > ✝The greatness of this kingdom while it stood you may perceive by this, that at this time the three Barbarian Kingdoms p[184] had almost all q[185] if not all Spain , & the r[186] Alans dominered over the other two. Alani, inquit Toletanus, postquam in Hispanias sunt ingressi, in Carthaginensi & Lusitania Provincijs Ⓧ su < text from f 48r resumes > < insertion from higher up f 47v > Ⓧ superbo oculo, sedes altissimas collocarunt, ita ut si linguis in Bœtica, Suevis in Gallæcia, Romanis etiam in Celtiberia præeminerent, et Vandalos quos in una Provincia concluserant cum Suevis potius impetiverunt & incursibus coarctaverunt; Romanis etiam in Carpetania quam a Carthagenensi Provincia defalcarunt intulerunt multas cædes et abstulerunt multas urbes. Quorum necessitate Constantinus Patricius Gothorum Regem Walliam invocavit, qui mox veniens Alanos tanquam aciem duræ silicis hebetavit, et regni nomine abnegato se Gunderico quem devicerant subjecerunt. —— Et paulo post. Regis nomine apud Alanos jam extincto, cessare Romanis Vandali et Suevi [lege Vandalis et Suevis] qui fere totam Hispaniam occuparunt. Et facti ignavi pro majori parte non militiæ sed ascripti populo remanserunt, nec ut magnanimi ad sedes alias migraverunt, donec post temporis intervallum Gotthis venientibus, ut accolæ pervenerunt. Et hic finis Regni & gloriæ Alanorum. Rodericus Toletanus Hist. Wand. c. 17.

< text from f 48r resumes >

4. The h[187] Kings of the Alans in Gallia were Goar, Sambida, Eocharich, Sangibanus, Beurgus, &c. Aventinus (in Annal. Boiorum) tells us that Goar was king of the Alans before he led them over the Rhene into Gallia & that he together with Huldin & Sarus, Kings (as they called them) of the Huns & Goths, was hired by the Romans out of Germany against Radagaisus. But what his dominion was in Germany is nothing to our purpose, seing that was wholly without the Empire & ceased at his transmigration. We are here to consider him only as he invaded the Empire & began a new kingdom upon a Roman people & dition by conquest. Vnder him, as Bucher lib. 14, c. 4, n. 5 well argues, these Alans had seats given them neare the Rhene together with their confederates the Burgundians A.C. 412. Vnder k[188] Sambida (whom l[189] Bucher puts the successor if not the Son of Goar) they had the territories of Valence given them by Ætius the Emperor's General A.C. 440, & m[190] two years after Eocharich being <49r> then come to the throne, they had the regions of the rebelling Galli Armorichi given them by the same Ætius & invaded them, expelling the Lords thereof. Vnless you had rather here understand the territories of Valentina given them two years before & now conquered. Vnder n[191] Sangibanus they joyned with Ætius & the other Kings in that memorable battel against Attila A.C. 451: at which time n[192] Orleans was their regal City. Attila had then invaded his territories & p[193] besieged Orelans, & thereupon Ætius with his associates coming to raise the siege, the battel was fought there in the Campi Catalaunici, so called, as I conceive, from these Alans mixt with the Catthi, as Catalaunia in Spain was from the other Alan Kingdom. The region is now for shortness called only Campain. Within a year or two after this battel Attila ✝[194] returned again with an immense Army, ; Alanorum partem, ut scribit ✝[195] Iornandes, trans fluvium Ligeris considentem statuit suæ redigere ditioni, quætenus mutatatâ per ipsos belli facie, terribilior immineret. but the Goths coming in to the assistence of the Alans he was beaten again & forced to retire: By all which circumstances you may perceive that this kingdom was a very considerable one. Vnder q[196] Beurgus or r[197] Biorgor they infested Gallia round about till the reign of Maximus the Emperor, & then they troubled Italy Symbol (dot in a circle surmounted by a cross with the N, W and E arms recrossed, surmounted by a smaller circle) in text < insertion from f 48v > Symbol (dot in a circle surmounted by a cross with the N, W and E arms recrossed, surmounted by a smaller circle) in text Whereupon Majoranus attempted (but in vain) to expell them Gallia. Illi deinde quod a [Majoranus [dehinc] Alanos Gallia expellere conatur. Alani contra, dum Italia sine præsidio est versus Italiam movent, quapropter magistrum militiæ Ricimerum — — Alanis opponit. Ithac. Sidon. Alani in Gallijs quod Majorano olim pelli non potuissent, tantum sibi assumunt ut media [tandem] {illeg} Alpes transgrediantur Italiam occupaturi & in Liguriam veniunt: sed Ricimer militiæ præfectus tanta fortitudine eos accipit ut omnes fere internecione delerentur et Rex eorum Beorgor trucidaretur sexto Feb. Cassiod. < text from f 49r resumes > But at length s[198] Ricimer the Emperors General | Militiæ præfectus slew Beurgus at the foot of the mountain Bergomus in Liguria a Province of Italy, Feb. 6. A.C. 464; Rustico et Olybrio Coss. Symbol (dot in the centre of two concentric circles) in text < insertion from f 48v > Symbol (dot in the centre of two concentric circles) in text Yet they continuing still very potent & either keeping their footing in Italy or troubling it afresh, Odacer King of Italy procured a league with the Franks against them & overthrew them, as Gregorius Turon. (l. 2. c. 19) thus mentions. Odovacrius cum Childerico fœdus inijt *[199] Alanosque qui partem Italiæ pervaserant subjugarunt. Symbol (wavy line surmounted by 4 circles in diamond formation) in text < insertion from higher up f 48v > Symbol (wavy line surmounted by 4 circles in diamond formation) in text Childericus Francorum Rex bellum cum Saxonibus gerit et insulis eos expellit. Alanos item ex Gallia ejicit, & suas ijs sedes distribuit, unde opes Francorum plurimum auctæ sunt. Turon. < text from f 48v resumes > This action Bucher (l 19, c. 5. n. 2, 11.) refers to the years 480 & 481, & adds that Alenconium a region of the Armorichi which they held from the reign of Eocharich till now, received it's name from them, qu. Alanorum conventus: & that now Odoacer placed his Saxons in it whose name continued long after there.

This seems to have been the most fatal stroak to this kingdom. Yet it scarce put a full period to it. ffor in the time of Theuderic a king of the Austrian Franks who began his reign A.C. 511, the reliques of it were standing, & in so good a condition as to invade these Franks, though with bad success. For in excerptis Chron Greg. Turon. cap. 32 I find this record — < text from f 49r resumes > good a condition as to invade these Franks though with bad success. For in Excerptas Chron. Greg. Turon. Cap. 32 I find this record. Alani a Theudeberto filio Theuderici superantur, omnemque prædam et vitam amiserunt. The title of the Chapter is; De Alanis, quomodo in regno Francorum interfecti sunt. After this loss I guess they were wholly swallowed up by the Franks, because I read no more of them. <50r>

5. The Burgundian Kingdom was founded by those Burgundians which advanced to the side of the Rhene in the reign of Valentinian I, but v[201] now A.C. 408 brake into the Empire together with the Vandals & other Barbarians. Prosper & Cassiodorus deliver that in the Consulship of Lucian (which was A.C. 412) the Burgundians obteined a part of Gallia next the Rhene, that is, not only by conquest, but by concession of the Emperor as x[202] Bucher well determins. This their first seat was in Gallia Belgica, of which Sidonius (in Avitum) makes this mention — Belgam Burgundio quem trux Presserat &c. And that their kingdom was potent from the beginning, & soon became well setled is to be gathered from this passage of Orosius written A.C. 417. Burgundionum esse prævalidam et perniciosam manum, Galliæ hodieque testes sunt, in quibus præsumpta possessione consistunt: quamvis providentia Dei omnes Christiani modò facti, catholica fide, nostrisque clericis quibus obedirent receptis, blandè mansuetè innocenterque vivant, non quasi cum subjectis Gallis, sed verè cum fratribus Christianis. Oros. l. 7, c 32. About the year 435 they received y[203] great overthrows by Ætius & soon after by the Huns, in which last wars their King Gundicar was slain, but 5 years after they had z[204] Subaudia (i.e. Savoy) granted them to be shared with the inhabitants, & from that time they became again a very powerfull Kingdom, being for a time a[205] bounded by the River Rhodanus but afterward extending much further toward the heart of Gallia. Their b[206] Kings were A.C. 408 Gundicar; 436 Gundioc; 467 Bilimer; 473 Gundobaldus with his Brothers; 510 Sigismund; 517 Godomarus. Gundioc or Gundeuchus left his Kingdom with Bilimer to be divided between his sons Gundobald, Godegisilus, Chilperic & Godemarus. Gundobald the eldest c[207] conquered the regions about the rivers Araris & Rhodanus, with the territories of Marseille, <51r> d[208] invaded Italy in the reign of Glycerius, & conquered all his brethren. Godomarus made Orleans his royal seat whence the kingdom was afterwards called also Regnum Aurelianorum. He was conquered by Clotharius & Childebert Kings of the Franks e[209] in the year 526, or according to f[210] Petavius in the year 532: & & his countries made [211] tributary to the Franks. Clodomir A.C. 561 left his kingdom divided between his sons & gave Burgundy to Guntheramnus, whose successors were A.C. 594 Childebert, & A.C. 597 Theodoric. Theodoric by conquest joyned the kingdom of Austrasia to Bur gundy: but at his death the whole fell to Clotharius the Monarch of the Franks. Afterward Austrasia & with it I suppose Burgundy was again sometimes divided from & sometimes reunited to the Parisian Kingdom untill the reign of Charles the great, who made his son Carolotus king of Burgundy, & thenceforward for above 300 years together it enjoyed it's proper kings; viz untill a little after the year 1136; but was then broken into the Dukedom of Burgundy the County of Burgundy & the County of [212] Subaudia, & afterwards those were broken into several other less Counties which you may see recconned up by Lazius de Gent. migr. lib. 11.

6. The revolt of Brittain under the successive Tyrants, Marcus Gratian & Constantine, is recorded by Olympiodorus, Orosius, Prosper, Sozomen, Idatius, Zosimus, Iornandes, Procopius, Sigebert, &c. Orosius, Prosper & Zosimus connect it with the irruption of the Barbarians into Gallia as consequent thereto. And Prosper (with whome Zosimus agrees) puts it in the year which began the day after the irruption. The just time I thus collect. Constantine reigned three years (Idatius, edit. Sirmondi,) & was slain the next year after the sacking of Rome, that is, A.C. 411 (Oros. Prosp. Marcel. Idat.) 14 Kal: Octob. (Marcellin) & therefore must have begun his reign A.C. 408: moreover Sozomen joyns Constantine's expedition into Gallia with Arcadius's death, or the times a little after, & Orosius l. 7. c. 40. tells us that he passed into Gallia, con <52r> tinuò ut invasit Imperium, as soon as ever he was in the throne. The beginning of his reign must therefore be about the time of Arcadius's death, & this happened A.C. 408 (Sozomen. Socrat. Marcel. Cassiod. Procop. Zosim.) May jst (Socrat.) Deduct now from hence the four months reign of Gratian & the short reign of Marcus (which was so short that Orosius passes him over in silence & begins with Gratian,) & you will fall upon the end of the year 409 for the first defection.

Now though the reign of these Tyrants was but short yet they gave a beginning to the Kingdom of Brittain, & so may be recconned the three first kings. ffor from that time Brittain continued a distinct kingdom absolved from subjection to the empire, the Emperor not being able to spare soldiers to be sent thither to recover & keep the Island, & so neglecting it: as we learn by unquestionable records. For Prosper tells us A.C. 410 Variane Coss. Hac tempestate præ *[213] valitudine Romanorum, vires funditùs attenuat Britanniæ. And Sigebert conjoyning this with the siege of Rome, saith Britannorum [214] vires attenuatæ, & substrahunt se a Romanorum dominatione. And Zosimus lib: 6, Cuncta pro lubitu invadentes transrhenani Barbari, eò tum incolas Insulæ Britanniæ, tum quasdem Celticas nationes redigerunt ut ab Imperio Romano deficerent & Romanorum legibus non ampliùs obedientes κατ᾽ ἑαυτὸν βιατεύειν, arbitratu suo viverent. Itaque Britanni sumptis armis & pro salute suâ periclitati, civitates a Barbaris imminentibus liberarunt. < insertion from f 51v > Itidem totus ille tractus *[215] Armorichus, cæteræque Gallorum Provinciæ Brittannos imitati consimili se modo liberarunt, ejectis Romanis Præsidibus, & propria quadam Republica ex arbitratu suo constituta. Hæc — — < text from f 52r resumes > Hæc Britanniæ Celticarumque gentium rebellio, quo tempore Constantinus iste regnum usurpabat accidit. So also Procopius (Vand. l. 1) speaking of the same Constantine: Κωνσταντινος μάχη ἡσσηθεὶς, ξὺν τοις παισὶ θνήσκει. Βρετταννίαν μέν τοι Ρωμαιοι ἀνασώσασθι ὀυκήτι ἔσχον ἀλλ᾽ ὀυσα ὑπὸ τυράν <53r> νοις ἀπ᾽ ἀυτου ἔμενε. Constantinus bello superatus cum liberis interijt: Britanniam tamen Romani non ampliùs potuêre recipere, sed ab eo tempore sub Tyrannis constituta mansit. < insertion from f 52v > And Beda l. 1, c. 11. Fracta est Roma a Gothis anno 1164to suæ conditionis, ex quo tempore Romani in Britannia regnare cessaverunt. And Ethelwerdus: A tempora Romæ a Gothis expugnatæ cessavit Imperium Romanorum a Britannia insula, & ab alijs quas sub jugo servitutis tenebant multis terris. Theodoritus etiam Serm 9 de curandis Græcorum Affectionibus circa annum 324 Numerat Britannos inter Gentes quæ tunc non parebant Romano Imperio.

And indeed the Emperor seems to have made at this time a free concession of the Island to the inhabitants. ffor when they were left naked by Constantine & forthwith invaded by the Picts & Scots, sent to let the Emperor know their condition: he as Zosimus (l: 6) tells us wrote back to them to look to their own concerns. And thereupon they took up arms as the same Zosimus writes & freed their cities from the enemy, giving an example to the Celtick nations to do the like. Yet the enemy continued their inrodes & at length overpoured them & then the reliques of the Romans not bearing the threats of the barbarians left the Island & sailed into Gallia. This b[216] was in the year 419. And the c[217] next year the Emperor upon earnest supplication sent a Legion which freed the Island, but upon the departure of the Legion the Enemy came again whereupon they sent & d[218] obteined a second Legion by which also the Britans drave out the enemy succesfully. The former Legion had put the Britains upon building a wall cross the Island, but that being but of earth, e[219] this Legion made them build a stronger one & then departed also, bidding them look to themselves for the future, & e[220] telling them absolutely that they would not undertake any more such laborious expeditions into the Island. Which resolution they kept.

The kings of the Britains after Constantine were A.C. 410 ** 425 Vortigern. 466 Aurelius Ambrosius. 498 Vther Pendraco 508 Arthur. 542 Constantinus, Aurelius Cunanus. Vortiporius 561 Malgo seu Maglocunus, 586 Careticus. 613 Cadwan 633 Cadwalinus. 676 Cadweladrus.

Who their first leader was in their afforesaid wars with the Picts & Scots, or to speak with Procopius, the first of the Tyrants which he tells us immediately succeeded Constantine; what was his name or whether he was their King or their leader only, I find not in any record that may be trust{ed}to. Nor is it much material. It's enough to fill up the intervall between Constantine & Vortigern that the Brittains were a body by them selves, & (as their continual wars would require) set up a Leader at least, an one that might be called their emperor if not their king, one that had the power of a king if not the title.

Of Vortigern's beginning there is this record in an old Chronicle in Nennius quoted by Cambden & others — < text from f 53r resumes > And so Sigonius (ad Ann. 411) Imperium Romanorum post excessum Constantini in Britannia nullum fuit.

<54r>

in an old Chronicle, in Nennius quoted by Cambden & others: g[226] Guortigernus tenuit Imperium in Britannia Theodosio et Valentiniano Coss; [i.e. An. 425] et in quarto anno regni sui Saxones ad Britanniam venerunt, Fælice et Tauro Coss. [i.e. An. 428] This coming of the Saxons Sigebert refers to the 4th year of Valentinian, which falls in with the year 428 assigned by this Chronicle, & two years after (according to Beda & k[227] Vsser) the Saxons together with the Picts were beaten by the Army of the Britains which one Germanus (who came into England l[228] A.C. 429 [& returned into France m[229] A.C. 430]) bap <55r> tized at Mold in Flintshire when they were to go against the said enemy. And after this the Britains had n[230] various wars with the Picts & Saxons together in which they were almost overwhelmed. And when they got free from these they were again as much perplexed with the Picts: Whereupon they sent to implore the Emperor's aid p[231] Ætio ter Consula A.C. 446, & that being denyed Symbol (cross surmounted by three circles arranged in a triangle) in text < insertion from f 54v > Symbol (cross surmounted by three circles arranged in a triangle) in textq[232] some of them stoutly resist & expell the enemy, whilst others are forced to subjection. And at length r[233] in the reign of Martian, that is between the years 450 & 456 they call in the Saxons under Hengist & by their assistance beat the barbarians indeed, but s[234] six years after began to be vexed by a more pernicious & lasting war with the Saxons.

Thus in latin to be put in my translation.

—— q.[235] Quidam Britannorum strenuè resistentes hostes abigunt quidam verò coacti hostibus subjiciuntur. Tandem verò r[236] Martiano Imperante, hoc est intra annos 450 & 456 Saxones sub Hengisto & Horsa in auxilium vocant & eorum auxilio hostes quidem pellunt sed post s[237] sex annos bellum diuturnius & magis exitiale Saxones cœperunt ipsis inferre. < text from f 55r resumes >

Aurelius Ambrosius s[240] one of the Sons of the afforesaid Constantine t[241] A.C. 466 burnt Vortigern [242] in a certain village, & succeeded him; & after him reigned Vther Pendragon the Brother of Aurelius, & then the victorious Arthur the son of Pendragon, who was slain in battel v[243] A.C. 542. Of him & the rest of the British kings Sigebert has this record. A.C. 491 Hoc loco quidam ponunt initium regni Anglorum: sed libellus quidam de Regibus Anglorum facit Arthurum totius Britanniæ Monarcham usque ad A.C. 542. Post Arthurum regnat x[244] Constantinus, dein Aurelius Cunanus, tum Wortiporius. Dein A.C. 561 regnat [245] Inalgo, et post eum *[246] Cathericus, cujus tempore dispersi sunt Britones & regni diadema amiserunt.

7. The Franks were originally a[247] Germans, & are not found mentioned in history by the name of Franks till that German invasion of the Empire which happened in the reign of Gallienus & his successors. Whence its probable that they came then from remote parts of Germany, & upon repuls, seated themselves upon the Rhene between Alemannia & the Ocean. After that great invasion they made divers attempts upon the Empire, & were sometimes expelled, sometimes a part of them received into subjection. For Maximinus received some of them, & afterward Iulian in the reign of Constantius Datiano et Cereale Coss: (an. 358) received the Franci Salij with their <56r> King, permitting them to inhabit the regions about Toxandria & Tongria; where they lived in subjection to the Romans like other subjects till the Vandalic invasion of Gallia: Both which receptions the Panegyric called Si mihi thus mentions.[248] Sicut tuo Maximiane Auguste nutu Nerviorum et Trevirorum arva jacentia, lætus postliminio restitutus & receptus in leges Francus excoluit: ita nunc post victorias tuas Constanti Cæsar invicte, quicquid infrequens Ambiano, & Bellovaco, & Tricassino solo, Lingonicoque restabat, Barbaro cultore revirescit. &c Whence a little after in respect of their great multitudes he adds: totis porticibus captivitatum sedere captiva agmina Barbarorum. In eundem sensum ac verba etiam alter Panegyricus Facerem dictus: Quid loquar, ait, rursus intimas Francorum nationes, non jam ab his locis quæ olim Romana, invaserant [Bataviam sc. Menapiam, Taxandriam] sed a proprijs ex origine suis sedibus [Sicambricis Transrhenanis] atque ab ultimis Barbariæ littoribus avulsas, ut in desertis Galliæ regionibus collocatæ, etiam pacem Romani Imperij cultu juvarent et arma delectu? Symbol (double wavy line surmounted by three circles arranged as a triangle) in text < insertion from f 55v > Symbol (double wavy line surmounted by three circles arranged as a triangle) in text Historiam narrans Ammianus in l. 17, hæc habet. Iulianus [Datiano & Cæreale Coss Parisijs movens] petit primos omnium Francos quos consuetudo Salios appellavit, ausos olim in Romano Solo apud Toxandriamlocum habitacula sibi figere prælicenter. Cui cum Tongros venisset, occurrit Legatio prædictorum. Pergit dein dicere quomodo Iulianus hos adortus vicit et supplicantes recepit, sed Chamavos similia ausos expulit. Id quod et ipsemet Iulianus — — — < text from f 56r resumes > Saliorum receptionem et ipsemet Iulianus in Epistola ad Athenieneses sic perscribit breviter. Suscepi quidem partem Saliorum gentis, Chamavos verò expuli. Idem Libanius etiam in Orat. funeb. super morte Iuliani sic perstringit. Iulianus in expeditionem profectus, circa fluvium in morem fulminis, ita nationem omnem [puta Saliorum] perculit ac consternavit ut mutare sedes atque in orbem Romanum commigrare statuerint, ac pars Imperij fieri. Agros ergo petierunt, eosdemque obtinuerunt. Eadem fusè scribens etiam Zosimus (lib 3) commemorat hos ffrancos cum Rege suo Romanum in solum trajecisse, & omnes Cæsari supplices factos, sponte sua se cum rebus suis ejus fidei permisisse.

In the reign of Gratian & Theodosius they were so far setled & incorporated in the empire that Mallobandes their King was made Comes Domesticorum under Gratian (Ammiale l. 31.) & Richomer another noble Frank <57r> b[250] was made Comes Domesticorum & Magister utriusque militiæ, & A.C. 384 Consul with Chearchus, & grew into so great favour with Theodosius that they who would obtein any thing of the Emperor used to make their way by him. Also A.C. 393 he was made Præfect of the Hors by Theodosius in his expedition against Eugenius, but died before the fight. Arbogartes was also another eminent Frank raised to great honour in the Empire.

In the middle of Theodosius's reign, the other ffranks beyond the Rhene brake into the Empire, led by Genobald Marcomer & Suno, & unsetled the Salij , but were repulsed & quieted again by Theodosius Capitains, though not without difficulty, whence these verses of Claudian written a little after Theodosius's death to Stilico upon his journey along the Rhene: wherein he expresses the recomposing of the Salij; & the peaceable commerce with their brethren on the other side the river.

— Rhenumque minacem

— — — — adeò mitescere cogis,

Vt Salius jam Rura colat, flenosque Sicambri

In falcem curvent gladios, geminasque viator

Cùm videat ripas, quæ sit Romana requirat.

Vt jam trans fluvium, non indignante Cyaco,

Pascat [251] Belga pecus, mediumque ingressa per Albim

Gallica Francorum montes armenta pererrent. &c.

Thus all continued quiet till the Vandalic invasion, & then the Gallic Franks rebelled & made Theudemir King over them & by degres growing into one body with their brethren which came over the Rhene & with the Galli Arborichi, became a very potent kingdom. For the better understanding Symbol (cross surmounted by 3 circles arranged as a triangle) in text of which — < insertion from f 56v > Symbol (cross surmounted by 3 circles arranged as a triangle) in text of which you may consider this place of Procopius with the notes upon it.

Franci Germani quondam vocitabantur: Quo more autem ab initio & ubi habitarint, & Gallias deinde 1[252] invaserint ac Gothis sint hostes effecti jam dicturus sum. — — Dein ubi Hispanias Galliasque et fluvios Galliæ, atque Rheni exitum in mare descripserit: sic 2[253] Paludes his in locis ubi primitus Germani, gens barbara habitabant, 3[254] nec magni tunc primùm momenti viri, qui nunc Franci vocitantur. His 4[255] finitimi Arborichi accolæ erant, qui cum cætera Gallia atque item Hispania jampridem Romanis parebant. Post hos [Arborichos] in Orientem Solem 5 [256] Thoringi barbari sunt, qui Cæsaris Augusti permissu sedes has tenuere, & ab his [Thoringis] Burgundiones haud procul ad notum ventum vergentes inhabitant. Suevi deinceps et Alemanni gens valida liberi omnes et jam diu ea incolunt loca. Temporis verò processu Visigothi, vi in Romanum Imperium facta Hispanias omnes et Gallias ultra Rhodanum flumen suæ ditioni subactas, vectigalesque redditas tenuere. Erant autem Arborichi Romanorum tunc milites quos sibi Germani [ffranci scil.] cùm obedientes facere et subditos vellent, ut qui 4[257] finitimi essent et pristinos vitæ {more} diu immutassent, eorum agros assiduè populari, & hos copijs universis invadere. Arborichi verò et virtutem præ se et erga Romanos benevolentiam ferentes, se viros Germani non possent, 6[258] societatem ut secum saltem inirent, & mutua inter se facerent connubia precabantum quas non inviti conditiones Arborichi mox accipere. Erant namque utrique Christianæ fidei sectatores. Sic itaque unu{m} hi coeundo in populum ad maximam potentiam evasere &c. Procop. Got C. 1. Pergit dein tradere quomodò hi Germani (quos et Francos promiscuè vocat) longè latéque Gallias invadentes expulerunt Gothos.

< text from f 57r resumes >

<60r>

<60v>

The Kings — < insertion from f 60r > The Kings of the Franks were A.C. 408 Theudemire, 417 Pharamund, 428 Clodio, 448 Meroveus, 456 Childeric, 482 Clodovæus, &c. Of these there is in Bibliotheca M.S. Labbæi, among other monuments of Antiquity this record.

< text from f 60v resumes > < insertion from f 58r >

Well therefore do Windeline & Bucher, two of the most diligent searchers into the originals of this kingdom, make it begin the same year with the Barbarian invasians of Gallia, . But let us see now into the succession of their kings.

They were A.C. 408 Theudemer, 417 Pharamund, 428 Clodio, 448 Merovæus, 456 Childeric, 482 Chlodovæus &c. Of these there is in Bibliotheca M.S. Labbæi among other monuments of antiquity this record.

Historica quædem excerpta ex veteri stemmate genealogico Regum Franciæ.

< text from f 60v resumes > <61r>

Historica quædam excerpta ex veteri stemmate Genealogico Regum Franciæ.

Genobaldus, Marchomerus, Suno, Theodemeris. Isti duces instituit Historiam vel Reguli extiterunt a principio Gentis Francorum diversis temporibus: sed incertum relinquunt Historici quali sibi procreationis linea sucesserunt.

Pharamundus: c[264] sub hoc Rege suo primo Franci legibus se subdunt, quas Primores eorum tulerunt Wisogastus, Atrogastus, Salegastus.

Chlochilo. Iste transito Rheno Romanos in Carbonaria Sylva devicit, Camaracum cœpit & obtinuit. Annis 20 regnavit. Sub hoc Rege Franci usque Sumam progressi sunt.

Merovechus: Sub hoc Rege Franci Treverim destruunt, Metim succendunt, usque Aurelianum perveniunt.

Now for Genobaldus Marcomer & Suno, they were capitains of the Transrhenane Franks in the reign of Theodosius & so concern us not. We are to begin with Theudemer the first king of the rebelling Salij, called Didio by Ivo Carnotensis, & Thiedo & Thiedemerus by Rhenanus. His face is extant in coin of gold found with this inscription THEVDEMER REX. published by P. Petavius & still extant as Windeline testifies: which shows that he was a king, & that in Gallia, seing rude Germany understood not then the coining of money nor used either latine words or letters.[265] He was the son of Richemer [ or Richomer the favourite of Theodosius, & so being of the Salian Royall blood, they therefore upon the rebellion made him their king. The whole time of his reign you have stated in Excerptis Gregorij Turonensis e Fredigario cap. 5, 6, 7, 8. Where the making him King, the Tyranny of Iovinus, the slaughter of Iovinus's associates, the second taking of Trevirs by the Franks, & their war with Castinus in which this king was slain, are as a series of successive <62r> {illeg} Extinctis Ducibus, in Francis denuò Reges creantur ex eadem stirpe qua priùs fuerant. Eodem tempore Iovinus ornatus regios assumpsit. Constantinus fugam vertens Italiam dirigit: missis a Iovino Principe percussoribus super Mentio flumine capite truncatur. Multi nobilium jussu [266] Iovini apud Avernis capti & a Ducibus Honorij crudeliter interempti sunt. Trevirorum civitas factione unius ex Senatoribus nomine Lucij a Francis capta et incensa est. — Castinus Domesticorum Comes expeditionem accepit contra Francos, &c. Then returning to speak of Theudemer he adds: Franci electum a se Regem, sicut priùs fuerat crinitum inquirentes diligenter ex genere Priami [267] Frigi et Francionis super se creant, nomine Theudemerem filium Richemeris, qui in hoc prælio quod supra memini a Romanis interfectus est (i.e. in prælio cum Castini copijs.) Of his death Greg: Turonensis in his History l. 2 c. 9 makes this further mention. In Consularibus legimus Theodemerem Regem Francorum, filium Ricimeris [268] quondam, & Ascilam matrem ejus, gladio interfectos.

Of his successor Pharamond the first common king of the Francks & Galli Armorichi, Prosper has this record: Anno 25 Honorij Pharamundus regnat in Francia. This Bucher well a[269] refers to the end of the year 416 or beginning of the year 417 dating these years of Honorius from the death of Valentinian, & b[270] argues well that at this time Pharamund was not only King by constitution of the Franks but crouned also by the consent of Honorius & had a part of Gallia, , assigned to him by covenant. And this I suppose was the cause that Roman writers reconed him the first king, accounting his predecessor but a rebellious subject of the Empire. Symbol (double wavy line surmounted by 3 circles in triangular formation) in text < insertion from f 61v > Symbol (double wavy line surmounted by 3 circles in triangular formation) in text which some not understanding, have feigned him the founder of the Kingdom by an army of transrhenane Franks; whereas he was rather of the Salique race & legitimate successor of Theudemer. For the above cited passage of Fredegarius, Extinctis Ducibus, in Francis denuò Reges creantur ex eadem stirpe quâ priùs fuerant, implies that the kingdom continued to the new elected family during the reign of more kings then one. The Salique laws made in his reign, which are yet extant shew by their name that it was the kingdom of the Salij that he reigned over & by the pecuniary mulcts in them, that this place where he reigned abounded very much with money & q[271] consequently was within the Empire rude Germans not knowing the use of money till they mixed with the Romans.

Yet some from Prospers calling their dominion Francia have imagined it must be beyond the Rhene but without ground. ffor whilst Prosper in registring their kings in order writes: Pharamundus regnat in Francia. Clodio regnat in Francia. Merovæus regnat in Francia, who can imagin but that in all these places he meant one & the same Francia & yet its certain that the Francia of Merovæus was in Gallia. So where he said Priamus regnat in Francia I suppose he still meant the {illeg} he still meant the same Francia not thinking of any other in all <62v> his Chronology. For this Priamus was the progenitor of Theudemer & so a Salian Frank, & I suppose the last king of the Salij before their becoming Roman subjects, () & consequently that King under which Zosimus said that they came into the Empire & Ammianus that they did olim apud Toxandriam — locum habitacula sibi figere prælicenter. And if so, then he reigned in This Francia in the sence that Prosper takes regnare, untill Iulian the emperor made him & his nation subject to the Empire. Prosper indeed refers his reigning to a later time, but tells us withall that he did but guess at the time; & where one guesses at a thing done 80 or 90 years before, a few years are easily mistaken.

In the last year of Pharamonds reign Ætius took from him a part-of his possession in Gallia, but his successor Clodio, whom Fredegarius puts the son of Theudemer & some call Clogio, Cloio or Claudius) recovered all —       Ad pag. sequ. < text from f 62r resumes > In the last year of his reign, Ætius c[272] took from him some part of his possession in Gallia; but his successor Clodio whom ✝[273] Fredegarius puts the son of Theudemer) d[274] recovered all & much more, conquering as far as to the river Some of which Sidonius who lived at that time <63r> gives us these hints — f[275]

Francus qua Cloio patentes

Atrabatum terras pervaserat — g[276]

— — — — And in another place.

Francus Germanam primam Belgamque secundam

Sternebat —

Concerning this, n[281] Procopius & o[282] Nicephorus write that the Vandals brought some of them over the Rhene & carried them into Spain with them: but this is nothing to our purpose. Some later writers suppose that Pharamund brought them over about the time of the siege of Rome, & founded the kingdom of the Franks with them: but this, as it has no ground in ancient history, so it seems but a supposition made by them who knew nothing of the Salian Franks being seated in the empire long before, nor of Theudemer their first king: & therefore no weight can be laid on this opinion, no not so much as to suppose Pharamund a Transrhenane Frank, or to have had any thing to do with them. But as for Clodio he had certainly much to do with them, ffor he brought so many over the Rhene that it has given occasion to ✝[283] Historians to say that he came over the Rhene when he began his conquests, & to ✝[284] imagin that he had no footing in the Empire before, but at that time brought his kingdom over with him. The manner of the coming over of these Franks p[285], Gregory Turonensis thus relates. Tradunt multi Francos q[286] de Pannonia fuisse digressos et primùm quidem littora Rheni amnis incoluisse: dehinc transacto Rheno r[287] Thoringiam transmeasse: ibique juxta pagos vel civitates, Reges crinitos super se creavisse, de prima & ut ita dicam nobiliori suorum familia. Quod postea probatum Clodovei victoriæ <64r> tradidere, idque in sequenti digerimus. Afterward when he comes to relate these victories of Chlodoveus, he tells how he conquered 3 Kings of the Franks; Chlodericus King of Colonia Agrippina,[288] Chararicus [King of Teroana as Malbrancus affirms] & Ragnacharius King of *[289] Camaracum: all which Kings being (as Gregory adds, & Chlodoveus confessed) his near kinsmen, & so de prima illa & nobiliori Francorum familia, & their seats being cities of Belgia about the Tongri, these must be the Kingdoms of the Transrhenane Franks which Gregory meant to instance in. Now Camaracum with its territories was s[290] first taken by the ffranks from the Romans in the wars of Clodio & therefore that Kingdom was of no longer standing then those wars: & the same is to be understood of the rest also seing they were all founded by one common invasion as Gregories relation imports; for he relates but one passage of them over the Rhene to Tongria; & their choosing Kings all of the same royall ffamiliy argues that their kingdoms were founded by a common conspiracy. The founding of these kingdoms therefore agrees only to & consequently the coming over of the Transrhenane Franks who founded them happened in Clodio's reign. But whereas it is usually said that Clodio then came over the Rhene: this is not to be understood of Clodio with his own subjects, but only of the Transrhenane Franks which he invited (& perhaps in person led over) to joyn with his own. For before he brought them over, his regal seat as t[291] Greg. Turon. & others mention was at Dispargum in the borders of Thoringia, which whether it be Duysborch by Fuva almost in the mid way between Brussels & Louvain or Drest upon the river Demer, or any other place now perhaps destroyed I dispute not, but only of the Region in general. For Some not knowing any other Thoringia then that in heart of Germany, have supposed that Gregory spake of that: but the rude German nations v[292] had then no towns, & therefore it must be the Gallic Thoringia ( usually called Tongria) in whose borders this town was. This was the Thoringia which Procopius tells us these Franks at first bordered upon; & which Gregory, even but a few lines before he described the situation of Dispargum thereby, said the transrhenane Franks at their first coming over, sailed to; & which was most familiarly known to the Franks when Gregory <64v> wrote, the other being then remote from them & perhaps scarce known to Gregory himself. And therefore it is a great straining to think that Gregory meant a Despargum bordering on any other Thoringia then this.

The history of Clodio must therefore be this: that when Ætius had taken from these Franks some part of their territories (which Prosper expresly says were in Gallia,) Clodio to secure the residue & redeem what he had lost — — — — —, applied himself to the transrhenane Franks, & invited them over to joyn with him in his wars, upon terms of sharing conquests, & that under his conduct they invaded first Thoringia or Tongria as being the next region to his kingdom, & then proceeding on till they had conquered all to the river Some, in the end divided conquests, the new kingdoms chosing kings of the Salique family; whether upon the account of ffriendship or to conserve unity with one another, or upon compact with Clodio, or because they having no king of their own esteemed the Salique family the most honourable & ancient among the Franks, & the legitimate successors of their ancient kings, or for divers of these reasons together, I leave others to determin.

Meroveus the successor of Clodio much further inlarged the Salique kingdom, & was a main party in the famous war with Attila. And Chlodoveus conquered all the other kingdoms of the ffranks as you heard & drave the Goths out of Gallia a[293] & placed his seat at Paris A.C. 508 where it has continued ever since.

8. The b[294] kings of the Visigoths were A.C. 408 Alaric, 410 Athaulphus, 415 Sergeric, 415 Vallia, 419 Theoderic, 451 Thorismund, 452 Theoderic &c. For the reasons above mentioned I here date the reign of Alaric but from his first invasion of the western Empire though he was Lord of the Goths before. In the c[295] end of Athaulphus reign the Goths were humbled by the Romans & attempted to pass into Spain. Sergeric reigned d[296] but a few days. In the e[297] beginning of Vallia's reign they assaulted the Romans afresh but were again repulst & then made peace f[298] on this condition that they should in behalf of the Empire invade the barbarian kingdoms in Spain: which they did g[299] together with Constantius in the year 417, & 418, overthrowing the Alans & part of the Vandals, & h[300] then received Aquitain by a full donation, leaving their conquests in Spain to the Emperor, though Sigonius thinks they had some seats granted them there also. k[301] A.C. 455 Theoderic (l[302] assisted by the Burgundians) invaded Spain which was then almost all subject to the Suevi, & took a part of it from them. m[303] A.C. 506 The Goths were driven out of Gallia by the Franks. A.C. 585 they conquered the Suevian Kingdom, & became Lords of all Spain. A.C. 713 the Saracens invaded them, but in time they recovered again, & have reigned in Spain ever since. <65r>

9. The Huns as you heard invaded Gothia & founded a great Kingdom there in the reign of Valens their kings being first {Balamber} & then Munzuc: but this being beyond the Danube & so wholly without the Empire we are not to regard it. Some a[304] bands of Huns & Alans the Goths called in to assist them in their wars with Valens but these founded no kingdom a[305] but associated themselves with the Goths & b[306] shared in their fortune; some c[307] flying back to the other side the Danube, others staying & mixing with the Goths whence we read ✝[308] in Zosimus l. 5. that Ataulphus's army consisted of Huns & Goths together.

After Theodosius's death the Huns, as was described above, began to invade the Eastern Empire on their own score but were variously repulsed with great losses & could fix no sure footing there: but at length when they saw the western Empire invaded on all hands they seized Pannonia & Illyricum at the Goths departure thence into Italy A.C. 408, & laid the foundation of a kingdom there, of which Sigonius gives us this information.[309] Constat saith he, quod Gothis ex Illyrico profectis Hunni successerunt atque imprimis Pannoniam tenuerunt. Neque enim Honorius, viribus ad resistendum in tantis difficultatibus destitutus, prorsus eos prohibere potuit, sed meliore consilio, animo ad pacem converso, fœdus cum ejs datis acceptisque obsidibus fecit; ex quibus qui dati sunt, Ætius, qui etiam Alarico tributus fuerat, præcipuè memoratur. < insertion from inline > Memoratur autem a Frigerido apud Greg. Tur. l. 2. c 8. Nempe cùm Frigeridum Theodosium Imperatorem Orientis Ioanni qui post Honorium Tyrannidem arripuerunt in Occidente, mandata atrocia misisse dixisset: Id, inquit, permotus Ioannes Ætium id temporis curam palatij gerentem cum pergenti auri pondere ad Chunnos transmittit; notos sibi obsidialûs sui tem <65v> pore & familiari amicitia devinctos; — & paulo post: Ætius tribus annis. Alarici obses, dehinc Chunnorum; poshæc Carpilionis gener, ex Comite domesticorum, & Ioannis Cura palatij. Alarici verò obsidem fuisse ad annum 410 quo Alaricus obijt, Chunnorum obsidem inter annos 411 & 415. Inde Carpilionis generum circa annum 417 aut 418, & Ioanni Curopalatem anno 423 finiente, docet Bucherius lib. 15. c. 6. n. 5, 6. Vnde probabile est fœdus prædictum circa annum 413 percussum fuisse, quando Honorius pacem cum omnibus ferè barbaris, sedibus concessis, ambivit. De his Hunnis loquitur Hieronymus in Epistola ad Gerontiam anno 409 scripta ubi populos barbaros enumerando qui tunc Gallias populabantur, nominaverat Quados, Vandalos, Sarmatas, Alanos, Gepides, Herulos, Saxones, Burgundiones, et Alemannos, subjungit, et (o lugenda Respublica!) hostes Pannonij. Etenim Assur venit cum illis. Scilicet Assyria ad Septentrionem et occidentem habebat montem Niphatem & fluvium Tigridem et non longe ab his Hunni primitus habitabant. Vnde Claudian libro primo in Eutropium dicit Hunnos rupto Niphate vastasse Armeniam et provincias Orientis. Et quoniam Hunni in Pannoniam olim recepti fuerant, et ex civibus jam facti sunt hostes adeo Hieronymus, dum exteros barbaros tantum nominat, ad horum nomen exclamat, O lugenda Respublica! Conspirabant igitur Hunni Pannonij cum reliquis barbaris ijsque auxiliati sunt, ut turbata passim republica ipsi jugum Romanum in Pannonia tutiùs excuterent. Et quoniam in sedibus illis jam ante locati fuerant, inde fit ut regiones illas igne et ferro hac tempetstate vastatas esse non legamus.

< text from f 65r resumes >

Iornandes tells us Duodecimo anno regni Valiæ post pene quinquaginta annos invasa Pannonia Hunni a Romanis et Gothis pulsi sunt; & this Valia Marcelline taking to be Valliae or Wallis the King of the Visigoths, refers this action to the Consulship of Hierius & Ardabures which was in the year 427; whence it should follow that the Huns invaded & held Pannonia from the year 378 or 379. But this is a plain mistake for its certain that Theodosius left the Empire entire; & besides, it's manifest out of Prosper that the Huns were in quiet possession of Pannonia in the year 432 for in Euseb. Chron. lib. 1, he writes Anno 10mo post obitum Honorij cum ad <66r> Chunnorum gentem cui tunc Rugula præerat, post prælium cum Bonifacio se Ætius contulisset impetrato auxilio ad Romanorum solicem regreditur. And in lib. 2; Ætio et Valerio Coss: Ætius deposita potestate profugus ad Hunnos in Pannonia pervenit, quorum amicitia auxilioque usus, pacem principum interpellatæ potestatis obtinuit. Hereby it is manifest that at this time Rugula reigned over the Huns in Pannonia & that Pannonia was not now so much as accounted within the soile of the Empire, & that ✝ < insertion from f 65v > ✝ & that these were the very same Huns with which Ætius had in the time of his being a pledge contracted friendship: by vertue of which as he sollicited them before to the aid of Iohn the Tyrant A.C. 424, so now he procured their intercession for himself with the Emperor. < text from f 66r resumes > It must be after this time therefore that they were expelled. But further, Vallia the King of the Visigoths reigned but three years, beginning A.C. 415 finiente & ending A.C. 419 as Idatius Isidorus & the Spanish manuscript chronicles seen by b[311] Grotius testify, yea c[312] Olympiodorus who produces his history but to the year 425 sets down therein the death of this Visigothic Vallia & conjoyns it also with that of Constantius whom Honorius made his colleague, which happend A.C. 420. Wherefore the Valia of Iornandes who reigned at least 12 years must be some other Valia, & I suppose he was the same with Valamir the Ostrogothic King because the Goths who together with the Romans ejected the Huns were the Ostrogoths, to whom the emperors Marcian & Valentinian anno 454 had granted seats in Pannonia & they did it in the reign of this Valamir & it is not likely that the Historian would compute the actions of the Ostrogoths by the years of the Visigothic Kings. As for the variation of the name that might easily be either a slip of Iornandes or some corruption in the Author whence he had it.

Now this ejection of the Huns out of Pannonia was a little after the death of Attila as all historians that write of these things deliver, that is after the year 454; & the consequent reception of Pannonia by the Romans was in the reign of Avitus as may be seen in Chronico Boiorum & Sidonius Carm. 7 in Avitum which speaks thus of that Emperor.

— *[313] Cujus solum amissas post sæcula multa

Pannonias revocavit [314] iter, jam credere promptum est

Quid faciet Bellis. *[315] This was written in the beginning of Avitus reign Wherefore since Avitus began his reign in the end of the year 455 & reigned not the full year the reception of Pannonia & 12t year of Valamir must be referred to the end of the year 455; which being almost 50 years after A.C. 407 or 408 confirms that for the time in which twas lost.

The Kings of the Huns were Octar, Rugila, Bleda, & Attila. d[316] Octar & Rugila were the Brothers of Munzuc, & Bleda & Attila his sons. The two first Iornandes says were kings of the Huns but not of <67r> them all & had the two last for their successors. Octar died A.C. 430 for Socrates tells us[317] that about that time the Burgundins having been newly vext by the Hunns, upon intelligence of Octar's [318] death seing them without a leader set upon them suddenly with so great success that 3000 Burgundians slew 10000 Huns. Of Rugilas (or, as Maximus calls him, Richilla) being King in Pannonia you have heard already. He died A.C. 433 & was succeeded by Bleda as Prosper & Maximus inform us. This Bleda with his brother Attila were Kings before of the Hunns beyond the Danube their father Munzuc's kingdom being divided between them & now they united this Kingdom of Pannonia to their own: whence g[319] Paulus Diaconus says they did Regnum intra Pannonias {Darciamque} gerere. In the year 441 they began to invade the Empire afresh, h[320] adding to the Pannonian forces, new & great armies out of Scythia, but this war was presently composed & then Attila seeing Bleda inclined to peace slew him A.C. 444 & inherited his dominions & invaded the Empire afresh. And then I suppose it was that he brought the Ostrogoths over the Danube & set Valamir Theodemir & Videmir captains over them, for so the 12 year of Valamir & end of the year 455 will agree.

After Attila's death his Sons quarrelling about sharing his dominions, gave occasion to the Gepides, Ostrogoths & other subjected nations to rebel & make war upon them, & thereupon the Huns were by degrees opprest & ejected the limits of the Empire, capite Denficis filij Attilæ anno 469 (Zenone et Marciano Coss: ut refert Marcellinus) Constantinopolim delato. Yet were they not all ejected. ffor besides their reliques in Pannonia Sigonius (De Occ. Imp. ad Ann 454) mentions that the Emperors Marcian & Valentinian, when they granted Pannonia to the Goths, granted some part of Illyricum to some of the Huns & Sarmatans, & in the year 526 when the Lombards removing into Pannonia made war there upon the Gepides, the Avares (a part of the Huns who had now taken the name of Avares from one of their kings) assisted the Lombards in that war, & the Lombards afterwards when they went into Italy left their seats in Pannonia to the Avares in recompense of their friendship. And from this time the Huns grew again very powerful their Kings (whom they called Chagan) troubling the empire very much in the reign of Mauritius Phocas & Heraclius. And this is the original of the <68r> Kingdom of Hungary, which a[321] from these Avares & other Huns mixed together took the name of Hun-Avaria & by contraction Hungary.

10. These nine kingdoms being rent away, it remains that we account the residue of the Empire for the tenth. While it continued intire it was not a horn but the Beast himself, but now being but one of the ten parts whereof the Beast consists, it's as truly a horn as any of the rest, . This horn I date from the translation of the Imperial seat from Rome to Ravenna a[322] which was in October A.C 408, for then the Emperor Honorius fearing Alaric would besiege him in Rome if he stayed there retired to Millain & thence to Ravenna & the ensuing siege & sacking of Rome confirmed his residence there so that he & his successors ever after made it their home. The Empire indeed as it was a common wealth governed by a Senate & Consuls still retained Rome it's seat for a time: but as it was a monarchy or kingdom (the condition of a horn) Rome was excluded from it while the Goths reigned in Italy becoming then a part of their dition: & though the Emperor recovered it again, yet his dominion was by these changes so far entaild upon Ravenna that when Rome lost her Senate too she became a servant to Ravenna & paid tribute to her[323] & even while Rome flourished Valentinian the successor of Honorius, according to the ancient rule that the dignity of Bishops should follow that of the seats of temporal dominions granted the Bishop of Ravenna superiority over the Bishop of Rome, < insertion from inline > as is easy to be perceived by the defects in this letter of Valentinian to Iohn then Bishop of Ravenna, which looks suspicious as if raised by the Romanists. Proinde Imperiali autoritate sancimus sanctitatem tuam & sanctam tuam Ravennatem Ecclesiam atque universos postea Deo — — — — — — præsules Archieratica dignitate evectam, Metropolitæ decore sublimandam seu Archiepiscopali fastigio — — — — — — præponendam. Hoc privilegium inquit quidam (quo certo Ioanni jus <69v> pallij concessit) {timuit} Simplicius PP ad Ioannem Ravinnatem scribens. Privilegium meretur amittere qui permissa sibi ab utiter potestate. Nec aliter verisimile est fecisse Valentinianum, cùm ipse, ut scribit Machiavellus in Historia Florentina, relicta urbe Roma Ravennam transtulerit Imperij sedem. that is indowed it with imperial privileges after Honorius had began to reside there.

< text from f 68r resumes >

At Ravenna the Romans reigned about 68 years, & then followed the Heruli, Ostrogoths & Enarchs: in all which I suppose this horn propagated, they being accounted successors & administrators of the western empire so long as it lasted.

These are the ten kingdoms into which the western Empire was rent at it's first breaking, all which received power as kings over some part or other of the Empire in the years 407 & 408 if not in one & the same year 408. Yet because the hower in which they were to receive that power extends to the end of the year 409, three of those kings (the Vandalic Suevian & Alan fixed no where till their invasion of Spain which was toward the end of that year: & therefore if you will you may with Isidorus & others date those kingdoms from that time. Of these 10 Kingdoms I see not which can be excepted, for they were all at some time or other very potent & the shortest of above 110 years conti <69r> is this double recompense that while it stood it was more potent then the Vandalic & Suevian kingdoms, ijsque ut loquitur Isodorus potentebatur, & that when it fell the people were not dissipated but kept their seats there as the name thereof Catalaunia derived from them still testifies & consequently they remained still a horn: ffor having been once a horn they are to be accounted one so long as the people endure, notwithstanding that their dominion be taken away; as is plain out of Daniel's vision of the Ram & Goat where the Ram is represented with both his horns on till the Goat brake 'em, & yet the dominion of the first horn was taken away by the second above 200 years before.

The shortness of this kingdom made me, before I fully observed the difference between this & the other Alan kingdom, look about for another kingdom if I could have found one but I could find no other then the ten above mentioned. There were indeed some other Barbarians that invaded the Empire together with these, as the Saxons Gepides Marcomanni Quadi &c. But those formed no kingdoms of their own but mixed with the people of these, every king having a colluvies of other neighbouring nations mixed with his own. The a[324] Burgundians had Saxons joyned with them. The b[325] Gepidæ joyned with the Alans under Resplendial, & the Heruli were a kin both to the Gepides & the Vandals. The c[326] Marcomanni & Quadi were Suevian nations joyned under Ermaneric, & the d[327] Suevians were one sort of the Alemans

< insertion from between the lines >

The Tyrants Maximus, Iovinus & Heraclinus I reccon not because they sought not to set up any new kingdom distinct from the Empire, but only to succeed Hono{r}ius therein: & be{cause} their reign was ve{ry} short be{ing} but of one or two years continuance, & {when} they fell they left no footsteps of {their} kingdom as did {the} Alans in Spain. {Nor} should I reccon {illeg}

< text from f 69r resumes >

<70r>

The Alemans & Suevians which remained in Germany began their conquests of Rhetia but in the reign of Maximus which was almost 50 years after the rise of the horns. Alemanni, saith f[328] Rhenanus, Ætio mortuo transgressi Rhenum Germaniam primam invadunt & Rhætiam g[329] ante sæpe tentatam nunc tandem sibi vendicant. To the same purpose speake Aventinus in Annal. Boi. & Sigonius de Occ. Imp. Sidonius[330] who wrote at that very time, speaking of what was done newly before the reign of Majoranus, amongst other things reccons this invasion.

— Conscenderat Alpes

Rhætorumque jugo per longa silentia ductus

Romano exierat populato trux Alemannus.

Perque caui quondam dictos de nomine campos

In prædam centum novies dimiserat hostes.

Lazius gives us this further information of it.[331] Suevos inquit et Alemannos (utpote eandem gentem) eodem tempore rerum politos esse in Rhætiâ primâ ex historia Severini advertitur Eugippo quodam authore, Iustiniano imperante scripta: utpote quæ Gibolphum ac Chunimundum Alemannorum unum & alterum Suevorum regem in Vindeliciam usque Bataviam Oenumque flumen, denique ad Pannoniæ limites usque excursionem non semel fecisse, occupatis etiam Tiberinis et Batavis castris ipsaque Romana colonia Laureaco. And this also agrees to the times following the death of Ætius: for upon this ensued the wars between the Sueves & Ostrogoths in which Hunnimund slew Wallimir (Iornandes in Get.)[332] which action Sigebert refers to the year 461, Sigonius to the year 471: but by what Aventinus writes of them, Gibolphus (which he calls Gibuldus) & Hunnimund were both alive A.C. 476.

Before all this there was, as you heard, an army sent into Gallia by the Alemans to the assistance of Constantine A.C. 411. But I <71r> suppose after their defeat by Constantius they went home again without doing any thing or els were dissipated or mixed with other kingdoms, for after that I find no mention of them nor of any thing further the Alemannic kingdom had to do with the Empire till the afforesaid invasion which followed the death of Ætius. But suppose that army had then added somthing of the Empire to their kingdom, yet that could not make it a horn because not a new-founded kingdom: for this kingdom of Alemannia was then of 150 years standing at least, whereas the horns were to be such kingdoms whose kings in the time of the sixt head or seale had not received their kingdoms but were to receive power as kings the same hower with the beast.

The Ostrogoths at first lived beyond the Danube & there became subject to the Huns. Great numbers of them came over into the Eastern Empire in the wars of Gaina & Tribigildus, but the main body was together with the Gepides & other nations brought over by Attila in his above mentioned great expedition. At first the Huns permitted them a[333] kings of their own, Winitharius, Hunimund, & Thorismund; but after the death of Thorismund they were a[334] without kings 40 years. Then a[335] reigned Walimir with his brothers, whose 12t yeare we shewed to fall in with the reign of Avitus; & therefore their kingdom began not within the empire till the year 444 or rather not then because they were subjects to the Huns till after the death of Attila, which was 45 years after the breaking of the Empire into the first horns.

The Heruli which invaded Italy came into the Empire but at the fall of the western Cæsars A.C 476, being then invited out of Germany by a party of Italians. In these & the Ostrogoths, since the Imperial seat, dition, & authority devolved upon them at the fall of the Cæsars, I reccon the 10th horn continued.

The Longobardic kingdom was founded without the Empire in the middst of Germany; & from thence they came over the Danube into Pannonia but in the beginning of Iustinian's reign as Paulus Diaconus & Procopius[336] a writer of that age teach

These I think are all the kingdoms that can be suspected, & therefore since none of these can come in competition with the ten it is manifest that the Empire at its first breaking was rent into ten <72r> {illeg} more {illeg}

Now this is so plain {illeg}sting of, that the ancients, though {illeg} their discourses about the Apocalyps yet in their {exposition} of these ten kingdoms they all agreed: so plain was the prophesy in this point. De novissimo tempore, saith Irenæus,[337] & de his quæ sunt in eo decem regibus in quos dividetur quod nunc regnat Imperium, significavit Iohannes Domini discipulus in Apocalypsi, edisserens quæ fuerint decem cornua quæ Daniele visa sunt; dicens decem cornua quæ vidisti decem reges sunt. And a little after: Dividi regnum oportet in decem, & propterea — Daniel finem quarti regni digitos ait pedum esse imaginis — in quos venit lapis sine manibus præcisus. < insertion from above the line > And again decem digiti pedum sunt decem reges in quibus dividetur regnum: ex quibus quidam fortes & agiles sive efficaces; alij autem pigri et inutiles erunt, &c. <71v> Origenes[338] decem cornua Draconis in Apocalypsi vocat regna serpentinæ malitiæ < text from f 72r resumes > So Tertullian:[339] Tantum qui nunc tenet, teneat donec de medio fit. Quis? nisi Romanus status cujus abscessio in decem reges dispersa Antichristum superinducet. To the same purpose writes Lactantius,[340] though he with other ancients supposing the reign of Antichrist to be but three naturall years & a half, puts the ten kingdoms at the very end of the world. Also Gregory Nazianzen:[341] Equidem vereor, inquit, ne præsens rerum status ignis illius in expectatione positi fumus quidam sit: ne his [dissidijs] Antichristus superveniat, ac nostros lapsus & morbos in principatûs sui occasionem arripiat — verum regnum in seipsum prius dividi oportet. Ierom also,[342] who with the rest interprets the Beast of the Roman Empire: Moris est, ait, ut semper cornua pro regnis ponantur. Nam et in Daniele decem cornua decem regna demonstrant. Symbol (dot in a square with a circle to the right) in text < insertion from f 71v > Symbol (dot in a square with a circle to the right) in text And in his comment on Dan 7 disputing against Porphyrius concerning the Beasts ten horns, he concludes: Ergo dicamus quod omnes scriptores et Ecclesiastici tradidêrunt: in consummatione mundi, quando Regnum destruendum est Romanorum, decem futuros reges qui orbem Romanum inter se dividant, & undecimum surrecturum esse regem parvulum qui tres reges de decem regibus superaturus sit, hominem peccati, fillium peridtionis, Antichristum Sic et Author libri de consummatione mundi qui Hippolyto Martyri tribuitur, decem cornua de decem regibus intelligit. < text from f 72r resumes > And D. Austin[343] though he doubt whether the ten be to be taken for any certain number of Kingdoms: yet he delivers his suspicion in such a manner as shows the thing he doubted to have been the general doctrine of the church. Vereor, inquit, ne in decem regibus — fallamur, atque ita Antichristus inopinatus adveniat non existentibus tot regibus in orbe Romano. Quid enim si numero isto denario universitas Regum significata est? To these I shall add one more testimony because it expresses the proportion of these horns to one another. Daniel quartam Bestiam Romanorum Regnum vocat, — et per cornua decem significat fore ut circiter regni finem decem simul exurgant Reges quorum alij potentes erunt, alij admodum imbecilles: hoc enim in Imaginis quoque somni docuit, namque illic digiti pedum decem erant quorum pars erat ferrea pars fictilis. — Cornu autem parvum Antichristum innuit qui inter decem cornua <73r> exoritur. Theodoret. in Dan. 7.

Thus you see the division of the Roman Empire into ten Kingdoms at its breaking was the general expectation of the ancient Christians, & yet because these ten Kingdoms were to usher in Antichrist, & Antichrist was to seduce all unsincere Christians, God so ordered it that the world should not be aware of these Kingdoms when they came. they looking for a dissolution of the whole Empire to constitute these horns & not suspected Barbarian kingdoms upon Roman foundations nor esteeming the western empire dissolved so long as there remained the face of an Emperor though he was but one of the tenn.

<74r>

Posit.
The Ecclesiasticall hierarchy of the triunitarian Church commencing after the death of Constantius &, headed by the Bishops of Rome & Alexandria, was the two horned Beast.

The fate of the Empire expounded in the former Positions leads me to the fate of the Church, & the limitation of one conduces much to the limitation of the other. ffor seeing the ten horned Beast rose out of the sea but at the death of Constantine, & is called the first Beast, this must rise out of the earth after that time, & {that} not long after because they are conjoyned {illeg} actions, this Beast making the power of {illeg} & causing the earth to worship him & {illeg} Image to him which Image being made {illeg} first Trumpet (as we shewed in Posit    ) {illeg} before Theodosius's death, we are to seek {illeg} of this Beast between the deaths of {illeg} two Emperors, & so are infallibly directed to the Hierarchical Apostacy of the Trinitarians that being the only universal & lasting Ecclesiastical state set up within that compass of {illeg} or indeed at any time between the Apostolic days & this present day. And therefore I hope those who have minds disposed to consider when the {illeg} <75> punctually fulfilled in this Hierarchy will take the interpretation into deep consideration. I shall therefore run over the particulars in order as they are set down in the latter part of the 13th chapter, & first I shall shew you why this Hierarchy at it's first rise was represented by a Beast with two horns like the Lamb.

Of the Beast's rise out of the earth with two horns.

During the reign of the Heathen Emperors the state of the Clergy was but low & Bishopricks but poor & contemptible: but when the Empire became Christian the Clergy (chiefly by the beneficence of Constantine) became soon exalted in honours privileges & riches: which made Bishopricks the objects of ambitious men who being once got in would not stick at any meanes to inlarge their autority {illeg} those of greater Cities over the less. but {illeg} was this ambition so notorious as in the {illeg} Rome & Alexandria, the pretence of pro{illeg} their religion giving great opportunities {illeg}ting their authority. Yet the Bishop of Alexandria had the foundation of his greatnes laid long before this time: the history of which is as follows.

At first there was only a Patriarch with twelve Presbyters constituted in Alexandria by Mark the Evangelist, with this rule that when the Patriarch died the twelve Presbyters should elect one of them selves in his stead, & the other eleven should lay their hands on him & consecrate him Patriarch. This Patriarch was the only Bishop in all the Provin <76r> ces of Egypt for about 200 years after our Saviors death. But then Demetrius Patriarch of Alexandria made three Bishops in Egypt & his successor Heraclas (who was made Patriarch about two years before Anterus was Bishop of Rome, that is, in the reign of Maximinus A.C. 234) increased their number to 20 more. These two were the first Patriarchs of Alexandria which created Bishops in Egypt. And till this time the people used to call the Patriarch Abba or ffather, but now calling those other Bishops Abba they began to call the Patriarch Papa which signifies Grandfather, as being the father of those they called ffathers. About 80 years after this, Alexander Patriarch of Alexandria, he who fell out with Arius, aspiring still higher, brake that rule of the Patrarch's being elected & ordained by the 12 Presbyters, & instituted that the Bishops round about should meet {illeg} & elect him, & that not only out of the 12 Presbyters {illeg} had been done hitherto but out of any region {illeg} where they found a fit person. All this is recorded {illeg} by Eutychius Patriarch of Alex{andria in} his Annals written A.C. 937. < insertion from inline > Alexandria verò non erat Ægypti solùm verum etiam Thebaidis ac Libyæ quæ Æypto finitima est, Metropolis. Theod. l. 1 c. 2. {Epulanum} alias addit regiones mox, inquit, obtinet ut Alexandriæ Episcopus totius Ægypti & Thalaidis Mareotæ ac Libyæ Ammoriacæque & Mareotidis ac Rutapol{illeg} Ecclesiastici {illeg} habeat {illeg}tiones: {illeg} <76v> Hæresi 68. Erant autem in his decem Metropolitani qui parebant Alexandrino ut constat ex a[344] Epistola Theodosij Iunioris ad Diodorum. Baron an 325. § 127. Totum vero dicebatur Ægyptiaca diæcesis vel latè Ægyptus: eaque limitem cæpit ab Augustanica Præfectura coæquali cujus caput erat Alexandria. Ob ditionis hujus amplitudinem 🅇 quâ — [vers. pag] < insertion from f 77v > 🅇 quâ Episcopus se reliquis Orientis Episcopis nimium prætulit tandem (ut dicetur) authoritatem in illorum sedes exercuit, Nazianzenus de creatione Athanasij verba faciens, rem ita exprimit: Athanasius Alexandrino populo, quod idem est ac si dicerem universo terrarum orbi præficitur. Orat 21 de laud. Athanas.

< text from f 76v resumes >

Thus the Churches of Egypt — < text from f 76r resumes > {Thus} the Churches of Egypt grew betimes to an Ecclesiastical Monarchy. And now Monkery beginning to spring up in Egypt Athanasius first of all created Bishops out of the Monks. Of these he made a great number & so turned the Churches of Egypt into a faction of the Monks for his defence against the Easter Bishops. But then he being thrown out by Constantine, & kept out almost all Constantius's & Iulian's reign, this faction was bro <77r> ken for a time & Egypt reduced to unity with the Church.

This was the authority of the Bishop of Rome in the west: the greatnes of which made him betimes aspire to the universal Bprick. The first memorable attempt of this kind — — — — — that I read of was {illeg} years after the death of Constantine. Then {illeg} Bishop of Rome upon Athanasius's appealing to him [345] from the sentence of the Eastern Bishops, tooke upon him to summon the eastern Bishops to a Counsel at Rome. But they disdaining this arrogance sent him word back: Se indigno animo ferre se Romam esse citatos, siquidem omnium Episcoporum par et idem esset honor & authoritas &c. Yet a while after , to justify the irregular proceedings of these two great Bishops, the one's appeal from the eastern Bishops to the other & the other's challenging such appeals to be made to him: the western & Egyptian {Bishops in the} Concel of Serdica, decreed that appeals {might be} made from all the world to the Bishop of Rome. This I say was his first step to the universal Bishoprick but yet at this time it succeeded not; for Constantius soon after conquering the west, humbled him, & brake the western as well as the Egyptian faction for a time, reducing the whole church to unity by the subscription of all the western Bishops in the Counsel of Ariminum to the rejection of the new word consubstantial.

Thus were the seeds of the Beast sown by these two great Bishops, & as it were, lay buried in the earth till after the reign of Constantius & Iulian, & then <78r> his two horns began to spring up after the following manner.

Iulianus Imperium adeptus omnibus a Constantio in exilium missis, non reditum ad suas ecclesias, sed in patriam cuique suam concessit (Iulian. Ep    ) Dein anno ejus secundo (A.C. 362) perlato nuncio indicante Artemium ducem Ægypti a Iuliano capite multatum: plebs omnis Georgium Alexandriæ Episcopum petit & crudeliter occidit, Gentiles quod religionem Gentilem regnante Constantio acriùs insectasset (Ammian. l. 22) et Homoüsiani (Greg. Naz. Orat. 21. Socr. l. 3. c. 3 Eutychij Annal. ob causam quàm nemo non conjecerit. Tunc Athanasius mox in Alexandriam redit (Greg. Naz. Orat 21. allijque) & ab exilio relaxatos numero paucos in conciliabulum quoddam convocans; (Ruffin l 1. c 28) consulunt de fide & de modo restituendi partes lapsas. Et constitutum est ut exceptis authoribus hæreseos quos error excusare non poterat, [verba sunt Hieronymi] pænitentes ecclesiæ sociarentur: non quod Episcopi possint esse qui hæretici fuerant, sed quod constaret eos qui reciperentur hæreticos non fuisse. Assensus est huic sententiæ Occidens, & per tam necessarium consilium Satanæ faucibus ereptus est mundus. Hieronymus adv. Lucif. Hoc est ex mente Hieronymi statuerunt ut omnes qui cum jurejurando subscripserant contra usum vocis ὀμοουσίου, & isto pacto in communionem cum Ecclesia universa redierant, si denuò ad veteres partes reverterentur, eorum communio cum adversa parte non pro communione, & fides data non pro fide data et jusjurandum non pro jurejurando haberetur; nequis diceret eos hæreticos quondam fuisse et ideo jam non amplius episcopos esse posse. Sic itaque Homoüsiani primùm cæperunt <79r> absolvere homines a juramentis, vel potius (quod magis ostendit perfrictam frontem hujus Conventiculi) naturam rerum præteritarum mutare: idque solo hoc prætextu quod Episcopi isti per dolosam persuasionem calidorum hominum decepti fuerant non claro intellectu inducti ad subscribendum. Quasi verò non sint peccata in quæ per fraudem et deceptionem diaboli incidimus: vel quasi Athanasius cum suis hos ipsos Episcopos non prolapsis & hæresi contaminatis ante hoc decretum habuerit & semper habiturus fuisset si modò factionem suam absque horum absolutione restituere potuisset. Videat itaque Lector quanto dolo et quàm iniquis consilijs Ecclesia perijt, et an hi deinceps Episcopi fuerant qui non nisi his conditionibus gradum suum servare possent.

Cæterùm dum hæc aguntur Iulianus de reditu Athanasij in Epsicopatum admonitus eum hoc edicto ante Kal. Decemb. anni 362 ejecit. Æquum erat eum qui regijs et Imperatorijs edictis compluribus ejectus fuerat, unum saltem edictum regium expectare ac tum denique domum suam redire: non autem singulari audacia atque amentia fretum legibus tan quam omninò extinctis ac perditis illudere. Etenim nunc quoque nos Galilæis a Constantio ejectis non reditum ad suas Ecclesias sed in patriam cuique suam concessimus. Audio Athanasium hominem audacissimum solita audacia elatum, epsicopatus sedem iterum usurpare; id verò non mediocriter Alexandrino populo displicere. Quare eum jubemus urbe excedere &c. ffugit itaque Athanasius, sed proxima æstate, statim post Iuliani obitum Ecclesiam iterum capessit <80r> et non multò post acceptis novi Imperatoris literis eum in sede confirmantibus, majorem fiduciam adeptus omnique metu liberatus est. Socr. l. 3. c. 24.

Quali jam Imperio Ecclesiastico cæpit Athanasius regnare, conjici potest conferendo mores ejus a Constantino Magno Ammiano alijsque notatos cum statu monarchico Patriarchatûs Alexandrini supra descripto. Constantinus enim in Epistola ad Alexandrinos Athanasium vocat seditiosum contumeliosum, arrogantem, dissidij atque seditionis authorem. Sozom l. 2. c. 29. Constantius in hos ejus mores sæpe et vehementer invehitur. Idem fecit Iulianus ut modo audivistis. Apud Ammianum verò lib 15 hæc leguntur. Athanasium Episcopum eo tempore [sc. sub Constantio] apud Alexandriam ultra professionem altiùs se efferentem sciscitarique conatum externa, ut prodidere rumores assidui, Synodus removit a Sacramento quod obtinebat, &c His consentanea sunt quæ etiam Theodoretus sic refert. Eusebius Theognis et Theodorus frequenter in Imperatoris [Constantij] conspectum venientes, reditum Athanasij ab exilio multorum malorum causam extitisse dixere, & non Ægyptum solum verùm etiam Palæstinam & alias finitimas gentes turbulentis eorum fluctibus graviter agitari. Theod l. 2. c. 2. Si hæc sub Constantio facta sunt, quid jam non fecerit Tyrannus hicce Ecclesiasticus sub Imperatoris Ioviano ipsi favente et Valente aliquamdiu religiones omnes tolerante. Saltem Dominatûs vim colligite ex Greg. Nazianzeno ejus contemporaneo et fautore, qui de novissima haece ejus in Cathedram resti <81r> tutione sic loquitur. Athanasius post cædem Georgij rediens — prolapsam fidei doctrinam erigit, ac liberè rursus trinitas prædicatur — leges etiam rursus orbi terrarum præscribit, atque omnium oculos ad se convertit. Gr. Nazianz. Orat. 21. Hoc denique ex eo colligite quod ipse cum suis episcopos in exteris regionibus ordinaverit. Nam in prædicto Conciliabulo Alexandrino creatus est Meletius Episcopus Antiochiæ Metropoleos Orientis sede ista non vacante, ita ut duo simul Episcopi in una Vrbe præter tertium a Lucifero eodem tempore creatum extarent. (Socr l. 3. c. 7 Ruffin l. 1. c. 30.) Et similia in alijs urbibus patrata ansam dedere nimiæ sed justæ forsan Valentis Imp. severitati subsecutæ. Nam licèt propriam religionem per violentiam propagare aut alienam invadere et expugnare nefas sit: tamen propriæ religionis leges constitutiones & privilegia contra violenti et ineffrenati invasoris impetum defendere nemo persecutionem dixerit. Zizanias seminatas non licet eradicare ne fortè triticum simul eradicemus, sed seminantem prohibere servator non interdixit.

Dum prædicta geruntur in Ægypto, Decreta præfati Conciliabuli Alexandrini in occidentem delata sunt, et Liberius ea omnia amplexus iterum ab Ecclesia defici & pro authoritate, qua pollebat magnam partem occidentalium Episcoporum secum in schisma trahit; spreto et anathemate jam damnato Consilio Ariminensi in quod omnes non ita pridem juraverant. < insertion from f 80v > ✝ Proculdubio graviter ferebat turgentem illam et ultra modum invalescentem authoritatem sedis ejus a Concilio Ariminensi nuper spretam et compressam fuisse, veteremque statum ambiebat. Sed undecunque permotus hæc molitus fuerit, certè *[346] Baronius eum rectè statuit primum Occidentalium defecisse & authoritate sua coeteris causam defectionis extitisse. Extat enim — < text from f 81r resumes > Extat sanè in ffragmentis Hilarij lib. 1, Epistola Liberij ad Episcopos Italiæ quâ decretum præfati conciliabuli de revocandis lapsis Episcopis quasi omnium Ægyptiorum & Achivorum senten <82> tiam promulgans, ejus virtute hoc novum schisma facere primus omnium aggreditur. Epistola illa sic incipit.[347] Imperitiæ culpam obliterat rescipiscens. &c — Deinde mentione facta eorum qui ab alijs persuasi et inducti fuerant ad assentiendum Consilio Ariminensi, sic pergit cùm Ægyptij omnes & Achivi [intelligit Conciliabulum istud] sententiam receperint multis parcendum quidem his de quibus supra tratavimus: authores verò esse damnandos qui obliqua & maligna subtilitate & caligine offenderunt innocentium sensus per quæ velamen obducerent veritati, tenebras lucem et lucem tenebras venditantes. Igitur siquis ignorationis captum *resipiscens illud virus in se pestiferum Ariani dogmatis fuerat expertus, reparatus exhauriat, condemnet, vehementiusque in auctores ejus insæviat quos in se violentos expertus est, totumque se fidei Apostolicæ & Catholicæ usque ad Nicænæ Synodi conventum de integro mancipet. Per quam professionem, etiamsi quibusdam leve et remissum videatur, recuperet id quod per astutiam rectiatis amiserat. Verùm si aliquis tam stolidæ mentis (quod haud credo) fuerit inventus quo non solùm nolit converti &c, — Ecclesiæ Catholicæ spiritali vigore plectetur.

Hujusmodi literarum adminiculo, et ope Hilarij et Eusebij Vercellensis (quorum posterior Conciliabulo isto Alexandrino interfuerat, ambo verò jam regiones Occidentis peragrabant Buccinam canentes ad defectionem) res tam mirâ celeritate successit ut post unum et alterum annum viz. An. 365, Liberius sic scripserit ad Homoüsia nos quosdam in Oriente congregatos. Quanquam nequam et scelerati Ariani effecere ut omnes Episcopi Occidentis Arimini in unum cogerentur, quo ibi vel persuasione vel (ut veriùs dicam) Imperatoris auctoritate, illud quod erat ad summam cautionem in fidei formula positum, aut tollerent, aut perversè inficiarentur: nihil hâc fraudulenta molitione omninò proficerunt. Nam omnes illi ferè Episcopi qui Arimini conve <83r> nerant quique vel fallacibus inescati illecebris vel vi compulsi a fide tum quidem desciverant: nunc tamen ad sanam mentem reversi, fidei formulæ ab Episcopis Arimini convocatis editæ anathema denunciarunt, & fidei Catholicæ & Apostolicæ Niceæ confirmatæ subscripserunt, & nobiscum jam communicant: Omnes illi, inquam, imo præsentia maximo iracundiæ æstu contra dogma Arij ejusque discipulos exardescunt. Quam rem vestræ charitatis Legati cùm exploratàcognitam planeque perspectam haberent, suæ ipsorum subscriptioni vestra etiam nomina adjunxêre. Ario autem et decretis Arimini contra fidem Nicææ stabilitam sancitis (quibus item vos per versutas blanditias in fraudem inducti cum jurejurando adhibito subscripsistis) anathema edixere. Apud Socr. l. 4 c. 11 & Baron a. 365. 13.

Sic maxima pars Occidentis quasi uno impetu in Schisma ruit; & Liberio jam moriente, successor ejus Damasus ultra progreditur: nam Convocatis Consilijs principes alterius partis anathemate percussos ejici fecit. In Gallijs quidem resistentes, Saturninus Episcopus Arelatensis & Paternus a Petrogoricis Sacerdotio pelluntur, cæteris veniâ datâ. Sulpit. l. 2. Hæc facta sunt per Concilium in Gallijs procurante Hilario collectum, deinde alij in alijs regionibus similiter pelluntur, de quibus Athanasius cum 90 Episcopis in concilium (ni fallor Alexandriæ) collectis, sic scripsere ad Africanos: Sufficiunt scripta Damasi et Episcoporum Romæ collectorum, & aliorum conciliorum quæ partim in Gallia partim in Italia habita sunt &c — — — Interim [pergunt] non soli <84r> sumus qui ista scribimus, sed omnes in Ægypto & Libya Episcopi nonaginta numero. — Scripsimus dilecto Damaso Episcopo magnæ Romæ contra Auxentium, — miramurque cur nondum depositus ejectusque sit ex Ecclesia. Gratian habemus & illius pietati & cæteris qui Romæ convenerunt, quod Vrsacio & Valente cum socijs suis ejectis concordiam Catholicæ Ecclesiæ conservarint. Athanas. ad Episc. Afr. Consilium hocce Romæ collectum constitit etiam 90 Episcopis (Theod l. 2. c. 22) et inter initium Damasi & obitum Hilarij existens incidit in an. 368 circiter. Eodem tempore collectum est concillium in Illyrico cui Legati Damasi pro more cum instructionibus interfuerunt. Et pro hoc saltem consilio confirmando obtinuerunt Edictum Imperatorium, quo simul corroboratum est Consilium illud Romæ convocatum, et alterum non multò ante collectum in Gallia (Theod l 4 c. 7, 8, 9 Baron a. 365. 17, 18, 21. Et hujus Edicti vi effectum esse credo ut Vrsacius et Valens cum socijs ejicerentur. Auxentius etiam simul cum cæteris damnatus fuit, ut testatur Athanasius. Diversis, inquit, Concilijs per Galliam et Hispanias & Romæ celebratis omnes qui eo conventu fuere, Auxentium Mediolanensem Vrsatium et Caium Pannonem communi calculo Anathemate percutiunt, eo quod isti sibi nomina vindicaverint Consiliorum cùm nulla sit in Catholica Ecclesia Synodus existimanda præter unicam Nicænam. Athanas. ad Epictetum Episc. Corinth.

Cæterum dum Homousiani Auxentium post hæc anathemata conati sunt ejicere, Auxentius sic scribit adImperatores Valentiniano et Valenti: Ego <85r> quidem pijssimi Imperatores existimo non oportere sex centorum Episcoporum unitatem post tantos labores, ex contentione paucorum hominum refricari, abjectis decretis ante annos decem sicut & scripta manifestant. Sed etsi aliqui e plebe qui nunquam communicaverant neque his qui ante me fuerunt Epsicopis, nunc ampliùs excitati ab Hilario et Eusebio, perturbantes quosdam, hæreticum me vocaverunt — & non habent personam accusatorum aut judicant qui sémel depositi sunt, dico autem Hilarium & qui ei consentiunt: Tamen obediens serenitati vestræ processi manifestare falsa docentibus & blasphementibus et vocantibus me Arianum, et quasi non confitentem Christum filium Dei Deum esse, &c.[348] — Vt autem pietas vestra veriùs cognosceret ea quæ gesta sunt in Consilio Ariminensi, transmisi; & peto ut ea libenter legi præcipiatis: sic enim cognoscet serenitas vestra quia jamdudum damnati, depositi, hoc est Hilarius & Eusebius, contendunt ubique Schismata facere. Apud Hilar. contra Auxentium, & Baron a 369. 15. Imperator itaque Valentinianus intellectis demum ijs quæ apud Arminum gesta sunt, communicat cum Auxentio et Hilarium ut calumniatorem jubet ex urbe Mediolanensi discedere (Hilar. ib.) Hoc pacto Auxentius restitit Homoüsianis & plures Italiæ et Illyrici Episcopos in fide conservavit. Sed post ejus obitum, qui contigit A.C. 374, Mediolani Ambrosio Episcopo constituto, omnis ad Homoüsianam fidem Italia convertitur. (Hieron. Chron. & Baron a. 374. 1.) Et sic cecidit Occidentalis Ecclesia.

Interea Athanasius cum suis non minùs grassatus est in Ægypto et Libya, adversæ partis Antistites non legitima Imperatorum authoritate sed vi propria Ecclesijs pellens. Attamen anno 370, ubi Valens Imp. singulis cujusque gentis magistratibus dederat mandatum ut Episcopi temporibus Constantij abdicati & regnante Iuliano relaxati, Ecclesijs expellerentur: Athanasius

< insertion from f 76v >

Quemadmodum vero Evangelij propagatio ab Alexandria & ejus urbis dominio temporalis ipsam constituit regionum circumjacentium metropolim, sic multò magis contigit Romæ. Concilium Nicænum in 6to Canone definit: Quod Ecclesia Romana semper habuit Primatum: tenuit autem et Ægyptus ut Episcopus Alexandriæ omnium habeat potestatem; quoniam et Romano Episcopo hæc est consuetudo. Canonis hujus mens esse videtur j Quod Episcopus Romanus semper habuit Primatum istum quo eo tempore fungebatur in Occidente, i.e. dominium Ecclesiasticum in Provincias eo tempore sibi subjectas. 2 quod et in Ægypto Episcopus Alexandrinus omnium obtinuit potestatem, argumento ducto ab Episcopo Romano qui perinde dominabatur in Occidente. Ruffinus hunc Canonem sic interpretatus est:[349] Vt apud Alexandriam et in urbe Roma vetusta consuetudo servetur, ut et ille Ægypti, ut hic suburbicariarum Ecclesiarum solicitudinem gerat. Et Baronius (an 325. § 135) ex edictis Imperatorijs docet in his Ecclesijs suburbicarijs pl{illeg} contineri provincias tam in Italia quam etiam extra Italiam {illeg} Magnitudo autem hujus Diœceseos et Episcopi Romani auctoritas ex Edicto Imperator{illeg} et Valentiniani (apud Baronium an 381 § 6) con{illeg} ubi hæc habentur. — Volumus ut quicunque judicio {illeg} cum consilio quinque vel septem habuerit Episcoporum {illeg} qui Catholici sunt judicio vel consilio condemnatus fu{illeg} voluerit Ecclesiam retentare, ut qui evocatus ad sace{illeg} non ivisset: ut ab illustribus viris Præfectis Prætorio Gall{illeg}que I{illeg} auctoritate adhibita, ad Episcopale judicium remittatur. sive a Proconsulibus vel Vicarijs ut ad Vrbem Romam sub prosecutione perveniat: aut si in longinquioribus partibus alicujus ferocitas talis emerserit, omnis ejus causæ edictio ad Metropolitæ in eadem Provincia Episcopi deduceretur examen: vel si ipse Metropolitanus est, Romam necessario, vel ad eos quos Romanus Episcopus judices dederit sine dilatione contendat. — Quod si vel Metropolitani Episcopi vel cujus cunque sacerdotis iniquitas est suspecta, aut gratia; ad Romanum Episcopum vel ad Concilium quindecim finitimorum Episcoporum accersitum liceat provocare &c. < insertion from f 77v > Huc spectat quod Innocentius I ad Victricium apud G{illeg} tomagensem Episcopum scripsit c. 3. Siquæ autem causa {illeg} tensiones inter Clericos tam superioris ordinis, quàm {illeg}{inferioris} fuerint exortæ; ut secundum Synodum {Nicænum} congregatis ejusdem Provinciæ Episcopis jurgium termin{illeg} & alicui liceat (sine præjudicio tamen Rom. Ecclesiæ, cui debet omnibus causis Reverentia custodiri,) relictis his sacerdotibus qui in eadem Provincia Dei Ecclesiam nutu divino gubernant, ad alias convolare Provincias. Si autem majores causæ in medio fuerint devolutæ, ad Sedem Apostolicam sicut Synodus statuit, et vetus consuetudo exigit, post judicium Episcopale referantur. Ad hunc locum sic Hincmarus Epist. IX. 12. Beatus quoque Innocentius ad Victricium Rhotomagensem Episcopum duo capitula magni Concilij Nicæni & capitulum Sardicensis Concilij de Episcoporum ad Sedem Apostolicam appellatione uno capitulo sagaciter atque patènte explicat. Hanc præterea authoritatem Pontifici Romani <78v> a Gallicanis Episcopis in causa Maximi, Valentini concessam, docet decretum III Bonifacij I. Eo tempore Zosimus et Bonifacius Pontifices Rom. eandem jurisdictionem in Africanos exercere conabantur, sed frustra, Afris fortiter resistentibus. < text from f 76v resumes > His adjucere possim quod Leonis I ad Anastasium Thessalonicen <77v> sem Epistola 55 in Holstenij collectis edita. Episcopum Thessalonicæ, supremæ sedis Illyrici, Romanæ Sedis ab antiquis temporibus Vicarium assert extat etiam apud Holstenium Synodus Romana sub Bonifacio II, in qua, studente Epiphanio Constantinopolitani {illeg} Larissensis Thessaliæ Provinciæ Metropolitæ ordinatione cognitionem ad se vocare, {illeg} feruntur Damasi, Syricij, Innocentij I, Bonifacij I, Cælestini, Episcoporum Romæ, ad Ascholium, Anysium Rufum, Episcopos Thessalonicenses, literæ, quibus eis causarum per Illyricum existentium curam, datam a Domino et sacris canonibus sedi Apostolicæ, specialiter per Illyricum, ipsis commendant. Eodem spetant Pontt. RR. Innocentij I, Leonis I, Gelasij, Hormisdæ & Gregorij M. Epistolæ quædam decretales. At nihil extat quo tale privilegium ante Damasi Pontificatum affirmetur. Imò privilegium hoc jam tum cæpisse ex eo constat quod Illyricum, antequam Constantius Occidentem vincebat, ad Imperium Orientis pertineret, quodque Leonis I. Epistola XXII Thessalonicenses Episcopos a Syricio primum institutos fuisse Romanæ Sedis per {Illyrianos Vicarios} Symbol (circle containing a cross with the E arm missing) in text testetur.

< text from f 85r resumes >
< insertion from f 20v > < text from f 85r resumes > < insertion from f 32v > <32v>

Vbi Vandali cum Socijs Germaniam primam et Belgiam aliquamdiu vastaverant, pergunt in Aquitaniam, deque Hispanijs invadendis cogitabant sed a montibus Pyrenæis ad tempus cohibiti per Aquitaniam et novempopulaniam diffunduntur. Tandem verò montis aditus ijs patefactus est & Hispanias ingrediuntur 4 Kal Octob A.C. 409, . Nec tamen Gallias deseruere sed multas urbes et munitiones tam Among other mischeifs in Gallijs quam in Hispanijs exhinc capiunt et evertunt, Iamque corpus omnium Galliarum ut loquitur Salvianus, ardere cap{illeg}ent

Constantinus antehac Britannicis vim militarem subduxerat, et ea occasione {arrepta}, hostes Boreales Insulam invadunt. Incolæ primò ad Imperatorem mittunt, petentes auxilia, sed rebus suis consulere jubentem. Quare arma capiunt, cum Barbaris congrediuntur, et civitates suas ab imminenti periculo liberant.

Symbol (circle containing a cross with the E arm missing, and another cross to the left) in text < insertion from f 33r > Symbol (circle containing a cross with the E arm missing, and another cross to the left) in text Interea Franci Salij qui cis Rhenum in Romanis sedibus collocati fuerant, quo regionem suam a barbarorum incursione defenderent, ad arma se recipient & excultiunt Romanum jugum. Vnde bellum ortum est inter eos & vicinus maris accolas qui Arborici, dicebantur et Romanorum erant milites Sed neutra parte cedente deficiunt etiam. Arborici a Romanis & cum ffra{n}cis fœdus ineunt {illeg} &c per subsecutas mutuas nuptias & morum conformitatem ambo tandem in unam gentem fortissimam coalescunt. Finito autem bello illo Franci Trevirim expugnant, quam Vandali, ut creditur est, prius diripuerant: deinde una cum alijs barbaris gentibus suppetias laborant Constantino tyranno Arelatum mittunt contra Constantium.

< text from f 32v resumes > <33v>

3 Reges Alanorum in Hispania erant Resplendial, Ataces & Sambida. Cœpit Resplendial in Gallia A.C. 408, e[350] populumque suum in Hispanias duxit.

< text from f 85r resumes > < insertion from f 41v >

Arcadio et Probo Coss (A.C. 406 finiente) Vandali et Alani Gallias trajecto Rheno prid. Kal. Ian. ingressi. Prosper.

< text from f 85r resumes > < insertion from f 41v > < text from f 85r resumes > < insertion from f 57v >

[353]Vidimus igitur originem Regni hujus ex mente Procopij. Et hanc veram fuisse originem disertè testatur alius quidam Author natione Francus & Procopij coetaneus, in Præfatione quam ✝[354] Legibus Salicis, tunc cùm Franci (ut ipse asserit) nuper ad catholicam fidem fuerant conversi hoc est sub finem regni Clodovæi vel non multò post, præfixit. Ipse autem de Gente ffrancica verba faciens sic concludit: Hæc est enim Gens quæ fortis dum esset et robore valida, Romanorum jugum durissimum de suis cervicibus excussit pugnando, &c.

<58r>

Constat itaque de modo originis regni hujus. De tempore res clarior est. Præcessit casum Constantini quia — Franci inter alios Barbaros ei cadenti succurrerunt, & subinde Gallias vastarunt, adeoque tum ante fuerunt in armis. Precessit etiam rebellionem Celticarum nationum quia causa erat ejus rebellionis narrante Procopio. Nec mirum si Imperij perturbatio Francos populum Imperij novissimum fortissimum veteris libertatis adhuc memorem & Vandalis invadentibus propiores quam Armorichi primos omnium commoveret. Quid itaque si rejiciamus primam gentis hujus commotionem in tempora invasionis Belgiæ per Vandalos? Etenim in proclivi erat Francos {illeg} se ad arma recipere ut regionem suam a Barbarorum incursu defenderent.

< text from f 85r resumes >

[1] a

[2] b

[3] ✝ pedes ad pugnam compositos, pugnaces exercitus ut olim Cyrus. Vrsa Enim pugnat cum pedibus. Et similiter hæc Bestia in Daniele quod reliquum erat pedibus calcare dicitur.

[4] b Athanas. Apolog. Ruffin

[5] c Fulgos l 7. c 3 Sulvitius Severus

[6] d. Theod. 2.16

[7] a Theod. l 5. c 16.

[8] pag    

[9] a Roma capta est 9 Kal. Sept. (Paul: Diac. {illeg}

[10] pag    

[11] a. Roma capta est 9 Kal. Sept (Paul Diac. Sigebert. {illeg} A.C. {illeg} statuant) 410.

[12] b Gormand Get. Sigebert.

[13] c Claud. & Pruden in locis supra citatis pag.    

[14] d Oros l. 7, c 38.

[15] e Oros. Philostorg{ius} Olympiodor.

[16] a Sigebert

[17]

[18] b. In nonnullis editionibus, ponitur Alemannorum, sed in edit. Bladij A.C. 1512 (quæ cæteris, vetustior est) legitur Alanorum Id quod et sensus loci requirit et Authorum testimonium, tradente Sigeberto, Trithemio, Authore Annalium Bonorum, Vasæo, Bacchero, alijsque Resplendialem fuisse Regem Alanorum.

[19] a Moguntiam

[20] b Gundicarij

[21] a Vide Idatium Isidorum, Victorem Procopium, aliosque.

[22] b Procop. Wand.

[23] c Isidor. in calce Regni Wand.

[24] d Vide Idatium, Isidorum, Vasæum, Iohan Biclaxiensim.

[25] e Isidor.

[26] e Isidor.

[27] e Isidor.

[28] e Isidor.

[29] f Vasæus, p 635. Bucher p 436 sect 6.

[30] g Isidor Petavi' Doct. Temp.

[31] h Idatius, Isidor, Vasæus.

[32] l Bucher p 437 & sequ.

[33] m Prosper.

[34] n Bucher p 441

[35] p Prosper, Bucher pag. 441. In vita S. Germini apud Surium (Tom. 3, c 3 Iulij) narratur hæc Eocharici historia, nisi quod Alemanni pro Alanis corruptè seribuntur. Potentia reg < insertion from f 18v > Potentia regni hujus eo regnante exinde colligi potest quod in dicta historia Rex ferocissimus appellatur & subditi ejus gens bellicosissima. < text from f 19r resumes > reg

[36] q Iornand. Get. Sigebert Paul Diac. misc. lib 15

[37] q Iornand. Get. Sigebert Paul Diac. misc. lib 15

[38] r {Iochert}. Sidonius lib 1 epist 15

[39] r Sozom. Sedemus lib 8. epist 15

[40] s Iornandes

[41] z P. Diac. misc {ven} ad Eutrop continuat.

[42] ✝ Marcellin chron Cassiodor Chron.

[43] v Marcellin Chron

[44] x Oros l 7. c 38 Iornand: Get. Hieronymus ad Gerontium. Freculph: chr l 5, c 5. Paul. Diac Misc. l 13.

[45] y Bucher l 14. c 4.

[46] a Prosper. Cassiodor Nota; hic in Prospero legitur [Peretio] pro [per Ætium.]

[47] a Prosper. Cassiodor. Hic in Prospero ubi dicit universe pene gens cum rege Peretio deleto pro Peretio lege [ Per Ætium] nam regi nomen mox erat Gundicarius, ut habet Cassiodorus.

[48] b Prosper

[49] r Greg. Tur: l 2, c 9

[50] c Prosper. Cassiodor. Iornand. Greg: Turonensis. Bucher. Sigebert.

[51] e Greg: Turon. l 2 c 32, 33.

[52] f Bucher p 556.

[53] h Sigebert

[54] k Petav: De Doctr: Temp.

[55] * Savoy

[56] a Bucher p 428 sec 38 p 430 sect 49.

[57] * Colonia Agrippina

[58] b Trithem annal p 62.

[59] y Carion Chron. Gutberlethus Chron. Bucher p 430 sec 49. Pezelius {Malif:} Histor. &c.

[60] c {illeg} Apocalypsin.

[61] d Carion in {illeg} p 296.

[62] e Bucher. Sige{illeg}

[63] f Bucher p 41{illeg} sect 2 & p 424 sect 21.

[64] {illeg}

[65] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[66]{illeg}

[67] a Prosper. Idat. chro

[68] b Baron: ann 42{illeg} §>1, 2.

[69] c Prosper in {Euseb} l {illeg}

[70] d. Prosper in Eus. l 1.

[71] h Bucher p 453.

[72] {k} Bucher optimè p 616 & p 453.

[73] l Prosper

[74] l Felice et Tauro Coss: [i.e. A.C. 428] Pars Galliarum propinqua Rheno, quam Franci possidendam occupaverant ab Ætio comite recepta.

[75] m Greg. Turon. Hist l 2. c 9 excerpta ex Fredegario, & Ivo Carnotensis.

[76] * Somona vel Sumina.

[77] n Salv. de Gub. Dei l 6.

[78] o Sidon. in Avito vers 373.

[79] z Sidon in Majoram

[80] p Greg. Turnon l {illeg} c 38.

[81] q Bucher p 445

[82] * Divodurum in Lotharingia.

[83] * corruptè legitur valitudine

[84] * Arborichus

[85] Procop Vand. l. 1.

[86] Sigon. De Occ. Imp. l 11

[87] a Chron. M.S. in Archivis Trin. Coll. Cantabr. scriptum A.C. 914 circiter.

[88] b Ethelwerdus f 474

[89] c Zos l 6. p 830

[90] d Bucher p 466. Vsser p 1096.

[91] e Bucher p 481.

[92] f. Vsser. Brit. Eccl. p 402. Prisc Defens. Brit Hist p 119.

[93] q Vsser p 333.

[94] r Prosper

[95] s Bucher p 481

[96] t Prosper

[97] v Beda, l. 1 c 13. Freculph. p 637

[98] x Ethelwerd f. 474. Beda l 1, c 15 Chron. prædict. M.S

[99] y Ethelwerd f 474b Vsser p 404. Chron prædict M.S.

[100] a Vsser p 1115

[101] b Vsser p 375 Sigebert.

[102] c Prisc. Defens. Brit Hist. p 122. Vsser Eccl. Brit p 401. Sigebert

[103] d Sigebert &c

[104] e Vide Isidorum Idatium Procopium, Iornaldem, &c.

[105] f Oros. l 7. c 43

[106] g Isidorus

[107] h Prosper in Euseb l 1

[108] k Oros l. 7, c 43. Isidor. Chron. Got.

[109] r Iornandes

[110] t Isidor. ib.

[111] m Isid: ib.

[112] n Iornand. Get.

[113] p Isidor

[114] a Idatij Chron

[115] b Idat. Cassiod. Prosper.

[116] c Idat.

[117] c Idat.

[118] c Idat.

[119] d Vide Idatium, Isidorum, Victorem, Procopium, aliosque.

[120] d Vide Idatium, Isidorum, Victorem, Procopium, aliosque.

[121] e Isidor.

[122] f: Vasæus. Bucher.

[123] b Oros l 7. c 38 Idat

[124] c Isid

[125] d Vasæus p 661

[126] e Idat. Isidorus.

[127] f Prosp

[128] f Prosp

[129] g Iornand. Get

[130] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[131] i P. Diac. ad Eutrop. continuat.

[132] k Iorn p 678

[133] l Marcellin. & Cassiod chron.

[134] a Oros. l. 7. c 38 Iornad. Get. Hieronymus ad Gerontiam.

[135] r Bucher l 14. c 4.

[136] v Prosper. Cassiodor

[137] b Prosper.

[138] c Prosper. Cassiodor. Iornand. Greg: Turonensis. Bucher. Sigebert.

[139] d. Sigebert.

[140] a Cluver. Germ. Antiqu. l 3. c 20

[141] b Carion Chron. Gutberlethus Chron Bucher p 430 sect 49. Pezelius Mellif. Historia &c.

[142] b Carion Chron. Gutberlethus Chron Bucher p 430 sect 49. Pezelius Mellif. Historia &c.

[143] c Salvian de Gubern. Dei l 6.

[144] d Salvian. Bucher Calvisius. Trithemius.

[145] e Greg. Turon l 2 c 9.

[146] f Bucher l 13, c 7. sec 21.

[147] g Oros. l 7 c 38 Idat: Chron

[148] h. Vasæus in Hisp. Chron l 3. p 635. Bucher p 436 sec 6.

[149] i Trithem in Annal p 62.

[150] k Turon. l 2, c 9.

[151] l Procop De Bel. Vand.

[152] Ments, Worms, Spira, & Strasburg.

[153] ✝ Olympiodorus.

[154] ✝ Non intellig{unt} Armoricos Geog{ra}pharum sed qu{illeg} maris accolas qui Francis erant fin{i}mi.

[155] ✝ Eos {illeg} in hoc bello {illeg} {jurisse} sentit {illeg} Bucherius lib. 13 sect. 4, n. 39 & 40.

[156] b Iornand: Get. Sigebert.

[157] c Claud. et Prudent. in locis supra citatis, pag    

[158] d Oros. l. 7, c. 38.

[159] e Oros. Philostorg. Olympiodor.

[160] a Sigebert.

[161] ✝ Regio post Arborichbant, & jam contracte Brachbant.

[162] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[163] a In nonnullis editionibus ponitur Alemannorum, sed in edit. Bladij A.C. 1512 (quæ cæteris vetustior est) legitur Alanorum. Id quod et sensus loci requirit et Authorum testimonia, tradente Sigiberto, Trithemio, Aventino in Annal. Boiorum, Va <43r> sæo, Buchero, alijsque, Resplendialem fuisse Regem Alanorum.

[164] a Moguntiam

[165] b Gundicarij

[166] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[167] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[168] ✝ Pro Asterio Constantium recte legit Bucherius lib 14. c 5. n 4 Nam Patriciatus suprema est dignitas apud Romanos quæ jam non Asterio alicui ignoto sed Constantio contigit. Is autem Patriciatum sortitus est anno 415. Prosper. Idat.

[169] ✝ Ad Barbaros potius ais Rhenum direxit qui Gallias immaserunt. Horum enim {illeg} Goarij et Gundicarij {illeg}opera Iovinus erectus regios assumpsit et {illeg}

[170] a Prosper. Idat. Chron.

[171] b Baron. an 424 § 1, 2.

[172] c Prosper.

[173] Vide Idatium Isidorum, Victorem, Procopium aliosque.

[174] b Procop. Wand.

[175] c. Vide Idatium Isidorum, Vasæum, Iohan: Biclaricensem.

[176] d. Isidor.

[177] d. Isidor.

[178] d. Isidor.

[179] ✝ Iorn: Get.

[180] x urbem Aquitaniæ.

[181] e. Vasæus {illeg} Bucher p 436, sect. 6.

[182] f. Isidor. Petavi. Doctr. Temp.

[183] g Idatius Isidor.

[184] p. Totam Hispaniam præter Cantabros vastaverant. L. Marineus Sicul l. 6, de Rebus Hispan. memorab. Sola Celtiberia mansit in fide et ‡ < insertion from the left half of f 47v > ‡potestate Romanorum, defendente et obtinente Constantino Patritio. Chron Regis Alfonsi apud Vasæum. Toletanus Hist. Vand. c. 12. Imò nec Celtiberia tota, nam Suevi partem ejus tenebant. Toletanus Hist. Vand. c. 11. < text from f 47v resumes >

[185] q. Post multas strages incendia et rapinas, tandem divisis sedibus, Barbari ad aratra conversi Romanorum residuos cœperunt, ut socios amicosque fovêre. Hist: miscell. l. 12.

[186] r . Alani Wandalis & Suevis potentebantur Isid. Got Et ex eo Petavius et Vasæus. Vasæus autem legit dominabantur pro potentebantur.

[187] h Bucher p. 437, & sequ.

[188] k. Prosper

[189] l. Bucher p. {illeg}

[190] m. Prosper Bucher {illeg} narratur hæc Eocharici historia, nisi quod Alemanni pro Alanis corrupte scribantur. Potentia Regni hujus eo regnate exinde colligi potest quod in dicta historia Eocharichus Rex ferocissimus appellatur & subditi ejus gens bellicosissima.

[191] n. Iornand: Get. Sigebert.

[192] n. Iornand: Get. Sigebert.

[193] p. Paul: Diac: Misc: l. 15. Sigebert Sidonius lib. 8. Epist. 15

[194] ✝ Iorn: Get.

[195] ✝ Iorn: Get.

[196] q. Iornandes.

[197] r. P. Diac: Misc.

[198] S. Marcellin: Chron Cassiodor: Chron.

[199] * Sic lacuno restituit Bucherius

[200] t Marcellin. Chron.

[201] v. Oros. l 7. c 38. Iornand: Get. Hieronymus de Gerontium. Freculph: chron l 5. c 5. P: Diac: Misc. l. 13.

[202] x. Bucher l 14. c 4.

[203] < insertion from f 49v > y. Prosper. Cassiodor. Hic verò in Prospero ubi dicitur Vniversa pene gens cum rege Peretio deleta, lege per Ætium ut est in Sigeberto aut si mavis lege per Hunnos ut est in Maximo. Nimirum Ætius Gundicarium Burgundionum Regem primo obtrivit pacemque ei supplicanti dedit: qua non diu potitus est, siquidem illum Hunni cum populo suo ac stirpe deleverunt ut alibi refert Prosper, quocum Cassiodorus etiam consentit. < text from f 50r resumes >

[204] z. Prosper.

[205] a. Greg. Tur. l 2. c 9.

[206] b. Prosper. Cassiodor. Iornand. Greg: Turon. Sigebert. Bucher.

[207] c. Greg. Turon. l. 2. c. 32, 33.

[208] d Bucher p. 556.

[209] e. Sigebert.

[210] f. Petav. de Doctr. Temp.

[211] ✝ Procop. de Bello Got. l. 1.

[212] ✝ Savoy

[213] * Lege invalitudine

[214] ✝ deductæ scil: in Galliam per Constantinum.

[215] * Arborichus sic enim apud Procopium legitur, ut mox audietis.

[216] b. Ethelwerdus.

[217] c. adventus hujus Legionis videtur anno 420 congruere propter nummum Honorij apud Cambdenum ultimo loco repertum, in quo sunt tres Augusti qui hoc anno tantum extitere.

[218] d. Siquidem Beda (in 6 æt. mundi) referat expeditioni utriusque legionis ad regnum Honorij, hæc posterior refieri potest in ultimum annum ejus. i.e. 423

[219] e. Gildas. Beda.

[220] e. Gildas. Beda.

[221] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[222] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[223] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[224] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[225] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[226] g. Apud Cambden Brit. Vsser. Brit. Eccles. p. 402. Prisc. Defens. Brit. Hist. p. 119.

[227] k. Vsser p. 333.

[228] l. Prosper

[229] m. Bucher p. 481

[230] n. Prosper

[231] p. Beda l. 1, c. 13. Freculph. p. 637.

[232] q. Hist. Miscell.

[233] r. Beda. Ethelwerd.

[234] s Ethelwerd

[235] q. Hist. Miscell.

[236] r. Beda. Ethelwerd.

[237] s Ethelwerd

[238] q. Ethelwerd. Beda l. 1. c 15. Chron. prædict. M.S.

[239] r. Ethelwerd f. 474. Vsser p. 404. Chron prædict. M.S.

[240] s. Beda Sigebert. Vsser p. 375.

[241] t. Vsser p. 1115.

[242] ✝ in vico Genovio non procula Monumethensi oppido. Vsser ib.

[243] v. Prisc. Defens. Brit Hist. p. 122. Vsser Eccl. Brit. p. 401. Sigebert.

[244] x De his et cæteris vide Gildam, Mattheum Westmon. Vsserum.

[245] ✝ Malgo.

[246] * Careticus.

[247] a Procop

[248] Hos et sequentes Authores a Wendelino citatos videre est in Tractatu de Lege Salis Vbi pleniùs de origine Regi Francici {disseretur.}

[249] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[250] b Libanius in vita sua. Ammian. l 31. Symmachus l. 3 epist 55, 59, 61, 67. Zosimus l. 4. Et Gothofredi comment. in L. 13 De re militari. Cod: Theod vbi vitam Richomeri plenè descriptam habes.

[251] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[252] ὀπεβάτευσαν supermearint pervagarint. Non utique loquitur de invasione aliqua Francorum transrhenanorum tempore Honorij, sed dilatationem intelligit regni cisrhenani aliquandiu in angulo Galliæ constituti, tandem verò totam Galliam invadentis & Gothos simul expellentis. Nam hujus tantùm invasionis historia est quam in sequentibus narrat. Vnde liquet eum, dum tradit originem regni hujus, neutiquam de invasione transrhenanorum cogitasse.

[253] 2. Vbi Gallias et Hispanias, sedem eorum omnium de quibus dicturus est, descripsit, indigitat partem Galliæ quam Franci primitus (τὸ παλαιὸν non semper, sed olim, puta ante exordium regni eorum) habitabant, eam esse quæ ad ostia Rheni sita paludibus abundat, hoc est regionem Campimiæ fluvijs Mosâ et Tabudâ circundatam, ubi inter alias paludes est maxima Die Peel: quam regionem Windelinus satis ostendit esse Ammiani Toxandriam locum, ubi Franci hi regnante Constantio , ausi fuerant habitacula sibi figere prælicenter; hodiéque pro indicio regionis restat oppidum quoddam juxta Diest, dictum Tessenderlo.

[254] 3. Ex humilij exordio etiam indigitantur Franci cisrhenani, siquidem transrhenani fuerint maximi momenti viri ab initio.

[255]

< insertion from f 57v >

< text from f 56v resumes >

4 Lege Armorichos. Sed eo nomine —— pag. gemina versa. < insertion from f 58v > pag 4 sup. 4. Lege Armorichos. Sed eo nomine non intelliges Armorichos Geographarum, sed Francorum finitimos qui juxta mare habitabant. Nam ex Cæsare, Hirtio, Notitia Imperij & Plinio Bucherius l. 13, c. 8, s. 4 ostendit tractum Armoricanum antiquitus latissimum esse, Cæsare lib 7 scribente, Vniversas eas Galliæ civitates quæ Oceanum attingunt, Gallorum consuetudine Armoricas appellatas.

< text from f 56v resumes >

[256] 5 Non Thuringos ultra Rhenum in Germania positos (Quid enim Augusto Cæsari cùm horum sedibus?) sed populum Imperij intelligit, eos nempe qui rectiùs Tongri appellantur & orientalem partem hodiernæ Brachbantiæ incoluere. Dein addit situm regionum quas Burgundiones suo tempore adeoque intra Gallias incolebant, earumque quas Suevi et Alemanni non in Germania ab initio tenuerant sed tunc diu invaserant. Quare cum per totum describat regiones Gallicas, certum est eum de exoticis nil cogitasse sed hic locutum fuisse de Francis Salijs cæterisque quos Imperatores olim locaverant in Gallijs, & Regnum Francorum ab ijsdem derivasse. Id quod ex eo etiam manifestum est, quod dicit hos Francos ante fœdus cum Arborichis fuisse Christianos. Nam quamvis hoc non omninò verum fuerit, tamen hinc liquet eum hic neutiquam cogitasse de Francis transrhenanis, siquidem eos omnes ante adventum in imperium, paganos fuisse satis notum erat.

[257] 4. Lege Armorichos. Sed eo nomine —— pag. gemina versa.

[258]

6 Fœdus hocce — vers 2 pag. < insertion from f 58v > 6. ffœdus hocce circa annum 416 factum este videtur quo Franci ab infæstandis Gallis tandem cessarunt. Nam [259] Ordericus Vitalis rerum Normannicarum ante annos quingentos scriptor libro quinto, ait: Cùm Galli priùs contra Romanos rebellassent, Franci ijs sociati sunt; et pariter juncti Ferramundum Lunnonis ducis filium sibi regem præfecerunt. Vnde constat bellum inter Francos et Gallos de quo Procopius loquitur præcessisse regnum Faramundi, & harum gentium primum regem communem fuisse Faramundum, ijs paulo ante electionem ejus in unum coeuntibus. Et sic probabile est unionem hanc, qua Franci magis formidabiles evaserunt, in causa fuisse quod Imperator pacem cum ijs faceret, sedibus & dignitate regia Faramundo concessis. < text from f 56v resumes >

[259] ✝ Apud Bucherum l. 14, c. 9, n. 8.

[260] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[261] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[262] a. Loc sup. cit pag.

[263] b. Carion Chron. Gutberlethus Chron. Pezelius Mellif: Histor. Bucher p 430. sect 49

[264]

c Hoc omnes fere antiqui historici qui regis hujus meminerunt, testantur.

[265] * THEVDEMER REX: cujus vultus extat in nummo aureo cum isto nomine certissimè cujus intra Gallias cùm monetariam Fabricam tunc nondum intelligeret horum rudis Germania, & quæ non Latinis uteretur aut literis aut verbis. Windelin.

[266] ✝ Constantij: Nam hi nobiles erant e factione Iovini ut supra audivistis.

[267] ✝ forte Frisij

[268] ✝ lege Consulis

[269] a Bucher l 14. c 9. n 6 p 453

[270] b Bucher optimè p 616 & p 453.

[271] q. Pluribus ostendit Windelinus natale solum harum legum, quæ brevitatis gratia prætereo.

[272] c. Felice et Tauro Coss. [an. 438] Pars Galliarum propinqua Rheno, quam Franci possidendam occupaverant, ab Ætio Comite recepta. Prosper.

[273] ✝ Excepta cap. 8.

[274] d. Greg. Turon. Hist l. 2. c. 9. et excepta ex {illeg}

[275] f. Sidon in Majorano.

[276] g. Sidon. in Avito

[277] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[278] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[279] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[280] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[281] n. Proc. l 1 de Wand.

[282] o. Niceph. l. 14. c. 56

[283] ✝ Aimoinus. Sigebert.

[284] Ivo. Otto. Gest: Franc: Epit.

[285] p. Hist. l. 2. c. 9.

[286] q. sc. quam invaserant circa tempora Gallieni

[287] r. Tongri{illeg}, in Edit: Morelij. Et sic legi debere satis probant Bucherius l. 14, c. 9, n. 3, et Windelinus in Lege Sal. c. {19}

[288] Colen

[289] * Cambray

[290] s Greg. Turon. l 2 c. 9. Epitomata Fredegarij l. 5. Aimoinus l. 1, c. 5. Sigebert alijque.

[291] t Greg. Turon. ib. Aimoinus alijque omnes.

[292] v . Nullas Germanorum populis urbes habitari satis notum est; ne pati quidem inter se junctas sedes. Colunt discreti ac diversi, ut fons ut nemus ut Campus placuit. Hæc Tacitus. Et Ammianus principio l. 16 narrat Argentoratum Brotomagum Tabernas Salisonem, Nemetas & Vangionas & Maguntiacum, civitates a Barbaris possessas, eosque territoria eorum habitare, non ipsas urbes: nam (addit) ipsa oppida ut circundata retibus lustra, declinant. It is manifest therefore these Barbarians had no towns till they began to inhabit those of the Empire, & consequently that Dispargum was on this side the Rhene.

[293] a. Greg. Turon. l. 2. c. 38.

[294] b. Vide Isidorum, Idatium, Procuopium, Iornandem, &c.

[295] c. Oros. l. 7. c. 43.

[296] d. Isidorus.

[297] e. Prosper edit. Pyth.

[298] f. Oros. l. 7. c. 43. Isidor: Chron: Got.

[299] g. Iornandes.

[300] h Isidor. ib.

[301] k Isidor. ib

[302] l. Iornand. Get.

[303] m Isidor

[304] a Ammian l 31

[305] a Ammian l 31

[306] b Oros. Isidor. Marcellin. Iornand. Sext. Aurel. Victor.

[307] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[308] ✝ in Pacetius's Panegyric that the Huns & Alans as well as the Goths, served under Theodosius in his wars against Maximus, & in Zosimus l 5 that

[309] Sigon. De Oec. Imp. l 11. Ann 411.

[310] a. Maximus in Chron.

[311] b Grot. Prolegom.

[312] c Olymp apud Photium

[313] * Aviti

[314] ✝ Iter ab Arelato per Germaniam & Noricum sub initio Imperij, ut docet Sirmondus in Commentario in hunc locum Sidonij.

[315] * Scilicet adventu Imperatoris effectum est ut Hunnorum reliquiæ promptius cederent Gothis.

[316] d. Sigebert. Iornand Get. Rugila a Sigeberto Regila, a Iornande Roas appellatur.

[317] Socr. l. 7. c. 31.

[318] Gr. Ὄυπταρος

[319] g P. Diac. Hist. Rom. l 15

[320] h. Baron. An. 444 sect 35 & 41. Sigon de Occ. Imp l       Marcellin.

[321] a Iornand

[322] a Vide Zosimum lib 5 & Gothofredum Chron. Cod. Theod.

[323] b Apud Baron. a et Rubeum.

[324] a Iornand. de Regni succes. l 1.

[325] b Annal. Boiorum

[326] c Annal. Boiorum

[327] d Greg. Turon. l 2, c 2.

[328] f Beat. Rhenan. rerum Germ. lib. 1.

[329] g Temporibus scil. Constantij Valentininia et Gratiani.

[330] Sidonius in Majoranum

[331] Lazius de Gent. migr. l 8. p 383.

[332] Nota quod Ostrogothi hoc tempore Suevos vicerunt, et Franci deinceps Alemannos A.C. 495.

[333] a Iornand. (in Get. quem in his sequunt omnes.

[334] a Iornand. (in Get. quem in his sequunt omnes.

[335] a Iornand. (in Get. quem in his sequunt omnes.

[336] Vide P. Diac. Hist Longobardica & Procopium de Bello Gothico

[337] Irenæus lib 8. c. 26.

[338] Orig. Tract. 30 in Matth.

[339] Tertullian. lib. de resurrect. carnis.

[340] Lactant l 7. c 16.

[341] Greg. Naz. Orat. de pace.

[342] D. Hieron. in {illeg}bacue 3, & item in Zach: 1.

[343] D. Augustin. De Civitate Dei l. 20, c. 23.

[344] a Apud Conc. Chal. Act. 1 ex 2 Conc. Ephes.

[345] Athanas. ad. Solit. Et Apol. 2

[346] * Baron. a. 362. § 77, 79.

[347] Apud Baron. a. 362. l {73} ex Hilar. frag. l. 1.

[348] vide Symbolum Auxentij ibidem.

[349] Ruff. hist l 1. c 6.

[350] e Vasæus. Bucher p. 436 sect. 6.

[351] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[352] Note:The contents of this note are only visible in the diplomatic transcript because they were deleted on the original manuscript

[353] Put This is to be in English, & the former marginal notes in the body of the discourse

[354] ✝ edit. Heroldi.

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Professor Rob Iliffe
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Fellow & Perne librarian, Peterhouse, Cambridge

Faculty of History, George Street, Oxford, OX1 2RL - newtonproject@history.ox.ac.uk

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