<1r>

Position
The Dragon was ye whole Roman Empire untill its division, & then ye \nations of ye/ Western Empire were ye Beast \wth its ten horns/ & those of ye Eastern ye Dragon continued.

Till ye reign of Constantine ye great, Rome continued the only Metropolis or seat of ye Empire: but he out of some displeasure taken against yt City caused Constantinople to be built a[1] about ye 25t year of his reign A.C. 330, & b[2] indowing it wth many privileges equal to those of Rome, made it a fellow seat of ye Empire & called it new Rome; whence Thrace obteined ye name of Romania for many ages after.

At his death A.C. 336 happened ye first disi|v|ision of ye Empire between these two seats. ffor c his second son Constantius inherited Constantinople wth ye lesser Asia, Egypt & ye East; his third Son Constans Rome wth Italy Illyrium & Afric; his first son Constantine Spain Gallia & other northern parts of Europe to ye borders of Thrace; his brothers son Delmatius Thrace Macedon & Greece; Annibalinus Armenia; &             some other portion of ye East. But d Constantius soon slew Delmatius, Annibalinus &             & took their dominions to himself; & in ye third yeare e Constantine was also slain by ye soldiers of Constans & all ye e western part of his territories subjected to Constans & all ye Eastern to Constantius: so that wthin three years after the death of their father, ye whole Empire became divided between ye two seats, ye f common border of their ditions being at ye confines of ye eastern & western Illyricum.

Constans reigned thus alone in ye west ten years more & after him Magnentius ye Tyrant four years: but then g Constantius out of ye East wth an Army of 70000 invaded & overcame Maxentius & so reunited ye two Empires under himself 18 Cal. Sept. A.C. 353. And in this united form ye Empire continued till ye reign of Valentinian I who was elected by ye Sol <2r> diers {illeg} successor to Iovian in ye whole Empire A.C. 364 but wthin three Months constituted his brother Valens Emperour over ye East & reserved only ye west to himself.

Valens was succeeded by Theodosius I, & Valentinian first by his sons Gratian & Valentinian II & then by ye Tyrants Maximus & Eugenius who slew his sons, & lastly by Theodosius I who vanquished ye Tyrants & after ye conquest of ye last of them reigned sole Emperor 4 months & then left ye Empire again divided between his sons Arcadius & Honorius, after wch it could never be reunited.

This is ye history of ye division of ye Empire & consequently of ye rise of ye Beast of out of ye Sea. ffor it has been sufficiently manifested i yt ye old Roman Empire was ye Dragon, & in Posit        we shewed yt ye kingdom represented by ye Dragon was to become divided, & in ye time of ye sixt head, that is between ye 10th Persecution & Theodosius's Reign, to become divided, & one part of ye division to be represented by ye Beast rising out of ye Sea, ye name of ye Dragon being continued to ye other.

Now of these two parts it's plain yt ye western must be ye Beast. ffor. jst its was fit yt ye name of ye Dragon should be continued to ye bigger of ye two parts & such were ye nations of ye Eastern Empire they being two thirds of ye Whole. {illeg} 2dly The Dragon's having but one crown upon each head shows yt he was to continue always monarchicall, & ye Beast's having ten crowns on his horns wch stood all on ye same head shows that in ye reign of yt head he was to be rent into {so} many kingdoms, as we explained at large above: & accordingly ye western Empire was soon broken in pieces, & ye eastern continued always monarchical, though not always of so large extent {illeg} \as/ to comprehend all ye nations represented by ye Dragon after ye division, nor so lasting as to be of equal duration wth him, for yt Empire is already ceased {illeg} \whereas/ yet by ye Dragon I still understand all those nations wch <3r> the Eastern Empire conteined at it's first division from ye western, much after ye same manner yt all Daniel's Beasts \(as shall be presently shewed)/ signify to ye end of ye world all those nations wch once constituted ye Empires represented by those Beasts, as shall be presently shewed. 3dly The Dragon gave ye Beast his seat, Apoc. 13.2, & therefore yt part must be ye Beast to wch ye Dragon relinquished his old seat Rome to chose a new one for himself. The founding of that|e| new seat as I told you was begun by Constantine ye great about 6 years before his death, & he dying left his will wth a certain Presbiter (Eusebius Nicomedensis as I suppose) to be given to Constantius as ye most trusty & worthy of his sons, who {soon af} thereupon convening|ed| his brethren in Pannonia & distributed his fathers kingdoms accordingly; giving Rome ye ancient Imperial seat to his younger Brother Constans & reserving ye new seat Constantinople to himself. And thus ye Dragon (if ye act of ye Emperors may be esteemed ye act of ye Empire) gave his seat to ye Beast. But we need not regard much ye personal actions of ye Emperors; its enough to denominate ye western Empire ye Beast \to whom ye Dragon gave his power & seat/ yt it & no other dominion but it succeeded immediately \& freely,/ & not by way of invasion or {illeg} violence but as it were by free concession succeeded ye Dragon in his ancient Imperial seat power & authority. 5|4|. The|re| is yet another reason of ye assertion not to be past over becaus ye fundamental one: & 'tis this, yt Daniel's fourth Beast, wch is ye same wth St Iohn's, signifies properly ye western nations of ye Roman Empire, & those alone. Daniel's Beasts are usually interpreted \each/ of ye whole dominion of each of ye four ye Empires they |it| signify|is| {sic}; & thus perhaps they may be understood in a generall sense, but strictly & properly they must signify only ye principal part of each Empire in such an manner yt if all ye nations considered in Daniel's prophesies, yt is all ye dominions of ye four Empires taken together be divided into four parts, ye four beasts may signify one one part & another another part, & altogether ye whole wthout interfering wth one another. And this I gather first from the parallel vision of Nebuchacnezzar's {sic} Image whose head & breast & belly & leggs were in ye end all broken at <4r> once by ye fall of a stone cut out of a mountain wthout hands: for this argues that these parts of ye Image signify so many severall great nations or peoples at once, wch although they reigned successively (first ye Babylonians Chaldeans then ye Persians &c) yet each of them after it had done reigning continued in being till ye rest had also reigned, so yt all of them in ye end might as it were be dasht in pieces together by ye kingdom of saints represented by ye stone. Secondly I gather it from the vision of ye four Beasts: for ye Beasts are not represented as perishing or vanishing every one at ye rise of ye next but continuing all together till ye Ancient of days came to judgment & caused ye 4th Beast to be slain & his body to be given to ye burning flame. ffor it is expresly said yt when ye 4th Beast was slain ye other three had their dominion taken away but yet their lives prolongued for a time & a season. Wch is as much as to say, yt when ye saints take ye kingdom ye nations represented by ye 4th Beast shall perish but those represented by ye other three beasts shall still continue in being for a time & have only their dominion (that is ye temporall power of their Rulers whatsoever it be) taken away & given to ye saints. All ye four Beasts therefore continue together till ye slaughter of ye fourth Beast & therefore must represent nations distinct both from him & from one another. And consequently since Greece & ye territories beyond ye Hellespond belong to ye three first; namely Babylonia \& Media/ to ye first Persia to ye second, & Egypt, Syria, ye lesser Asia & Greece (the four heads of ye Leopard) to ye third: there remain only ye regions of ye Roman Empire westward of those places for ye fourth. Every one of these four Empires therefore, seing they extended into one another, is to be considered as consisting of two sorts of two sorts of people, one intrinsic or ye Beast it self, ye other extrinsic or ye nations of ye other Beasts conquered by that Beast. For what els signify <5r> the words yt The fourth Beast devoured & brake in pieces & stamped ye residue wth his feet, Dan. 7.7 but yt ye fourth Empire was to consist of partly those nations wch were considered as ye Beast himself (viz: Italy & its neighbours round about,) & partly other nations (Greece & all ye East) wch were conquered & as it were devoured broken in pieces & stamped upon by ye people of ye first.

Seing {sic} therefore ye Roman Empire before its division conteined not only Daniel's ten hornd Beast but also his Leopard & sometimes a part also of ye two first Beasts; ye whole before its division was fitly represented in ye Apocalyps by a Beast of a differing kind from ye ten hornd Beast namely by ye great red Dragon; & afterwards when ye Western Nations wch are precisely Daniel's Beast became divided from ye rest, ye division was as fitly represented by ye rising of ye Beast out of ye Sea, yt is out of ye great Sea of ye Roman Empire wherein it lay inclosed before.

Having given you my reasons why I understand the western Empire by ye Beast, I shall now for a conclusion to this Position consider ye circumstances wch attended ye division of ye Empire, that it may appear how all things agree to ye Prophesy. And in doing this I shall give y a comment on ye prophetiq histories of ye Dragon & Beast in order.

The history of ye Dragon.

How ye victory of Michael over ye Dragon was fulfilled by ye victory of Christianity over Heathenism at ye end of ye 10th Persecution so as to deserve that acclamation: Now is come salvation & strength & ye kingdom of or God & ye power of his Christ; I shewed in Posit      . And yet that the casting out of ye Dragon was not completed till Theodosius reign I shewed in Posit      In all this interval therefore though ye Christian part were deservedly called ye Kingdom of God, & his Christ yet ye Empire in general as well in respect of religion as polity retained ye name of Dragon as it might well have done from ye major part though they had never more recovered ye Throne.

<6r>

Now when ye Dragon was cast out, he was not destroyed. He was only cast out of heaven to ye earth, wch denotes not a total ceasing but a change of his worship from a nobler to an ignobler state, from ye stately worship in ye temples of ye heathen Gods to ye sordid worship in sepulchres of ye Christian Divi, from ye adoration of ancient Kings, & others ye most renouned Heros of this world to ye adoration of mean & despicable plebeians in their rotten reliques. He was cast out of heaven, as in respect of ye Imperial Throne & Court wch was ye political heaven of ye Empire from whence he fell, so in respect of ye stately Idol Temples whose glorious roofs & walls are in ye sixt seal compared to ye heavens, & ye Idols placed aloft to stars in them. From {illeg} hence he was cast down to ye earth to be worshipped below in vaults & cavens {sic} of ye earth where Christians began to idolize ye intombed carcasses of their dead. And from this new kind of Idolatry (so much ye more wicked & odious in God's eyes becaus a corruption of his own Church) proceeded that exclamation in ye next words: Wo to ye inhabitants of ye earth & of ye Sea for ye devil is come down unto you having great wrath becaus he knoweth that he hath but a short time. vers 12.

This exclamation is a plain declaration that the Devil so soon as his old worship was cast out, was to begin a new game in ye world; & to prove that this new game was nothing els but ye new worship of Saints & Reliques, I need use no other argument but this, that in ye figure there is no interval between ye Dragon's being cast out of heaven & his coming down to ye earth, & therefore we must look for ye beginning of ye Devil's new game where his old game ended: & accordingly the worshiping of Saints & Reliques, & besides that no other worship wch can be accused of Idolatry, began to overspread the world at that very time when ye Idolatry of ye Heathens ceased. ffor their Idol worship (at least among ye Romans) ceased at that final universal shutting up of ye Idol - <7r> Temples wch was in ye beginning of Gratian's & Theodosius's reign. And then began ye Devil to overspread ye Christian world wth ye worship of Sts & Reliques. In Iulian's reign he laid ye bait, wch for a while fermented more secretly, & at length wrought notoriously all ye world over by means of those numberles miracles (whether feigned or diabolical) wch were cryed up in Theodosius's & his son's reigns to be done every where by ye reliques & at ye shrines of Saints, the Monks swarming up & down ye Empire wth reliques to recommend & sell to ye people, & ye gravest Clergy men of that age countenancing ye miracles & looking upon them as if ye miraculous Apostolic age it self was revived in & out done by their own, & not considering that God sometimes permits even signs & wonders to be done by Seducers in favour of Idolatry to try men Deutr. 13.1, 2, & that ye coming of ye man of sin was to be after ye working of Satan wth all power & signs & lying wonders, God sending ye world a strong delusion for want of love to ye truth, 2 Thes 2.

This was ye wrath wth wch the Devil came down among ye Apostates, & set up that way of worship for ye sake of wch ye nations of ye Eastern Empire continue to this day represented by ye Dragon. But besides this wrath vented on ye Apostates ye Dragon exercised his malice on ye true Church also \/ for it follows in ye next words yt when ye Dragon saw that he was cast down unto ye earth he persecuted ye woman wch brought forth ye manchild, & that wth so great violence that ye woman thereupon began her flight into ye wilderness. Of the time of this persecution we have these two firm characters, one that it was so soon as ye Dragon saw that he was cast unto ye Earth, or at his first coming down among ye inhabitants of ye earth & Sea, the other that it was at ye beginning of ye seventh Trumpet \Seal/ as we shewed in Posit:     And both these reject it upon Theodosius reign. Nor did the event fall short of ye prediction, for ye Church continued to flourish <8r> over all ye Empire & especially in ye East till ye reign of this Emperour, but he in ye second year of his reign raised a most violent persecution against her, expelled her Bishops & Priests, dissolved her Assemblies, interdicted her worship, & oppressed her members so much, that ye most of them were moved to fall away to ye side of her Persecutors, & a good part of ye rest to fly out of ye Empire to barbarous nations: insomuch that wthin ye short space of fourteen years shee seemed almost to disappear & leave ye Empire to her adversaries. Never was there so great a change wrought by violence in so short a time.

Now as ye woman upon this persecution fled from ye Dragon he cast out of his mouth waters as a flood after her that he might cause her to be carried away of ye flood. ch 12.15, 16. Here since ye Dragon wch persecuted ye Woman is ye Empire yt instrument of ye old Serpent, the waters wch he cast out of his mouth must be ye people of ye Empire they being ye flood of enemies wch ye Empire spewed out against her in ye persecution, & ye Earth wch took part wth ye Woman against ye Dragon must (according to what we explained above) be ye people of forreign nations wch bordered upon ye Empire. The forreign nations therefore so soon as ye Dragon had spewed out waters as a flood after her were to take her part & swallow up those waters: & accordingly so soon as ye 14 year's persecution of Theodosius was finished, wherein ye Church wch had flourished from ye Apostles time till then almost sunk under ye vast numbers of Apostates wch ye Persecution had made to fall from her, & other enemies raised against her by ye Empire; so soon I say as this persecution had \thus/ filled up ye number of ye Churches enemies, the northern nations invaded ye Empire & waged ye wars of ye four first Trumpets, & as many of them as were Christians took part wth ye Church insomuch as wthin a while to found divers kingdoms of ye true religion, as ye Visigothic ye Ostrogothic ye Vandalic \ye Burgundian ye /, & for some time the Suevian, the Alan the Franck, the Lombardic & Burgundian. And by these ye Church was so much releived that it was 200 years more before she could be overcome a second time & made <9r> totally to vanish into ye Wilderness. Thus the earth helped the Woman for a time & swallowed up ye waters. It is not said annihilated them but swallowed them up, that is dryed up ye power of ye people signified by ye waters (Fig    ) by invading & allaying them as earth allays or contemperates water when it soaks it up; & not only by allaying but conquering them. ffor ye conquests whereby so many new Barbarian Kingdoms were erected wch devoured so much of ye Empire could not be expressed by a fitter nor scarce by any other figure here, then ye Earth's swallowing up ye waters.

After all this, when ye Woman was totally fled into ye Wilderness, the Dragon, having as it were lost sight of her, wento to make war wth ye remnant of her seed, vers 17. that is wth those true Christians wch remained so few & so much dispersed as not to have ye face of a Church, & therefore are not called ye Woman but only her seed. ffor though ye woman during her abode in ye wilderness be really all one wth \this/ her seed, yet she most properly represents ye Church as it consists of such visible Assemblys as have ye face of a church, & therefore to distinguish this her state of dispersion & obscurity, from her visible state at other times, ye aggregate of her members are here called only ye remnant of her seed.

The history of ye Beast

Whilst ye Dragon was doing these things, ye Beast rose out of ye Sea, & sufferred a deliquium, & then ascended out of ye bottomles pit & reigned to ye End. Posit.    

He is described to be like ye Leopard, that is, at first Monarchichal, but soon broken into many kingdoms as ye Greek Empire was after ye death of Alexander: to have feet like ye feet of ye Bear, that is [3] stout Armies like those of Cyrus |(see| ffig    :) & to have a mouth like ye Lyon, that is a mouth speaking proud & blasphemous things against ye most high like ye kings of Babylon.

His rise out of ye Sea & wound wth a sword were to happen in ye sixt head or seale (Posit V) that is between ye 10th Persecution & Theodosius's reign, & this limits us to ye rise of ye Western Empire at Constantine's death for ye first, & to the <10r> deliquium of that Empire by the mortal wound made wth Constantius's sword for ye second.

His rise out ye Sea may \be/ recconed to begin at the death of Constantine & to be completed wthin three years after when ye whole Empire by the death of ye younger Constantine became divided between Constans & Constantius, Rome & Constantinople. This was his rise as to his politique state; but besides he might be said to rise also about this time in respect of his new religion. For ye {sic} Homoüsian controversy Constantine sided wth the Church in the latter part of his reign, but his Sons became divided in their opinions Constantius treading in his father's steps but Constans taking part wth the Homoüsians, being thereto moved by ye instigation of Pope Iulius & his guest Athanasius. And by their influences so many of ye Bishops & Clergy were led aside that immediately after the Council of Sardica (wch was called in ye 11th year after ye death of Constantine) ye western Churches wch had hitherto communicated wth ye eastern separated from them & refused to communicate wth them any longer: of wch separation the limit was ye town Sardica & ye Mountain          wch were a little way wthin ye borders of ye Eastern Empire. Thus by a religious as politiq division of ye Empire the Beast rose at this time out of ye great Roman Sea: & as the Dragon signified ye old Empire both in respect of its being a body politiq & in respect of its being a state of heathenism so I conceive ye Beast signifies ye western Empire both as it was a new body politiq derived out of ye old Empire & as it was of a new fals religion that great Antichristian Apostacy wch it was to spread & reign in to the end & for ye sake of wch it is not represented by any natural Beast as ye Chaldæan Persian & Greecian Empires were, but by a Nameles beast or monster to express its greater brutishness & uncleanness.

Now as ye Beast thus rose in both respects so in a civil & religious respect, so he received his mortal wound in both respects. ffor when Constantine|us| invaded & conquered ye western Emperour Magnentius, he not only made ye western Empire cease for a time but supprest its religion too, deposing the & banishing ye Homoüsian Bishops those few /proceeding \at first by perswasions/ by all fair means & perswasions \& ye convening of Councils/ to bring \things/\ <11r> wch persisted openly to vindicate Athanasius, amongst wch was ye an agreement wthout force, & at length banishing those few Bishops that remained obstinate \& were condemned in the Council of Mediolanum/ namely b[4] Paulinus \Trevis/, Dionysius Alb. Lucifer \Sard./, Eusebius \Verc./, Osius \Cord./, & Liberius \Rom./, whereof Osius & Liberius were soone after converted to ye right faith & restored to their seats Corduba & Rome \& c[5] some write that Eusebius there, & Dionysius Alb. subscribed against Athanasius in ye coūsel of Mediolanum & by consequence were not banished/. So far did ye Athanasian faction dwindle at this time that when the Emperour sent for ye B Liberius ye Bp of Rome, d[6] he askt him how great a part he was < insertion from f 10v > ——— those few Bishops that remained obstinate & were condemned in ye counsel of Mediolanum, namely Paulinus Trevir. Dionysius Alb. Eusebius Verc. Lucifer Caral. & Rhodianus. Yet Fulgos l 7. c 3 & Sulpitius Severus except say yt Dionysius subscribed to ye counsel \& consequently not {sic} banished/. A little after these was Liberius Bp of Rome banished also, but yet wthin a while upon recanting his errors restored to his seat. And at this time so far did \was/ ye Athanasian faction dwindled, that when ye Emperor sent for Liberius he askt him how great a part was told him that Athanasius was condemned by all ye Bishops of ye whole world, & askt him how great a part he was of ye whole world that he alone should vindicate that \most/ wicked man & break ye peace of ye whole world. And — < text from f 11r resumes > of ye whole world that he alone should vindicate ye \most/ wicked Athanasius & break ye peace of ye Church & whole world. And ye Bp answerd that ye cause of |his| faith was not diminished by his being alone, for so of old there were only three found to stand up against the resist Nebuchadnezzar. And then the Em a little after ye Emperour again insisted upon his singularity, telling him that he was ye only man that who defended that wicked person.

Now this being the last moment of ye Churches flourishing the Angel from hence as from the nearest distance shewed St Iohn in ye 17th Chapter a prospect of the times of Apostacy calling ye Beast (in respect of ye time wch was looked upon as present in ye vision, (wch was when five Kings or Heads were fallen & ye sixt in being) the Beast wch was & is not & shall ascend out of ye bottomless pit, & ye Beast wch was & is not & is at hand.

The political restauration of ye Beast (as I said) was at ye new division of ye Empire between Valentinian & Valens & this was accompanied wth a division in religion too. ffor Valens trod in ye steps of Contantius but Valentinian tolelerated all religions, whereby ye Athanasian party by degrees revived in ye west & not only revived but ran further into errors, apostatizing so far that ye rise & spreading of this Apostacy is exprest by ye Beasts ascending out of ye bottomles pit. This Apostacy consisted in ye depravation of manners worship & faith; of manners to so great a degree that Salvian one of their own Bishops comparing them wth ye heathens of the same time could not but judge ye Christians apparently sunk below 'em; of worship by introducing ye adoration of Saints & reliques wth many other superstitions consequent thereto; of faith by changing ye doctrins of ye Trinity incarnation & passion, so as to deny the ffather to be ye only supreme God, & that Spirit wch was truly incarnate so as to become <12r> a true sensitive passible man subject to all infirmities of ye flesh |{illeg}| but sin & by undergoing ye afflictions of a troublesome life & painful death performed ye work of or redemption, to be the λογος or only begotten Son of God by whom he made ye world, or any thing els more then a meare human soul; that is so as to set up Antichristianity according to St Iohns definition of it. And certainly for a kingdom to be rise wth vitious living, Idolatrous worship & Antichristian faith at it's heels, & overspread the world therewith for so many ages, is to rise out of the bottomles pit wth a witness.

The accomplishment of this ascending out of ye Pit I suppose to be at ye end of Theodosius reign, for though he & Gratian joyned in ye work yet Valentinian II by the {illeg} favoured \sided with/ ye Arrians in Italy. Yea Theodosius himself, though he deposed ye Arrian Bishops at ye beginning of his reign, yet he began not to interdict ye Assemblies of ye people for religious worship till a[7] after his return from ye war wth Maximus, & the ensuing insurrection of Eugenius hindred their suppression in ye west till after his overthrow. Wherefore ye Beast cannot be said to have been fully risen before Theodosius became Master of ye whole Empire, & after four months oppression of ye Church, left it divided between his sons. \Thus was the Oracle that ye Christian religion should last but 365 years fulfilled/ And now the Beast being arrived to maturity as well by ye fall of ye Church & fulness of wickedness as by ye final division of ye Empire, begins his reign in ye state of his 8th head wch in chap 17 is called ye Beast eminently as if all ye former times belonged to the Dragon. And indeed although you may, as often as ye Empire became divided restrain ye Dragon to signify ye eastern part only yet seing ye monarchical form of ye empire was not perfectly dissolved till ye death of Theodosius, & ye reign of ye Beast is limited to ye 8th head in Chap 17, & accordingly in chap 13 none of his seaven heads crowned; I had rather consider ye whole Empire to be ye Dragon till that Emperors death, & look upon ye Western Empire in ye times of division from ye Eastern to be ye Beast in a state of minority & imperfection, not yet fully emerged out of ye Dragon but a portion of him till Theodosius perfected ye Division.

The ten horns of ye Beast.

Thus I have drawn down ye history of ye Beast till he began the wicked reign of his eighth head, & this being ye horned <13r> head, the next thing to be considered is ye rise of his horns, or his rending into ten kingdoms: for ye more certain defining of wch, we are first to know ye just time & place in wch they were to rise.

The place according to what we have shewed must be ye western Empire precisely, excluding ye eastern: for as they are ye horns of Daniel's 4th Beast they must have nothing common wth ye heads of ye Leopard, {illeg} \{illeg}/ as they are they but be restrained to ye regions precisely signified by that Beast; & also as they are ye horns of St Iohn's Beast they are limited to him by their receiving their kingdoms ye same hour hour wth him & giving their kingdom to him & being all crowned on his head & uncrowned on ye Dragons.

The time is determined by this that ye ten kings receive their kingdoms ye same hour wth ye beast Apoc 17.12, yt is wth ye Beast as he is considered in ye vers before where he is taken for ye 8th head or King, wch as we have shewed is ye western Empire commencing at ye death of Theodosius. The length of this hour therefore being known we shall have ye just intervall of time wthin wch ye 10 Kings were to receive their Kingdoms. For by what was shewed in Posit     they were to rise after this head & therefore ye hour must be dated from its rise. Now ye length of ye hour is determined by what we shewed above concerning ye half hour's silence, to be 15 years, ye double of yt half hour. And therefore ye 8th head or Western Empire is to be rent into these ten horns or Kingdoms wthin 15 years after it's beginning, that is, before ye year 410. This is ye latest, & ye soonest is ye year 408, ye western Empire being preserved intire till then. ffor by what we produced out {sic} of above [8] out of Claudian, it is manifest that all Gallia & Spain continued quiet till that great irruption of barbarians wch began ye wars of ye second Trumpet. But whether invasion began A.C. 407 or A.C. 408 might be disputed \Now this began with the year 408./ ffor Orosius ye earliest writer put's it Ante biennium a[9] Romanæ irruptionis. Prosper & Marcelline in ye 2d year after ye overthrow of Rhadagaisus, & Marcelline \an accurate chronologer/ Indic 6, Basso & Phil <14r> head, the next thing to be considered is ye rise of his horns, or his rending into ten kingdoms: for ye more certain defining of wch, we are first to know ye just time & place in wch they were to rise.

The place according to what we {illeg} have shewed must be ye western Empire precisely, excluding ye eastern: for as they are ye horns of Daniels 4th Beast they must have nothing common wth ye heads of ye Leopard; & as they are ye horns of St Iohn's Beast they are limited to him by their receiving their kingdoms the same hower wth him, & giving their kingdom to him, & being all crowned on his head & uncrowned on ye Dragon's.

The time is determined by this that ye ten kings receive power \their/ kingdoms ye same hower wth ye beast Apoc 17.12, that is wth ye Beast as he is considered in ye vers before where he is taken for ye 8th head or king wch as we have shewed is ye western Empire commencing at ye death of Theodosius. The length of this hower therefore being known, we shall have ye just intervall of time wthin wch ye 10 Kings were to receive their kingdoms \For by what was shewed in Posit     they were to rise after this head & therefore the hower must be dated from its rise./. Now for defining this \hower/, if according to Posit     we take a {illeg} prophetic day for a year, ye hower will be 15 naturall days: but this is too short a time for so great a revolution as ye setting up ten kingdoms, & therefore we must repeat ye figure & take these 15 days for Philosophic days that is for 15 years. And this I perswade my self is ye true measure of ye hower because ye double of ye half hower's silence wch lasted from ye ceasing of ye Gothic wars in ye beginning of winter A.C. \towards the end of ye year/ 380 to ye commencing of Theodosius's wars wth Maximus in ye beginning of Summer \middle of the year/ A.C. 388, that is, seven years & a half or thereabouts. The |Now the length of the hower is determined by what we showed in above in concerning ye half-howers silence to be 15 years the double of that half hower. And therefore the| 8th head or western Empire therefore is to be rent into these ten horns or kingdoms wthin 15 years after its beginning, that is, before ye yeare 410. This is ye latest, & ye soonest is ye year 408, the western Empire being preserved intire till then. ffor by what what we produced above [10] out of Claudian it is manifest that all Gallia & Spain continued quiet till that great irruption \of Barbarians/ wch began ye wars of ye second Trumpet, & this began wth ye year 408. ffor Orosius \the earliest writer/ puts it two years before ye a[11] sacking of Rome, Prosper <15r> & Marcelline in ye second year after ye overthrow of Radagaisus; & Marcellin Indic 6 Basso & Philippo Coss. By all wch characters it must happen AC 408, yet so that ye passage of ye Barbarians over the Danube may fall in ye last day of December A.C. 407. For Prosper informs us that it happened in ye last day of December though he put both that & ye overthrow of Radagaisus a year too soon. This determination is not a little confirmed by ye time of Stilico's death wch was caused by & soon followed upon yt invasion (Oros. Iornand.) & happened A.C. 408. 10 Kal. Sept. between Arcadius's death & Alaric's invasion of Italy (Zosim.    ) both wch were in ye same year. I may add that in ye year before, Stilico was preparing an expedition into Illyricum against ye Greek Emperor (Zosim.) wch it is not likely he would have presumed to proceed in if ye Barbarians had been then in Gallia. Prosper therefore & after him Cassiodorus err who put it a year sooner. Yea Prosper is so uncertain in ye time of this action that (in calce lib 1 Euseb. Chron). he puts it after Arcadius's death. < insertion from f 14v > ✝ he has done in ye first & last, seing ye things have an affinity wth one another. This determinaton {sic} is not a little confirmed by the time of Stilico's death wch was caused by, & soon followed upon that invasion (Oros. Iornand.) & happened an. 408.10 Kal. Sept. between Arcadius's death & Alaric's invasion of Italy (Zosim.) both wch were in ye same year. I may add that in ye year before Stilico was preparing an expedition against ye Greek Emperor (Zosim.) wch it is not likely he would have presumed to proceed in if ye Barbarians had been then in Gallia. And to say no more, Ierom in his epistle ad Gerontiam written {quam} Roma vitam auro et omni supellectile {illeg} redemerat, i.e. an. 409, relates ye Gallic invasion from ye beginning of it after such a manner as if the \whole/ news was but then hot in the east where he was Yet Prosper makes ye depopulations of Gallia by ye Huns Vandals Alans & Goths sucessively to have lasted 10 years & anno 316 Gallia had an universal peace < text from f 15r resumes >

Italy & the eastern parts of this Empire began \before this time/ to be much troubled bye ye wars of ye first Trumpet, but now those troubles were all overcome, Alaric, Radagaisus & all other invaders being either vanquished or repulsed. If any of them had a title to any portion of this Empire, 'twas Alaric, & \yet/ he appears not to have had any unless as a subject to ye Emperor. ffor though his nation entred ye Empire above 30 years before, yet they residde {sic} wthin ye eastern Empire all ye reign of Theodosius & for five years after. And besides, their coming into ye Empire was upon terms of subjection, wch though they brake yet being well beaten by Theodosius, they not only made peace wth him but returned to their obedience, & their Captain Alaric as one of his other subjects served under him in his wars wth Eugenius. And after his death b[12] when they constituted Alaric their King & rebelled again, though Alaric harassed ye Eastern Empire five years together yet when he came into ye western he was so soundly beaten by Stilico yt c[13] Claudian called ye remainder of his nation, tanta ex gente reliquias breves, & Prudentius gentem delitam: whereupon he was forced to submit himself again being humbled so far yt d[14] Orosius tell's us he did pro pace optima & quibuscunq sedibus suppliciter & simpliciter orare. After this \But then {illeg} e/[15] Stilico beginning to think of transferring \getting/ ye Empire to \himself &/ his son, favoured them underhand for his use & after a while procured Alaric to be honoured wth a military præfecture & sent him into ye east in Honorius's service committing some Roman troops to his conduct amongst his Goths & intending promising to follow soon after to joyn forces in ye expedition wth his own <15v> army; his pretence being to recover some regions of Illyricum wch ye Eastern Emperor injuriously detained from ye western, but his real designe to make himself Emperor of ye East: for ye facilitating of wch he had invited that great inundation of Barbarians for a diversion to ye western Empire to invade it after his departure. In these circumstances Alaric stayed in Epire till ye year 408, & therefore was not supreme Lord over any part of ye West \so as to breake ye Empire/ till this year in wch he returned to invade it. The western Empire therefore was preserved intire till ye year very end of ye year 407 & so there remain only ye years 408 & 409 for its breaking into ye ten horns or kingdoms.

To these circumstances of time & place we may add another of the proportion of these horns ten kingdoms to ye four capital Kingdoms into wch ye Greecian Monarchy was divided, namely that these were to be much less then those: ffor this may be gathered both from their greater number & from — <16r> gathered both from their greater number & from their representation in Daniel's vision chap 7, those being there represented not by horns as these are but by four heads of ye Tyger to set 'em forth wth ye more amplitude comparatively to these.

And these things premised I proceed now to ye enumeration of these horns wch are these. 1 The Kingdom of ye Vandals 2 The Kingdom of ye Suevians. 3. the Kingdom of ye Alans in Spain. 4 The Kingdom of ye Alans in Gallia. 5 The Kingdom of ye Burgundians. 6 The Kingdom of ye Franks 7 The Kingdom of ye|B|rittain. 8 The Kingdom of ye Visigoths 9 The Kingdom of ye Huns. 10. The Kingdom of Ravenna: all whose Kings received power as Kings in ye years 408 & 409.

The seven first seven were founded by ye Gallic irruption wch began ye wars of ye second Trumpet A.C. 408 ineunte: the manner of wch was this. The Vandals under Godegisilus, ye Alans in two bodies one under Goar, another under Resplandial, ye Suevi under Ermeric & ye Burgundians under Gundicar, \in ye end of ye year 407/ rising from their seats in Germany as was said force their way through ye Franks, pass ye Rhene at Ments & diffuse themselves through ye next regions of Gallia \& amongst other actions the Vandals take Trevirs./. < insertion from f 16v > A.C. 408. Indic 6. Basso et Philippo Coss: Stilico Comes regnum inhians, Alanorum Suevorum Wandalorumq gentes donis pecunijsq illectas contra regnum Honorij excitavit. Marcellini Chron. < text from f 16r resumes > Vpon this Alarm ye Brittish soldiers revolt & set up tyrants there \first/ Marcus \whom they slew presently/ |yn| Gratian \whom they slew {illeg} in four months & lastly/ {sic} Constantine one after another, & under Constantine {sic} \whom/ so soon as they had set him up (wch was ye summer following ye irruption,) they invaded Gallia, thinking to get ye whole Empire. & after a while Constantine drew Goar to his side against Honorius. \Constantine soon possest a good part of Gallia, but the Barbarians being in his way, he invited ye Franks against ye Vandals In ye mean time & drew Goar also \{illeg}/ to his side. The Franks therefore also/ The next winter ye Franks also, being put into a posture of war \those beyond the Rhene/ {illeg} by ye \late/ hostile impression wch ye other Barbarians had made upon them \& invited to invade Gallia / by their \their examle {sic} {illeg}/ pass {again} ye Rhene & now \& thereupon|re on| this side by the immin/ invited by ye negligent government of Constantine to follow ye \follow the/ example of ye rest, \& having/ pass|t| ye Rhene also into Gallia, & first fallen upon ye Vandals \take trevirs from them for the Romans &/ slay about /almost\ twenty thousand of them \in battel,/ ye rest escaping \only/ by a hand of {illeg} /a[16] Resplendial\ Alans that came timely to their assistence. Then Resplendial seeing this disaster, & that Goar \& Gundicar/ were|as| fallen away to ye Romans, consulting his safety left ye coasts of ye Rhene & together wth ye Suevians & residue of ye Vandals went towards Spain, spreading into & vexing all places by ye way. They were at first stopt by ye Pyrenæan mountains \ wch made them diffuse themselves into Aquitain & several other parts of Gallia/ but after some time they had ye passage betrayed to them by \some of/ ye soldiers of Constans ye Son of Constantine whom his Father had <17r> created Cæsar & sent into Spain to order his affairs there. They entred Spain 4 Kal. Octob. A.C. 409 & from that time every one conquering there what he could, at length to avoyd wars wth one another they divided their conquests by lot & ye Vandals obteined Bœtica & part of Gallæcia, ye Suevians ye rest of Gallæcia & ye Alans Lusitania & ye rest of ye Carthaginian Province. Ⓡ

< insertion from f 15v >

Ⓡ In ye meane while \forces of Honorius sent against ye Barbarians took Trevirs from ye Franks. Also/, Stilico's expedition against ye Greek Emperor being stopt stopt by Honorius's order, Alaric came out of Epire into Noricum & demanded a summ of money for his service. The senate were inclined to deny him, but by Stilico's mediation granted it. But after a while Stilico being \detected &/ slain as a trayterous conspirator wth Alaric, & so Alaric disppointed of his money & reputed an enemy to ye Empire, he brake streight into Italy wth his army wch he brought out of Epire, & sent to his brother Adaulphus to follow him wth what other forces were remaining in Pannonia, wch were not great, but yet not to be despised. After he had besieged & taken Rome & was shipwrackt in his attempt to pass into {illeg} Afric, \as was described above/ Honorius made peace wth him & got up an army to send against ye Tyrant Constantine. At the same time Gerontius one of Constantine's Capitains revolted from him & set up one Maximus Emperor in Spain: whereupon Constantine sent Edobec another of his Capitains to draw to his assistence besides ye Barbarians that were in Gallia fresh supplies of Franks & Alemans from beyond ye Rhene. Gerontius advancing began to besige Contantine {sic} in Arelalum {sic}, but Honorius immediately \at the same time/ sending Constantius wth ye Army on ye same errand, Gerontius fled, & Constantius continued ye siege being strengthned by ye access of ye greatest part of Gerontius's soldiers. <16v> After 4 months siege, Edobec having procured succors, ye Barbarian Kings at Ments constitute Iovius a Tyrant \Emperour/ & together wth him set forward to relieve Arelatum. At their approach Constantius retired, & they pursuing, beat him them by surprize, but not prosecuting his victory ye Barbarians soon recovered themselves, yet not so as to hinder ye fall of ye Tyrants. Symbol (cross surmounted by three circles in triangular formation) in text < insertion from lower down f 16v > Symbol (cross surmounted by three circles in triangular formation) in text but yet Brittain could not be recovered to ye Empire but remained ever after a distinct Kingdom. < text from f 16v resumes > The next year the Goths also were notably overthrown at {illeg} & forced to {illeg} wth much {illeg} the Emperor to be shut of them, permitting them] into Aquitain. By this victory ye Barbarians wch were still harassing Gallia began to be further awed & |also were notably overthrown & forced invaded Aquitain, yet scarce so as to leave their hold in Italy, till they were beaten in Aquitain by Constantius {and} they invaded \Symbol (three dots in triangular formation) in text/ < insertion from lower down f 16v > [Symbol (three dots in triangular formation) in text \by Constantius: wch victory happend about ye year 414./ They invaded Aquitain wth much violence, causing ye Alans —] < text from f 16v resumes > violently causing the Alans & Burgundians to retreat wch were then depopulating it. At the same time| ye Burgundians were brought to terms of peace & had the Emperor granting them \for inheritance/ a region wch they h upon ye Rhene wch they had invaded, but sending Castinus wth an Army to check ye ffranks the Franks continued {illeg} And ye same I guess he did wth ye {illeg} Alans, but the Franks two or three years \not long after {illeg} \among other mischiefs// retaking & burning Trevirs, Castinus was sent against them wth an army. < text from f 17r resumes >

In ye meane while Goar & Gundicar were buisy {sic} in getting what they could in Gallia, & Honorius having sent Constantius to besiege Constantine in Arelatum, they set up one Iovius another tyrant & together wth him & ye Franks who had lately received new supplys by a second irruption began to advance toward ye releif of Constantine. But Constantius hearing of their coming doubled his diligence & took ye City before their arrival. After this followed various wars between these barbarians & ye Romans, in wch Iovian was soon slain \Trevirs taken by the Franks from the Romans & burnt/, & ye Franks Castinus a Roman Captain sent against ye Franks in particular. But such was ye multiplicity of these wars that we have no distinct account of them.{sic}

Now ye records of this history, (that I may not deliver it gratis) are chiefly these: \/

< insertion from f 16v >

✝ Stilico Alarichum cunctamq Gothorum gentem pro pace optima et quibuscunq sedibus suppliciter et simpliciter orantem occulto fædere fovens ad terendam Rempublicam reservavit. \Præterea/ Gentes alias copijs viribusq intollerabiles quibus nunc Galliarum Hispaniarumq Proviniciæ premuntur, hoc est Alanorum Suevorum Vandalorum ipsoq simul motu impulsorum Burgundionum ultrò in arma solicitans suscitavit, eas interim ripas Rheni quatere et pulsare Gallias voluit. Itaq ubi Imperatori Honorio exercituiq hæc tantorum scelerum scena patefacta est, commoto justissime exercitu occisus est Stilico. Oros l. 7, c. 38. < text from f 17r resumes > Ante a[17] biennium Romanæ irruptionis excitæ per Stiliconem gentes Alanorum Suevorum Vandalorum, multǽq cum his aliæ, ffrancos proterunt, Rhenum transeunt, Gallias invadunt, directoq impetu Pyrenæum usq perveniunt, cujus obice ad tempus repulsæ per circumjacentes Provincias refunduntur. His per Gallias bacchantibus, apud Britannos Gratianus municeps ejusdem insulæ tyrannis creatur & occiditur: Hujus loco Constantinus eligitur qui continuò ut invasit imperium in Gallias transijt. Oros. l 7. c 40. \& Paul. Diac in Eutrop.: continuat: l 13./ {illeg} Frigeridus, cùm Romam refert a Gothis captam atq subversam, ait: Interea Resplendial Rex b[18] Alanorum, Goare ad Romanos transgresso, de Rheno agmen suorum convertit, Vandalis Francorum bello laborantibus, Godegisilo Rege absumpto, acie viginti ferme millibus ferro peremptis, cunctis Vandalorum ad internecionem delendis ni Alanorum vis in tempore subvenisset. {illeg} Movet nos hæc causa quod cum aliarum Gentium Reges nominet cur non nominet et Francorū Greg. Turonensis l. 2. c 9.       Vandali Alani et Suevi Pyrænæos montes transgressi Hispaniam ingrediuntur omnes eodem tempore (Oros l 7. c 40, \Sozom l 9. c 12./ Idat. Chron. Isidor: Hist: Suev: & Hist. Wand. \P. Diac. in Eutrop. continuato./ Sigebert. alijsq omnes.) Idq 4 Kal. Octob. Ann: Olymp\{illeg}iade/: 297, <18r> Æra Hispan 447, Anno 15 Honorij (Idat.) Honorio 8 & Theodosio 3 Coss: (Prosper. Idat. Cassiodor.) hoc est \Sept 2/ A.C. 409. \**/ < insertion from f 17v > ** Quomodo aditus in Hispaniam barbaris proditus, sit vide apud — — — — Oros: l 7: c 40. Vbi hæc habet: Constantis milites barbari, prodita Pyrenæi custodia, claustrisq patefactis cunctas gentes quæ per Gallias vagabantur Hispaniarum provincijs immittunt ijsdemq ipsi adjunguntur, ubi actis aliquamdiu magnis cruentisq discursibus, post graves rerum atq hominum vastationes quarum ipsos quoq modo pænitet, habita, sorte et distributa usq ad nunc possessione consistunt; Hoc est ad an 417, quando hæc scripta fuerunt. < text from f 18r resumes > Biennio post captam Romam \Anno 17. Honorij, Æra Hispan 449/ (A.C. 411) subversis Hispaniæ Provincijs barbari ad pacem ineundam conversi sortè ad habitandum sibi provinciarum, dividunt regiones, Gallæciam Vandali occupant et Suevi sitam in extremitate Maris Oceani, Alani Lusitaniam & Carthaginensem Provincias, & Vandali congnomine Silingi Bæticam sortiuntur. Hispani per civitates et castella residui a plagis, barbarorum per Provincias dominantiam se subjiciunt servituti. Constantinus post triennium invasæ tyrannidis ab Honorij duce Constantio intra Gallias occiditur. Idat: chron. & Isidor & Eadem pene habet Isidorus in Hist: Wandal. ✝ < insertion from f 17v > ✝ Quomodo Gothi Basso et Philippo Coss: ex Epiro in Noricum profecti mercedem poscunt & Alarico 10 Kal. Sept. interfecto Italiam e vestigio invadunt non manentes advocata e Pannonijs auxilia vide apud Zosimum lib. 5 < text from f 18r resumes > Anno post urbem captam Constantius comes in Galliam cum exercitu profectus, Constantium Imperatorem apud Arelatum civitatem clausit cœpit occidit. \Iovinus postea vir Galliarum nobilissimus in tyrannidem mox ut assurrexit cecidit./ Oros l 7, c 42. Iovinus apud a[19] Mundiacum Germaniæ alterius urbem studio Goaris Alani et b[20] Guntiarij Burgundionum præfecti Tyrannus creatus est. Olympiodor. apud Photium. \Symbol (X with NE arm missing in a circle) in text Dum -/ < insertion from f 17v > Symbol (X with NE arm missing in a circle) in text Dum Constans, inquit Frigeridus, cum Patre resideret, ab Hispania nuncij commeant a Gerontio Maximum unum e clientibus suis Imperio præditum atq in se Comitatu gentium barbarorum accinctum parari: quo enterriti, Edobecco ad Germanos gentes præmissu, Constans & præfectus jam Decimius Rusticus ex officiorum magistro petunt Gallias cum Francis et Alamannis omniq militum manu, ad Constantinum jamjamq redituri. Item cùm Constantinum obsideri scribit Frigeridus, ita dicit: Vix dum quartus < text from f 18r resumes > Frigeridus cùm Constantinum obsideri scribet, ita dicit: Vix dum quartus obsidionis Constantini mensis agebatur cum repentè ex ulteriori Gallia nuncij veniunt Iovinum assumpsisse ornatus regios & cum Burgundionibus Alemannis Francis Alanis omniq exercitu imminere obsidentibus, ita acceleratis moris reserata urbe Constantinus deditur. — Et paulò post: Hisce diebus Præfectus tyrannorum Decimius agroetinus ex primicerio notariorum Iovini multiq nobiles apud Avernos capti a Ducibus Honorianis & crudeliter interempti sunt. Trevirorum civitas a Francis direpta incensaq est secunda irruptione. — Cùm autem Asterius codicillis Imperialibus Patriciatum sortitus fuisset, hæc adjungit: Eodem tempore Castinus domesticorum Comes expeditione in Francos suscepta ad Gallias mittitur. Greg. Turnonens. l 2. c 9. \Franci per Gallias incessentes deripiunt primò & secunda irruptione incendunt urbem Trevirim. Sigebert./ < insertion from f 17v > Wandalis Suevis et Alanis Hispanias ingressis \occupantibus/, Gerontius omnium Constantini ducum fortissimus, hostis illi factus, Maximum Imperiali veste induit & Tarracone morari jussit. Constantinus verò cum defectionem Maximi comperisset Edobecum ducem suum trans Rhenum direxit ut Francorum et Alemannorum auxilia impretraret, Constanti autem filio suo Viennæ custodiam commisit. At Gerontius \expeditione suscepta obiter Constantem Viennæ interfici curavit &/ Arelatum profectus eam obsidere aggressus est. Sed novi multò post cùm Exercitus Honorij duce Constantio contra Tyrannum missus advenisset, Gerontius cum paucis militibus fugit & mox perit, {illeg} major enim pars eorum ad Constantium transfugerat. Interim circumsidente Arelatum Honorij exercitu, Constantinus adhuc obsidionem sustenebat cum ei nunciatum esset Edovicum cum ingentibus auxilijs adventare. Nunciato protinus Edovici adventu, et quod is in proximo castra haberet, Honorij duces se ultra amnem Rodanum recipiunt. Et Constantius quidem qui pedestres copias ductabat adventum hostium opperiebatur. Vlfila verò Constantij Collega haud procul abditus cum equitatu subsidebat. Potsquam hostes exercitum Vlfilæ prætergressi jam cum militibus Constantij pugnam inituri erant, repentè signo dato prorumpens Vlfila hostes e tergo invadit. Statimq disjectis eorum copijs alij in fugam versi alij occisi, plurimi armis abjectis \veniam poscentes/ salutem consecuti sunt. Dein cùm Constantius {illeg} trajecto iterum amne ad obsidium urbis revertisset, obsessi portas apperiunt, Constantinus una cum Iuliano filio in Italiam missus antequam eo pervenisset in itinere est occisus. Nec multo post Iovinus & Maximus Tyranni ex improviso interfecti sunt. Sarus item et alij complures qui Honorij imperio fuerant insidiati. Sozomen \{illeg}/ l 9. c 12, 13, 14, 15. \Hanc historiam Prosper refert ad Consulatum Theodosij A.C. 411./ De hac et sequenti victoria adversus Gothos in Italia /versa pag\ Symbol (cross in a circle surmounted by another cross) in text < insertion from f 18v > Versa pag. Symbol (cross in a circle surmounted by another cross) in text Gothos in Italia hæc habet Hieronymus: Tunc lugubres vestes Italia mutavit & semiruta urbis Romæ mænia pristinum ex parte recepere fulgorem. - Putares extinctam Gothorum manum, et colluviem perfugarum atq servorum, domini desuper intonantis fulmine concidisse. Non sic post Trebecā Thasymenum & Cannas: in quibus locis Romanorum exercituum cæsa sunt milia, Marcellini primùm ad Nolam prælio se populus Romanus erexit. Minori priùs gaudio strata Gallorum agmina, auro redempta Nobilitas et seminarium Romani generis in arce cognovit. Penetravit hic rumor Orientis littora, &c. Hieron: ad Demetriadem epist 8.     De prælio priori meminit etiam Zosimus (lib 6). licet malo rerum gestarum ordine, additq Barbaros, quod Romani non insequerenter fugientes, resarcita clade quam acceperant vires recolligisse & rursus hosti pares evasisse. Et Iornandes (in Geticis) meminit Gentes Francorum et Burgundionum Gallias diu \&/ crudeliter infestasse usq ad adventum Gothorum ex Italia in Aquitaniam, tunc autem \metu Gothorum/ in suis se finibus cœpisse continere: non ultra Rhenum scil: sed in Germanijs cis Rhenū et Gallia Beligica {sic} quibus ungues infixerant. Et non multò post \Francis Trerim denuo capientibus & incendentibus/ Castinum contra Francos haud quiescentes \illos/ missum esse puto \salten ante an 420 nam exinde detinebatur in bello Hispanico & Afr/. {illeg} \Symbol (4 circles in a diamond formation) in text/ < insertion from lower down f 18v > [Symbol (4 circles in a diamond formation) in text |De Treviris autem prædictis quatuor eversionibus hæc Iubaianus: Non agitur Trevirorum| Non agitur Trevirorum urbe excellentissima sed quia quadruplici est eversione prostrata. Et paulo post: Expugnata est quater urbs Gallorum Trevir opulentissima. Atq iterum: Excisâ ter continuis eversionibus summâ urbe Gallorum. Salvian de gubern. Dei lib. 6. {illeg}] < text from f 18v resumes > Anno 18 Honorij (A.C. 412) rursum alia prædatio Galliarum Gothis qui Alarico duce Romam cœperant Alpes transgredientibus: Anno 19 Honorij Valentia nobilissima Galliarum civitas a Gothis effringitur ad quam fugiens se Iovinus contulerat. Anno 20 Aquitani a Gothis tradita. Prosper apud lib 1 Euseb. {illeg} lib 1. \Symbol (two wavy lines surmounted by three circles arranged as a triangle) in text/

< insertion from the bottom of f 18v >

Symbol (two wavy lines surmounted by three circles arranged as a triangle) in text These records of ye Ancients I shal conclude wth ye collection of a modern writer speaking of ye Barbarian kingdoms fou\n/ded at this time wthin ye Empire. Honorio, inquit, regnante in Pannoniam Hunni, in Hispaniam Vandali Alani Suevi et Gothi, in <19v> in {sic} Galliam Alani Burgundiones et Gothi certis sedibus permissis accepti. Sigonius de Occ Imp. ad an 423. Yet < text from f 18v resumes > Hæc autem {expindi|pu|gnatio} erant a Vandalis Francis et Romanis successivè A.C. 408 & 409 & a Francis denuò A.C. 415, de quibus postea. < text from f 17v resumes > < text from f 18r resumes >

The beginnings & first actions of these kingdom's being described, let us now take a view of their Kings & standing severally.

1. The a[21] Kings of ye \{illeg}/ Vandals were A.C 408 Godegisilus, {illeg} \409/ Gunderic, 426 Genseric, 477 Huneric, 484 Gundemund, 496 Thrasamund, 523 Hilderic, 531 Gelimar. \ < insertion from f 17v > Godegisilus \Gunderic/ led them into Spain & Genseric into Afric. ffor though Frigerid supposes Godegisilus slain in battel wth ye Franks {illeg} b[22] Procopius affirms he died in Spain, & wth Procopius c[23] Isidor accords saying that from ye beginning of Gunderic to ye taking of Gelimer by Belisarius were 123 years & 7 months. For Gelimer was taken in Aprill A.C. 534, & therefore Gunderic must have begun but in September A.C. 410. \agrees who calls Gunderic the first king that succeded in Spain & makes him begin his reign in the third year after they had invaded it. |Yet| Procopius affirms yt Godegisilus died in Spain but sed Frigerido suffragatur Isidorus in fine Chron Wand ubi dicit quod a {illeg} primo anno Gunderici quo in Hispaniam ingresssus est, usq ad Gelimiri casum et Wandalorum interritum anni 123 mens. 7./ < text from f 18r resumes > / Vnder Genseric they trajected into Afric A.C. 427, & were conquered by Belisarius under Gelimer & their Kingdom dissolved A.C. 534.

2. The d[24] Kings of ye Suevians were AC 408 Ermeric, 438 Rechila, 448 Rechiarius, 458 Maldra, 460 Frumarius, 463 Re <19r> mismundus; & at length e[25] after divers Arrian Kings reigned A.C. 563 Theodemir, 568 Miro, 582 Euboricus, & 583 Andeca. This Kingdom remained always in Gallæcia & Lusitania \/ < insertion from f 18v > At ye departure of ye Vandals into Afric Ermeric e [26]inlarged it into all Gallæcia \Ermeric after ye fall of the Alan's Kingdom e [27]inlarged it into all Gallicia forcing ye Vandals to retire into Bœtica/, & Rechila e [28]added Bœtica & ye Carthaginian Province, but ye Goths lessened it again {illeg} \at/ the end of Rechiarius his reign. It lasted 177 years. < text from f 19r resumes > & lasted 177 years according to Isidorus, or as Vasæus writes till ye year 584 when Leovigildus subdued Andeca & made their kingdom a province of ye Visigoths. |Some account this kingdom revived in the kingdom of Portugal, because the Suevians were seated on that side Spain.|

3 The Kings of ye Alans in Spain were A.C 408 Resplendial & 416 \f[29] who led them into Spain & A.C. 416/ Ataces. This Kingdom was g[30] more potent then the two former, but of much shorter continuance: for Vallia King of ye Visigoths h[31] in ye last year of his reign, that is between ye years 418 & 419 slew Ataces \(or Othacar)/ wth almost all his Army, & then ye Alans subjected themselves to Gunderic ye King of ye Vandals who lived in Boetica. But Vasæus tells us that wthin two or three |a| years \or two/ they wthdrew themselves again from Gunderic & lived in ye Carthaginensian Province wthout a King tributary to ye Romans: \giving the name Catalaunia to ye region: Of wch name Beatus Rhenanus (lib 1, p 27) gives us this account. Symbol (cross with the N arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text/ < insertion from f 18v > Symbol (cross with the N arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text this account. C{illeg}atthi cum Alanis juncti Hispaniam prorupere regno illic constituto, quod vernacula linguâ a consociatis nationibus occupatricibus hodiè Cathaloniam vocant. Tametsi quidam a Gothis & Alanis derivent. Cujus causa est quod minus noti sunt Catthi vulgò quàm Gotthi. < text from f 19r resumes > where becoming mixed wth ye Goths \after this second Gothic invasion of Spain,/ they gave at length ye name of Got-Alania or Catalaunia to ye region |Catthi cum Alanis juncti Hispaniam prorupere regno illic constituto quod vernacula lingua a consociatis nationibus occupatricibus hodiè Catholoniam vocant, Tametsi quidam a Gothis et Alanis derivent cujus causa est quod minus noti {illeg} sunt Catthi vulgo quàm Gotthi.|

4 The l[32] Kings of ye Alans in Gallia were Goar, Sambida, Eoch{illeg}arich, Sangibanus, Beurgus, &c. The Chronicon \Aventinus (in Annal./ Boiorum) tells us yt Goar before he led his Alans into Gallia was King of his Alans before he led them into Gallia, & yt he together with Huldin & Sarus Kings (as they called them) of ye {illeg} Hunns & Goths was hired by ye Romans out of Germany against Radagaisus. But what his dominion was in Germany is nothing to or purpose seeing that was wholly wthout ye Empire & ceased at his transmigration. We are here to consider him only as he invaded ye Empire & began a new kingdom upon a Roman people & dition by conquest. Vnder m[33] Sambida (whom n[34] Bucher puts ye successor if not ye Son of Goar) ye A these Alans had ye territories of Valence given them by Ætius ye Emperors General A.C. 440, & p[35] two years after, Eochlaric being then come to ye throne, they had ye regions of ye rebellious Galli Armorichi given them by ye same Ætius & invaded them, expelling ye Lords thereof. Vnder q[36] Sangibanus they joyned wth Ætius & ye other Kings in that against Attila in that memorable battel against Attila A.C. 451: at wch time {illeg} q[37] Orleans was in {illeg} their \regal city.[38]/ {dition}. \/ < insertion from f 18v > Attila had then invaded his territories \& r[39] besieged {illeg} Orleans/ & \thereupon Ætius wth his associates coming to raise ye siege/ ye battel was fought there in ye Campi Catalaunici so {illeg} called, as I conceive, from these Alans mixt wth ye Chatthi, as Catalaunia in Spain was from ye other Alan Kingdom. The region is now for shortnesscalled only Campain. < text from f 19r resumes > Vnder s[40] Beurgus or z[41] Biorgor they infested Gallia round about till ye reign of Maximus ye Emperor, & then they troubled Italy. b|B|ut <20r> at length \[42] Ricimer the Emperors Generall/ slew Beurgus at ye foot of ye mountain Bergamus in Liguria a Province of Italy. Feb 6. A.C. 464. Rustico et Olybrio Coss. What kings they had afterward I read not, nor what became of ye kingdom. Only I find it was standing in ye time of Theudebert\bertric/ a king of ye Austrian Franks who began his reign A.C. 533 \536 533/ \511/ & not only standing but in so good condition as to invade these Franks though wth bad success. For in excerpta Chronica Gregorij Turonensis I Chap 32 I find this record. Alani a Theudeberto filio Theuderici superantur, omnemq prædam et vitam amiserunt. The title of ye Chapter is; De Alanis, quomodo in regno Francorum interfecti sunt. After this loss I guess they became a province of ye Franks becaus I find this king \Theudebert first under his Father & then for him self/ was a great warrior & amongst other deeds v[43] conquered A.C. 559 \A.C. 539/ some provinces of Italy, |& that at this time the kingdom of the Burgundians was also overthrown.|

5 The Burgundian Kingdom was founded by those Burgundians wch advanced to ye side of ye Rhene in ye Reign of Valentinian, but x[44] now A.C. 408 brake into ye Empire together wth ye Vandals & other Barbarians. Prosper & Cassiodorus deliver that in ye consulship of Lucian wch was A.C. 412) the Burgundians obteined a part of Gallia next ye Rhene, that is, not only by conquest but also by concession of ye Emperour, as y[45] Bucher conjectures \well determins/. \/ < insertion from f 19v > Of this seat \This their first seat was in Gallia Belgica, of wch/ Sidonius (in Avitum) makes this mention. — Belgam Burgundio quem trux presserat &c. And \yt/ their kingdom was potent from ye beginning \& soon became well setled{sic}/, as is to be gathered from this passages of Orosius \written A.C. 417./ Burgundionum esse prævalidam et perniciosam manum, Galliæ hodieq testes sunt, in quibus præsumpta possessione consistunt: quamvis providentia Dei omnes Christiani modò facti, catholica fide, nostrisq clericis quibus obedirent receptis, blande mansuete innocenterq vivant, non quasi cum subjectis Gallis, sed verè cum fratribus Christianis Oros. l. 7. c. 32. < text from f 20r resumes > About the ye year 435 they received a[46] great overthrows by Ætius & ye Huns, \in wch wars their king G{illeg}undicar was slain/ < insertion from f 19v > Symbol (cross surmounted by 3 circles in triangular formation) in text \Gundicar was/ in wch war their king Gundicar was slain[47] < text from f 20r resumes > but five years after they had b[48] Subaudia granted them to be shared wth ye inhabitants, & from that time they became again a very powerfull kingdom being seated in Gallia Sequana & Lugdunensis \for a time r[49] bounded by the river Rhodanus, but afterward extending much further toward ye heart of Gallia/. Their c[50] Kings were A.C 408 Gundicar, 436 Gundioc, 467 Bilimer, 473 Gundobaldus wth his Brothers, 510 Sigismund, 517 Godomarus. Gundioc or Gundeuchis left his Kingdom wth Bilimer to be divided between his sons Gundobald, Godegisilus, Chilperic & Godmarus. Gundobald ye eldest e[51] conquered ye regions about ye Rivers Araris & Rhodanus wth ye territories of Marseille, f[52] invaded Italy in ye reign of Glycerius, & conquered all his brethren. Godomarus made Orleans his royal seat whence ye Kingdom was afterwards called also Regnum Aurelianorum. He was conquered by Clo{illeg}\tharius & Childebert/ Kings of ye Franks h[53] in ye year 526 or according to k[54] Petavius in ye year 532: & so the Kingdom came to ye Franks. Clodomir A.C. 561 left his kingdom divided between his sons & gave Burgundy to Guntheramnus whose successors were A.C. 594 Childebert, & A.C. 597 Theodoric. Theodoric by conquest joyned ye kingdom of Austrasia to Burgundy: But at his death A.C. 615 the whole fell to <21r> Clotharius ye Monarch of ye Franks. Afterward Austrasia & wth it I suppose Burgundy was again sometimes divided from & sometimes reunited to ye Parisian Kingdom untill ye reign of Charles ye great who made his son Carolotus king of Burgundy & thenceforward for above 300 years together it injoyed its proper Kings; viz: untill a little after ye year 1136; but was then broken into ye Dukedom of Burgundy, ye County of Burgundy & ye County of *[55] Subaudia, & afterward those were broken into several other less Counties wch you may see reccon'd up by Lazius De Gent. migr. lib. 11.

6 \/ < insertion from f 20v > ✝ 6. The first mention of ye Franks in credible Histories is in yt German invasion of ye Empire wch happened in ye reign of Gallienus & his successors: whence it's probable that they came then from remote parts of Germany & upon their repuls seated themselves upon ye Rhene. Their seats there were in Franconia & \Franconia &/ Thuringia & Franconia. They had formerly kings, but in ye reign of Theodosius & his sons lived under Capitains \Marcomir, Suno, Genobald & others/ till ye year 408, & then began a new kingdom by asserting their liberty from ye Romans invading Gallia & instead of Capitains setting up a king ofver them: for at ye time of ye Vandalic invasion they were in servitude to — < text from f 21r resumes > The Franks \before this invasion inhabited \lived wthout Kings in/ Thuringia & Francia orientalis or Franconia, they/ did not like ye other barbarians begin their kingdom by a \total/ transmigration, but by asserting their liberty from ye Romans & instead of Capitains setting up a king over them. ffor at ye time of ye invasion they were in servitude to ye Romans & therefore did not \then/ joyn wth their enemies but suffered ye first shock of ye invasion. Their bondage to ye Empire is to be learnt out of Claudian above cited, where he describes not only so firm a peace wth them that ye Belgic heards might feed quietly on ye mountains of ye Franks as far as to ye river Albis & Romans hunt securely in ye Hercynian wood but so great an inslavement of them that Stilico caused their former Capitains to be taken away & set new ones over them & imposed ye Roman laws upon them so that they had no power to punish rebels but only to imprison them & reserve them to be tryed by Roman Iudges: wch is so great a subjection, that for ye time it lasted they cannot but \may well/ be recconned an Appendix to ye Empire. T|A|nd this may give them some title to a horn of ye Beast from ye time that they asserted their liberty & set up a king over them: but the maine ground of that title is that they then began those conquests over Gallia whereby in time they translated their nation wholly thither \/ < insertion from f 20v > ffor their invasion of Gallia followed so soon after that of ye Vandals & Alans that Paulus Diaconus (lib 14) joyns them together. Trithemius describing — occiderunt &c. And Bucher a diligent — Cologne also. And to conclude, ye dating {illeg}|th|is Kingdom from ye said taking — < text from f 21r resumes > ffor Bucher a diligent examiner of their records {illeg} determins the a[56] beginning of their kingdom on this side ye Rhene \in Belgium & ye second Germany/ to be at ye taking of Trevirs from ye Vandals & affirms out of Salvian that they then subverted *[57] Cologne also. And b[58] Trithemius describing ye Siege of Rome by Alaric adds: Dum hæc agerentur in Italia per Gothos, Franci tempus adesse rati quo sibi Galliam subjicerent universam, contractis copijs adunaverunt exercitum, & fines Gallicanos transgressi primò cùm Vandalis congrediuntur qui Gallias incursabant, quorum regem Godgisith cum quorum regem Godgisith cum 20 millibus occiderunt &c. And In short the {illeg} opinion of Bucher in dating this kingdom y[59] from ye \{illeg}/ taking of Trevirs is the generall tradition of historians, only they differ in ye time of taking that City|ies| |taking| <22r> some referring \it/ to ye years c[60] 403, {illeg} others to ye year 406 others to ye year 410 \or d[61] 406 or e[62] 410 or/ {illeg} but by what we showed above both that & ye precedent taking it by ye Vandals must be in ye year 408. {illeg} {illeg} ffor the marching of ye Barbarians toward Spain & the immense wasting of Aquitain & other parts of Gallia after they were stopt by ye Pyrenæan hills untill they had ye passage betrayed to them, (all wch followed both takings of Trevirs) could not well take up less then a year: & Orosius describes its so as if the time between their passing ye Rhene & marching towards Spain was not considerable. Bucher would f[63] collect by ye putting ye Consuls in an epitaph found on ye tomb of one Eusebia there, that ye town stood secure in ye year 409 & \not/ therefore so would not have it \was not/ taken by ye Vandals till ye next year, but I should rather infer that the Romans had recovered it before that time \ye date of that Epitaph/ ye \from/ ye Franks: {illeg} {illeg}, for ye ffranks only plundered it & left it to ye Romans after they had plundered it. |ffor of ye foure times that Trevirs was taken \since/ thre were continually one after another (as Salvian tells us) its plain that the third \taking/ must be much nearer to ye two first then to ye 4th.|

The g[64] kings of ye Franks were A.C. 408 Theudemire, 417 {Pharamund,} 428 Clodio, 448 Merovens, 456 Childeric, 482 Clodo{illeg} The beginning of Theudemir {illeg} (whom Ivo (called Didio {illeg} Ivo Carnotensis, & Thiedo & Thiedemeres by Rhenanus) Bucher supposes to have immediately succeeded Marcomir & Suno \ye Capitains of the Franks/ the whom Stilico caused to cease A.C. 395. And indeed perhaps he might begin then as one of ye new Capitains whom Stilico set over them instead of ye former becaus his father Ricimer \lately dead/ was one of Theodosius's principal favorites (being Domesticorum Comes, & Consul A.C. 384, & loaded wth other honours:) but his shaking off subjection to ye Romans so as to receive power as a king, suits only wth ye year 408 when ye other barbarians first by an impression they invading ye Franks put them into a posture of war & then by invading Gallia cut of ye influence of ye Romans upon them: Constantine, I guess, at ye same time to gain their allience {illeg} confirming them in their liberty. To this determination agrees well \{wth}/ the excerpta Gregorij Turonensis e Fredigario lib 2 cap 5, 6, 7, 8. where he thus describes in order this kings beginning, the Tyranny of Iovinus, ye {illeg} second taking of Trevirs by ye Franks & ye expedition of Castinus. Ex{illeg}ctis, inquit, ducibus in Francis denuò Reges creantur ex ea{dem} stirpe {illeg} qua prius fuerant. Eodem tempore *[65] Iovin{illeg}\us/ {illeg} regios assumpsit. Constantinus fugam vertens Italiam di{illeg} a Iovino principe percussoribus super Mentio flumine {illeg}catur. Multi nobilium \jusse ✝[66] Iovinus {illeg} Avennis capti &/ a ducibus {Honorius} crudeliter inter{illeg} Trevirorum civitas facti {illeg} senatoribus no <23r> mine Lucij a Francis capta et incensa est. — Castinus Domesticorum Comes expeditionem accepit contra Francos eosq proterit &c. Then returning to speak of Theudemire he adds: Franci electum a se regem, sicut prius fuerat crinitum inquirentes diligenter ex genere Priami Frigi & Francionis super se creant nomine Theudemerem filium Richemeris, qui in hoc prælio quod supra memini a Romanis interfectus est. (i.e. in prælio cum Castini copijs.) {illeg} This taking of Trevirs \(because {illeg} Iovinus was slain A.C. 413 (Prosper) & it followed the ruin of his confederates)/ I suppose is that wch Bucher out of Vindeline in Lege salica & others assignes to ye year 415, & its \most/ probable yt ye expedition of Ca immediately after this followed ye expedition of Castinus, & consequently wthin a yeare or two ye death of Theudemir: < insertion from f 22v > Ivo puts Theudemir's reign between Pharamund's & Clodio's but yt can't be: for Castinus who slew him, was a[67] A.C 422 sent wth an army into Spain to make war upon ye Barbarians there, b[68] A.C. 424 fled to Boniface in Afric. c[69] A.C. 425 was banished & d[70] A.C. 428 Codio {sic} began. < text from f 23r resumes > of wch Greg. Turonensis in his History lib 2 c 9 makes this further mention: In Consularibus legimus Theodemerem regem Francorum, filium Ricimeris quondam et Ascilam matrem ejus gladio interfectos. |Bucher supposes this Symbol (cross with the S arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text| < insertion from f 22v > Symbol (cross with the S arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text Bucher supposes this king to have reigned only over ye Franks yt were in Gallia & yt ye trans{illeg}nane Franks afterward grew into one wth these: wch would be more to or purpose if ye we could be sure of ye matter of fact. < text from f 23r resumes >

Of Pharamund Prosper makes this mention \has this record/: Anno 25 Honorij Pharamundus regnat in Francia. This Bucher \/ < insertion from f 22v > ✝ This {Bucher} becaus it \being there/ put the yeare before an eclips of ye sun, 4 years before ye death of Constantius & seven years before ye death of Honorius, I re wch happenned in ye years 420 418, 421, & 423 or 424, I refer (wth Bucher) to ye year 417 Bucher refers to ye year 417 — < text from f 23r resumes > \{illeg}h[71]/ ref to ye year 417, dating these yeares of Honorius from his being created A{illeg}tus before ye death of his Father \refers to the ✝/ < insertion from f 22v > ✝ refers to ye year 417, becaus it < text from f 23r resumes > \the death of Valentinian/, & k[72] proves that at this time Pharamund was not only king by ye constitution of ye Franks but crowned also by ye consent of Honorius & had a part of Gallia assigned to him by covenant: wch might be ye reason that many reccon him \I suppose was the cause that Roman writers/ give occasion to his being reccond \him/ ye first king. by many. In ye last year of his reign, Ætius l[73] [74] took from him some part of his possession in Gallia; but his successor Clodio m[75] recovered all & more conquering as far as to ye river *[76] Some: & {illeg} prosecuted ye war at wch time I suppose ye 4th taking of Trevirs happend ffor n[77] Salvian tells us it was 4 times taken, & that three of those times were continual, & consequently ye 4th at some distance from ye rest. & Merovæus prosecuted \maintained/ \added to/ Clodio's victories, of \both/ wch o[78] Sidonius \— who wrote at that time/ gives us these hints z.[79] \Francus quà Cloio patentes Atrebatum terras pervaserat — Et alibi —/ Francus Germanam primam Belgamq secundā Sternebat. {illeg} a|A|t length Clodomer extended ye kingdom far & wide, conquering ye Alemans kingdom of ye Alemans {illeg} Burgundians, driving \drove/ ye Goths out of Gallia, possessing all to ye Pyrenæan hills p[80] & placing|ed| his seat at Paris \A.C. 508/ where it has continued ever since, ye former Kings being q[81] seated at *[82] Metz \& sometime at Despargum/. This was ye original of ye prsent kingdom of France.

7. The revolt of Britain under ye successive Tyrants {illeg} Gratian & Constantine is mentioned \recorded/ by Olympiodorus, Orosius, {illeg} Sozomen, Idatius, Zosimus, Iornandes, Procopius, Sigebert {illeg} & Gallic expedition of Constantine, Prosper & after him <24r> Zosimus puts Honorio 7 & Theodosio 2 Coss: wch is a year too soone ffor both of them joyn it wth ye irruption of ye Barbarians into Gallia as consequent thereto & so does Orosius the antientest recorder of these times who writes thus. Ante biennium Romanæ irruptionis excitæ per Stiliconem Gentes Alanorum Suevorum Vandalorum multæq cum his aliæ, ffrancos proterunt, Rhenum transeunt, Gallias invadunt &c. His per Gallias debacchantibus apud Brittanicas Gratianus municeps ejusdem Insulæ Tyrannus creatur & occiditur. Hujus loco Constantinus ex infima militia propter spem nominis sive metu virtutis eligitur, qui continuò ut invasit Imperium in Gallias transit. l 7. c. 40. But further Constantine reigned three years (Idatius \edit Sirmondi/) & was slain ye next year after ye sacking of Rome, yt is A.C. 411 (Oros. Prosp. Marcel. Idat.) 14 Kal. Octob (Marcellin) & therefore must have begun his reign in ye year 408. Yea Sozomen joyns Constantius's expedition into Gallia wth \Arcadius death or/ ye times a little after ye death of Arcadius, & Orosius in ye newly cited place tells us that he passed into Gallia \continuò ut invasit Imperium/ as soon as ever he was in ye Throne. Wherefore ye|The| beginning of his reign must \therefore/ be about ye time of Arcadius's death; & this happenned A.C. 408 (Sozomen. Socrat. Marcel. Cassiod. Procop. Zosim.) either |in| May 1st (Socrates) or 11 Kal. Sept. (Theoph.) Wherefore Constantine's reign must begin A.C. 408 in Sommer. And from hence if you substract ye 4 months reign of Gratian & ye short reign of Marcus you will fall upon ye beginning of yt year (I suppose ye end of Ianuary,) for ye first defection \for ye 1st defection/; for Marcus's reign was so short yt Orosius — — — — passes him over in silence & begins wth Gratian \And perhaps Gratian's reign might not be {illeg} full 4 months/. From these grownds it is evident therefore that Prosper set's Constantine's reign & Gallic expedition a year too soon, as he does also the Invasion of Italy by Radagaisus & of Gallia by ye Vandals Alans & Suevians, & much more does Olympiodorus err whilst he set's Constantine's reign a year sooner then Prospers.

Now though the reign of these Tyrants was but short yet they gave a beginning to ye Kingdom of ye Brittains \& so are to be recconned the thre first Kings/ for from that time they \the Brittains/ continued a distinct Kingdom absolved from subjection to ye Emperors, by reason that \for/ after ye Island was \almost/ emptied of ye Romans by Constantines expedition, \the Brittains laying hold of ye advantage expelled the rest & asserted their liberty & from that time/ the Emperors through the troubles & weakness of ye Empire could not spare soldiers to be sent <25r> thither again. on wch advantage ye Brittains laying hold forthwith asserted their own liberty: for \This we learn out of Prosper \Sigebert/ Zosimus & Procopius for unquestionable records. ffor/ Prosper tell's us A.C. 410 Variane Coss: Hac tempestate præ *[83] invaletudine Romanorum vires funditus attenuatæ Brittanniæ \And Sigebert conjoyning this wth the siege of Rome sayth Britannorum vires attenuatæ & subrahunt se a Romanorum dominatione/. And Zosimus lib 6 Cuncta pro lubitu invadentes transrhenani Barbari, eò tum incolas Brittanniæ Insulæ Brittanniæ, tum quasdam Celticas nationes redigerunt ut ab Imperio Romano deficerent & Romanorum legibus non ampliùs obedientes, κατ᾽ εἁυτὸν βιατεὺειν, arbitratu suo viverent. Itaq Britanni sumptis armis et pro salute sua periclitati, civitates a barbaris imminentibus liberarunt. Itidem totus ille tractus *[84] Armorichus, cæteræq Gallorum Provinciæ Britannos imitati consimili se modo liberarunt ejectis Romanis Præsidibus, & propria quadam republica ex arbitratu suo constituta. Hæc Britanniæ Celticarumq gentium rebellio, quo tempore Constantinus iste regnum usurpabat accidit. And so Procopius [85] (\Vand. l. 1/ Edit. Grotiana) delivering ye defection of this Island under Constantine, adds Quo licet interfecto [non tamen & Britanniam Romani recipere potuêre sed mansit ab eo tempore sub insessoribus Insula. \So Sigonius [86] ad Ann. 411. Imperium Romanorum post sucessum Constantini in Brittannia nullum fuit./ By all wch it should seem that ye Brittains expelled ye reliqs of ye Roman soldiers even while Constantine reigned in Gallia. < insertion from f 24v > And So \also/ Procopius \(vand. l 1)/ speaking of ye same Constantine: Κωνσταντινος μάχη ἡσσηθὲις, ξὺν τοις παισὶ θνήσκει. Βρεττααννίαν μέν τοι ῾ρωμαιοι ἀνασώσασθι ὀυκέτι ἔσχον ἀλλ᾽ ὀυσα ὑπὸ τυράννοις ἀπ᾽ ἀυτου ἔμενε. Constantinus bello superatus cum liberis interijt; Britanniam tamen Romani non amplius potuêre recipere, sed ab eo tempore sub Tyrannis constituta mansit. \And {illeg} another old author ✝/ < insertion from lower down f 24v > a[87] Author, A.C. 409 Roma a Gothis fracta ex quo tempore Romani in Britannia cessarunt. < text from f 24v resumes > And so Sigonius ad Ann 411 Imperium Romanorum post {illeg} \excessum/ Constantini in Britannia nullum fuit. And indeed ye Emperor seems to have had no desire to keep ye Island, for Zosimus {illeg} \(lib 6)/ tell's us yt ye Emperor \during ye Tyranny of Constantine/ wrote to ye Britains to look to their own concerns. < text from f 25r resumes >

Yet after this (viz. b[88] A.C. 419) the Britains being invaded by ye Scots sollicited Honorius for aid, c[89] who at first denyed them & bad them look to their own affairs but upon further intreaty \& he out of pity or hopes of recovering the Isle/ sent d[90] Gallio wth a Legion whereby \thither by whose assistence/ ye Scots were overthrown & forced to retreat, & then Gallio wth his soldiers returned back again. This victory by ye last coyn of Honorius \in Cam{illeg}den/ appears to have been in ye year 420 because of ye three Cæsars on its \other side/ wch reigned together in this year only.

What Captain or Captains the Brittains set over them at their first assertion of their liberty |the first Tyrant or Tyrants were wch Procopius tells us held the Island from the departure of Constantine| I read not, e[91] but in ye year 425 they made Vortigern their king: for thus it is found recorded in an old Chronicle at ye end of Nennius in Camden f[92] Guortigernus tenuit Imperium in Britannia Theodosio et Valentiniano Coss. [i.e. An. 425] & in quarto anno regni sui Saxones ad Bitanniam {sic} venerunt. Fælice et Tauro Coss [i.e. An: 428.] This coming of ye Saxons {illeg} \Sigebert/ refers to ye 4th year of Valentinian wch falls in wth year {sic} 428 assigned by this Chronicle, & two years after (according to Beda & q[93] Vsser) the Saxons together wth ye Picts were beaten by ye army of ye Britains wch one Germanus (who came into England r[94] A.C. 429 [& returned into France s[95] A.C. 430]) baptised at Mold in Flintshire when they were to go against ye said enemy. And after this the Britains had t[96] various wars <26r> the Picts & Saxons together, in wch they were almost overwhelmed & when they got free from these, they were again as much perplexed wth the Picts: Whereupon they sent to implore ye Emperors aid v[97] A.C. 447, & that being denyed they called in Hengist & Horsa wth their Saxons who came accordingly x[98] A.C. 449 & by their aid ye Britains expelled their enemies but a while after \(viz y[99] A.C. 455)/ began to be vexed by new & lasting wars wth these Saxons wch they had called in.

Vortigern was slain \perished/ a[100] A.C. 466, & after him reigned Aurelius Ambrosius ye b[101] son of ye aforesaid Constantine, & then Vther Pendragon ye brother of Aurelius, & then ye {illeg} \ye victorious/ Arthur \ye son of Andragon/ who was slain in battel c[102] A.C. 542. After him d[103] reigned in order Constantine, Aurelius Cunanus, Vortiporus, Inalgo, & lastly Carthericus in whose reign ye Britains were dispersed & broken into several Principalities, ye Heptarchy of ye Saxons succeeding them as ye Normans have since done ye Saxons.

8 The e[104] Kings of ye Visigoths were A.C. 408 Alaric, 410 Athaulphus, 415 Sergeric, 415 Vallia, 419 Theoderic, 451 Thorismund, 452 Theoderic &c. For ye reasons above mentioned I \here/ date ye reign of Alaric but from his last invasion of ye western Empire though he was Lord of ye Goths before. In ye f[105] end of Athaulphus reign ye Goths were worsted by the Romans & attempted to pass into Spain. Sergeric reigned g[106] but a few days. In ye h[107] beginning of Vallia's reign they assaulted ye Romans afresh but were again repulst, & then made peace k[108] on this condition that they should in behalf |r|[109] of ye Empire invade ye Barbarians \kingdoms/ in Spain: wch they did \together wth Constantius/ in ye years 416, 417, & 418, overthrowing ye Alans & part of ye Vandals, & then t[110] received Aquitain by a full donation leaving their conquests in Spain to ye Emperor \though Sigonius thinks they had some seats granted them in|th|ere Spain also/. m[111] A.C. 456|5| Theoderic (n[112] assisted by Gundeuchus king of ye Burgundians) invaded Spain wch was then almost all subject to ye Suevians, & took a good part of it from them. for himself A.C. {illeg} the Franks took Gallia from \expelled/ ye Goths out of Aqui Gallia A.C. p[113] A.C 506. The Goths were driven out of Gallia by the Franks. A.C. 585 They conquered ye Suevian kingdom & became Lords of all Spain, wch they have held ever since A.C. 713 they began the Saracens invaded them but in time they recovered again & have reigned in Spain ever since.

9

<27r>

No 39.

<28r>

head, the next thing to be considered is ye rise of his |horns| horns, or his rending into ten kingdoms; for ye more certain defining of wch we are first to know ye just time & place in wch they were to rise.

The place according to what we have shewed must be ye western Empire precisely, excluding the eastern; for as they are ye horns of Daniel's 4th Beast they must have nothing common wth ye heads of his Leopard: & as they are ye horns of St Iohn's Beast they are limited to him both by their receiving their kingdoms at ye same hower wth him & by giving their kingdom to him, & being \all/ crowned on his head & uncrowned on ye Dragon's.

The time was \is/ determined in Posit       to be about ye beginning of ye Trumpets, & I limit it more precisely thus: \by this that/ The 10 Kings are said to receive their kingdoms at ye same hower wth ye beast Apoc 17.12, that is wth ye Beast as he is considered in ye vers before where he is taken for ye 8th head or king, wch as we have shewed is ye western Empire dated from \commencing at/ ye death of Theodosius. The length of this hower therefore being known we shal have ye just interval of time wthin wch ye 10 Kings were to receive their kingdoms. Now for defining this, if according to Posit     we take a Philosophic day for a year, the hower will be 15 naturall days: but this is too short a time for so great an interval a revolution as ye setting up of ten Kingdoms, & therefore we must repeat ye figure & take these 15 days for Philosophic days that is for 15 years. And this I perswade my self is the true measure of the hower becaus ye double of ye half hower's silence wch lasted from ye beginning of ye hal ceasing of ye Gothic wars in ye beginning of winter to ye A.C. 380 to ye commenceing of Theodosius's wars wth Maximus in ye beginning of summer A.C. 388. that is seven years & a half or thereabouts. The 10 horns therefore & ye Beast in ye state of its eighth head are to begin their reigns within the {compass} of ye same 15 years after ye {illeg} death of {illeg} \Theodosius/ yt |is between ye {illeg} of the year 389 that is between ye beginning of ye year 399 & yt of ye year 400| |The 8th head or Western Empire therefore is to be rent into these 10 horns or kingdoms wth/in\ 15 years after its beginning that is before ye beginning of the yeare 410.|

To these circumstances of time & place we may add another of ye proportion of these ten Kingdoms to ye four kingdoms into wch ye Greecian Monarchy was divided, namely that these were to be much less then those: ffor this may be <29r> gathered both from their greater number & from their representation in Daniel's vision chap 7, those being there represented, not by horns as these are but by four heads of ye Tyger to set em forth wth ye more amplitude comparatively to these. And these things premised I proceed now to the enumeration of these horns, wch are these 1 The Kingdom of the Vandals. 2 The Kingdom of ye {illeg}|Suevians| 3 the Kingdom of ye Alans \in Spain. 4 The Kingdom of ye Alans in Gallia/ 4|5| The Kingdom of ye Burgundians, 5|6| The Kingdom of the Francks, 6|7| The Kingdom of Brittain, 7|8| The Kingdom of ye Visigoths, 8|9| The Kingdom of ye Huns, 9|10| The Kingdom of Ravenna, 10 The Kingdom of ye Lombards: a|A|ll whose Kings (unless ye last be excepted) received power as Kings in or very nearly in ye year 408.

The {illeg}|five| first were founded by that great irruption of ye Barbarians into Gallia wch began ye wars of the second Trumpet, A.C. 408 ineunte: from wch time all their leaders Godegesclus, Ermeric, Resplendial \Goar/, & Gundicar by virtue of their conquests received & exercised power as Kings.

The Burgundians & part of ye Alans \Goar & Gundicar ~ ~ ~/ stayd in Gallia, but Godegesclus & Ermeric \& Resplendial/ translated their nations \people/ into Spain a[114] 4 Kal. Octob. b[115] Honorio 8 & Theodosio 3 Coss. A.C. 409, & framed thre Kingdoms there the c[116] Vandals seating themselves ✝ < insertion from f 29v > ✝ in Boetica & part of Gallæcia, ye Suevians in ye rest of Gallæcia, & ye Alans in Lusitania & ye Carthaginensian Province: wch regions (soo soon as they had conquered them (viz c[117] A.C. 412) they c[118] distributed among them\selves/ by lot to avoyd wars wth one another

1. The Kings of ye Vandals were A.C. 408 Godegisclus, 410 Gunderic, 426 Genseric, 477. Huneric, 484 Gundemund, 496 Thrasamund 523 Hilderic, 531 Gelimer. Vnder Genseric they trajected into Afric A.C. 427, & were conquered {illeg} by Belisarius \under Gelimer/ & their kingdom dissolved under Gelimer A.C. 534.

2. The Kings of ye Suevians were A.C. 408 Ermeric, 438 Rechila 448 Rechiarius 458 Maldra, 460 Frumarius, 463 Remismundus, {illeg} & at at {sic} length after divers Arrian Kings reigned A.C. 563 Theodemir 568 Miro, 582 Euboricus, & 583 Andeca. This Kingdom contined {sic} to ye end in Gallæcia & Lusitania & lasted 177 years according to Isidorus, or till as Vasæus writes, till ye year 584 when Leovigildus subdued Andeca & made their kingdom a province of ye Visigoths.

3 The Kings of ye Alans in Spain were \A.C. 408/ Resplendial & \416/ Ataces. This Kingdom was translated into Spain \at/ & ye same time wth the two former \more potent then ye other two former/ {illeg}\but much sooner/ dissolved for Vallia King of ye Visigoths who in ye last year of his reign, (yt is A.C. 419,) slew Ataces wth almost all his army, & yn ye Alans joyned \subjected/ themselves some to ye Vandalic Kingdom, others to ye Suevian to Gundicar ye King of ye Vandals who lived in Bætica, But Vasæus tells us that wthin two or three years they wthdrew themselves again from Gunderic & lived in ye Carthaginian Province wthout a king, tributary to ye Romans: A|w|here becoming mixed wth Goths, they seem to have given \gave at length/ ye name of Got-Alania or Catalaunia to ye region.

4 The Kings of ye Alans in France Gallia were Goar, Sambida Eochdarich. Sangibanus, Beurgus &c. < text from f 29r resumes > in Gallæcia \& Bætica/ & ye Suevians in Lusitania & some part of Gallæcia, & about |part of Gallæcia &     & ye Alans in Lusitania & ye Carthaginensian Province wch regions, \when they had conquered them/ to avoyd war wth one another, they distributed by lot & about 18 years after \soon as they had {illeg}/| 18 years after the Vandals removed into Afric & reigned there \a plague to the Romans/ till A.C 534 when Bellisarius subdued them; but ye Suevian Kingdom continued in Spain & lasted 177 years according to Isidorus, or as Vasæus writes till ye year 584 when Leovigildus subdued Andeca their last King & made their Kingdom a Province of ye Visigoths. The Kings of ye d[119] Vandals were A.C 408 Godegisclus, 410 Gunderic, 426 Genseric, 477 Huneric, 484 Gundemund, 496 Trasamund, 523 Hilderic 531 Gelimer: Those of the d[120] Suevians A.C. 408 Ermeric, 438 Rechila, 448 Rechiarius, 458 Maldra, 460 Frumarius, 463 Remismundus, & at length after e[121] divers Arrian Kings reigned Theo A.C. 563 Theodemir, 568 Miro, & 582 Euboricus, & 583 Andeca.

The Alans seated themselves in Gallia Narbonensis about Rhodanus. Their f[122] Kings were Resplendial, Goar, Sambida <30r> Sangibanus, Beurgus &c. a Resplendial passed into Spain wth part of his nation, & was succeeded there by Atac b[123] at ye same time wth ye Vandals & Suevians & was succeeded there by c[124] Ataces but d[125] Vallia King of ye Goths e[126] A.C. 418 ruined that part of their Kingdom, slaying Ataces wth almost all his army. Vnder f[127] Sambida ye Alans had ye territories of Valence given ym by Ætius ye Emperors General A.C. 440, & f[128] two years after they invaded it & took possession of it by force of arms, expelling ye Lords thereof. Vnder g[129] Sangibanus they joyned wth Ætius & the \other/ Kings against Attila in yt memorable battel A.C. 451: at wch time ye City h[130] Orleans was under their dition. Vnder Beurgus or i[131] Biorgor k [132] they infested Gallia round about till ye reign of Maximus ye Emperour, whose General \& then they troubled Italy, but at length/ Ricimer l[133] slew Beurgus at ye foot of ye mountain Bergomus in Liguria a Province of Italy \Venetia/, Feb. 6, A.C. 464: ffor Beurgus had led his a\r/my to pillage Italy \whither Rustico et Obebrio Coss:/. What became of this kingdom afterward I read not, but it's likely yt it was at length swallowed up by ye Francks among their neighbouring kingdoms.

5 The Burgundian kingdom was founded by those Burgundians wch advanced to ye Rhene side of ye Rhene in ye reign of Valentinian but a[134] now A.C. 408 brake into ye Empire together wth ye Vandals & other Barbarians. Prosper & Cassiodorus deliver that in ye Consulship of Lucian (wch was A.C. 412) the Burgundians obteined a part of Gallia next the Rhene, that is not only by conquest but also by concession of ye Emperor as Bucher conjectures. r[135] About ye year 435 they received great v[136] overthrows by Ætius & ye Huns, but five years after they had b a[137] Subaudia granted them to be shared wth ye inhabitants, & from that time they became again a very powerfull kingdom \being seated/ in Their seat was \in/ Gallia Sequana & Lugdunensis. & t|T|heir c[138] Kings |were| A.C. 408 Gundicar, \* Peritius/ 436 Gundioc, 467 Bilimer, 473 Gundobaldus \cum fratribus,/ 510 Sigismund, & 517 Gundomarus: the last of wch was conquered by Clodomir king of ye Francks in d[139] ye year 526 or according to Petavius in ye yea{illeg}|re| 532, & ye Kingdom became a Province of ye Francks till ye time of Char But Clodomir A.C. 561 left his Kingdom divided between his sons & gave Burgundy to Guntheramnus whose successors were A.C 594 Childebert & A.C. 597 Theodoric. Theodoric by conquest joyned the Kingdom of Austrasia to Burgundy. But at his death A.C. 615 the whole fell to Clotharius ye Monarch of ye Francks. Afterward Austrasia <31r> & wth it I suppose Burgundy was \again/ sometimes divided from & sometimes reunited to ye Parisian Kingdom untill ye reign of Charles ye great who made his sone Carolotus King of Burgundy & thence forward for above 300 years together it enjoyed its p\r/oper Kings viz untill a little after ye year 1136; but was then broken into ye Dukedom of Burgundy, ye County of Burgundy & ye county of Subaudia, & afterwards those were broken into less several others less Counties wch you may see recconned up by Lazius De Gent. migr. lib. 11.

< insertion from f 30v > The ancient Franks were a[140] seated on ye north \east/ of ye Rhene between ye Alemans & ye Ocean, & from hence they brake into Gallia under ye conduct of Pharamond a little after the Vandals. The founding of their kingdom is by historians recconned to be b[141] at ye taking of Trevirs wch was one of their first actions. Now Trevirs — < text from f 31r resumes > The Kingdom of ffrance b[142] historians date from ye first taking of Trevirs by ye Franks. Now Trevirs was c[143] four times taken & c three of those times were immediately one after another. The first was by ye d[144] Vandals & therefore must be after their irruption into Gallia A.C. 408, the second was by ye e[145] Franks from the Vandals & must therefore be before their departure into Spain A.C. 409. And least you should suspect it was taken by ye A from ye reliques of ye Vandals after their departure of ye main body, Figeridus (as he is cited by f[146] Bucher) having spoken of ye subversion of Rome, makes mention of Resplendial King of ye Alans in ye time of that siege leading his forces to assist ye Vandals who had been beaten by the Franks in their taking possession of Trevirs. Whence it is manifest not only that Trevirs was taken by the Franks before Rome by Alaric, but also before ye migration of ye Alans into Spain who went thither at ye g[147] same time wth ye Vandals & that under conduct of h[148] Resplendial.

The irruption of ye Franks into Gallia & their wars wth ye Franks Vandals i[149] Trithemius relates thus when he had newly spoken of ye siege of Rome, relates thus: Dum hæc agarentur in Gallia Italia per Gothos, Franci tempus adesse rati quo sibi Galliam subjicerent universam, contractis copijs aduna\ve/runt exercitum & sub ducibus Pharamundo &c fines Gallicanos ingressi primò cum Vandalis congrediuntur, qui Gallias denuò incursabant, quorum regem Godgisith [quem alij Godogisilum vocant] cum viginti millibus occiderunt. & k[150] Gregory Turonensis out of Figerid speaks to ye same purpose affirming also that they took T{illeg}revirs at ye same time. Yet in ye death of Godogisil they are mistaken; for he survived this loss & led his Vandals into Spain & died there, as l[151] Procopius who lived in ye next age relates. We may therefore safely conclude that ye taking of Trevirs by the Franks was in ye time of ye siege of Rome before ye Vandals went into Spain, & <31v> ⊛ after ye death of their Capitains Marcomir & Suno had kings again of ye same line of wch they were before, v & first \{illeg}/ Theodemir ye Son of Ricimer. This Ricimer was Consul A.C. 384 & Domesticorum Comes to Theodosius, adhering to ye Emperor as one of his chief favorites \& of the posterity of the antient Kings of the Franks/: whence its probable that Theodemir might at first be one of those Kings wch Claudian tells us Stilico set over ye Franks after ye exit of ye said Marcomir & Suno A.C. 395. But however we are not to reccon his reign \(as a horn)/ from thence but from ye time that his nation shook of {sic} ye Roman Yoke, for till then, what ever title he might bear, he was but a Subject & vicegerent to ye Emperor & could not be said to have received power as a king; the receiving of wch power & not ye title of King is made ye index of ye primordia of ye ten horns. This Theodemir (called — <32r> Vandali sub Godegisilo, Alani gemina tribu una sub Goare altera sub Resplendiale, Suevi sub Ermerico & Burgundiones sub Gundicario, anno 406 ad finem vergente, sedibus suis in Germania et Sarmatia egressi |Symbol (circle containing a cross with no E arm, with another cross to the right) in text| < insertion from f 33r > /Symbol (circle containing a cross with no E arm, with another cross to the right) in text pag. superiore.\ — egressi, Rhenum juxta Moguntiam transeunt. {illeg} \{illeg}/ prelium ad Romanum solum transgressi \Interea/, ffranci transrhenani Vandalos adoriuntur, prælio vincunt, viginti millia \eorum/ cum Rege Resplend{iale} Godegisilo occidunt, cæteris ad internecionem delendis nisi Resplendial rex Alanorum de Rheno agmen suorum duxisset ducens \Goare ad Romanorum solum {illeg}|jam| transgresso,/ in tempor{e} venisset, de Rheno agmen suorum ducens. Protritis igitur Fran{ci} Barbari omnes Rhenum trajiciunt seq diffundunt in Germaniam primam. < text from f 32r resumes > primùm irruunt in Francos trans Rhenum positos ut dictum est, dein Rhenum transeuntes juxta Moguntiam transeuntes se diffundunt in Germaniam primam, et urbes Moguntiam, Vangiones, Nemetas & Argentoratum[152] evertunt, & quidem Vangiones longa obsidione. Tunc pergaret, in Belgiam secundam, |Interim \Eodem tempore/ Saxones transacto Rheno Belgiam secundam incursabant. His autem redeuntibus, illuc etiam perga | unt Vandali cum socijs| & Rhemenses, Ambianos, Atrebatas, Morinos, Tornacenses, aliosq \urbibus expugnatis/ in potestatem redigunt. Exinde passa est Aquitania, deq Hispanijs cogitabant Barbari, sed a montibus Pyrenæis ad tempus cohibiti, regionem omnem Aquitanorum peragrant.

Interim \Interim/ Britannorum milite{s} his auditis commotis Tyrannos sibi præficiunt primò Marcum quendam quem non multò post occidunt, postea Constantinum municipem. Is Gallias mox invadit et [153] Britannico Galliam omnem Aquitanumq militem adjungens fit totius ferè regionis, deinde et Hispaniarum dominus, In hunc Barbari irruunt sed amissa prælio pars eorum in Aquitaniam diffunduntur, et prælio \verseuntur/ a {illeg} sed in Aquitaniam figientes de Hispanijs quia Constantinus \Barbaros etiam \(si Zosimo fides)/ prelio vincit sed quia/ \victos/ non eos insequereter, hosti rursus pares evadunt.De Hispanijs cogitabant sed a montibus Pyrenæis ad tempus cohibiti, Aquitaniam omnem peragrant.

About ye same time

While these things were doing, Stilico's expedition against ye greek Emperour being stopt by Honorius's order, Alaric came out of Epire into Noricum & requested a summ of money for his service. The Senate were inclined to deny him, but by Stilico's mediation granted it. But after a while Stilico being detected & slain as a trayterous conspirator with Alaric, & so Alaric disappointed of his money & reputed an enemy to ye Empire, he turned rebell <34r> again & brake streight into Italy wth his army wch he brought out of Epire, & sent to his brother Adaulphus to follow him wth what other forces he had in Pannonia, wch were not great, but yet not to be despised. And upon this Honorius fearing to be shut up in Rome retired to Ravenna, wch from that time continued to be ye seat of ye Emperors. And the Huns brake into Pannonia & founded a new kingdome there.

Hoc tempore bellum oritur inter Francos Salios et Vandalos. Hi Franci {illeg} erant nuper in Imperium recepti fuerant et in Belgio inter Brabantiam hodiernam et Rhenum collocati, jamq ut opinor ad arma se recipiunt ut adventantium Vandalorum furorem evaderent. Vandalos igitur prælio vincunt, & viginti millia eorum occidunt cæteris ad internecionem delendis ni vis Alanorum in tempore subvenissit. [Hac de causâ, et quod Goar et Gundicarius cum \jam ante ad partes/ Constantini parem transgressi essent, Vandali Suevi et Alanorum pars cui Resplend. præerat, recedunt in Aquitaniam. De Hispanijs invadendis cogitabant sed a montibus Pyrenæis ad tempus cohibiti per Aquitaniam et Novempopulaniam diffunduntur. Tandem vero montis aditus ijs patefactus est, et Hispanias ingrediuntur 4 Kal. Octob. A.C. 409, exinde loca omnia depopulantes.]

Constantine had before this time emptied Brittain of its military strength, & thereupon ye Northern Bar enemies of Brittain seing ye inhabitants void of help defense invaded them. At first they sent to ye Emperor Honorius to implore succors, but those being denyed, they set up for themselves \he bad them look to themselves & so they took up arms/, & grappled wth the enemy as well as they could. The Franks also encouraged by their victory over the Vandals, not only asserted their liberty from the Romans but began to make war upon ye neighbouring subjects of ye Empire wch bordered on ye Sea & were then called ✝[154] Armorici. The Armorici upon ye former approach of ye Vandals & other Barbarians had warning to put them <35r> selves into a posture of defense, & ✝[155] probably assisted ye Franks in their war with ye Vandals. But however it was they now seing by ye example of ye Brittains that no help was to be expected from ye Empire, trusted to their own hands & made so stout a resistance, that ye Franks seing themselves unable to conquer them entred into strickt alliance with them to be as one people, & by mutuall marriages & conformity of manners they in time grew one without distinction.

After Alaric had beseiged & taken Rome & was shipwracked in his attempt to pass into Afric, as was described above, Honorius made peace with him & got up an army to send against the Tyrant Constantine. At the same time Gerontius one of Constantine's Capitains |had| revolted from him & set up one Maximus Emperor in Spain \& came now with an Army into Gallia/: whereupon Constantine sent Edobec another of his Capitains to draw /call\ \call Goar & Gundicar/ to his assistance {illeg} wth what other aids they could draw from beyond ye Rhene, of ffranks & Alemans |aids he could procure from Goar Gundicar & other Barbarians in ye remoter parts of Gallia|, & committed the custody of Vienna to his son Constanc|s|e. Gerontius advancing first slew Constanc|s|e at Vienna & then began{illeg} to beseige Constantine in Arelatum: but Honorius at the same time sending Constantius with an Army on the same errand, Gerontius fled & Constantius continued the siege, being strengthned by ye access of ye greatest part of Gerontius's soldiers. After four month's siege Edobec having procured succours, the Barbarian kings \(chiefly Goar & Gundicar)/ at Ments constitute Iovinus emperor, & together with him set forward \sent for{th}/ \set forward/ to releive Arelatum. At their approach Constantius retired, & they pursuing, beat them by surprize, & so had Arelatum & Constantine yeilded to him. But the Goths in Italy constraining him thither the barbarians in Gallia \recovered themselves &/ began anew \again/ to rage more then \as much as/ ever being incensed by ye fall of Constantine & encouraged by ye confused state of ye Empire. And this I suppose was the last & general depopulation of Gallia of wch Salvian says, post Aquitaniam corpus omnium Galliarum arsisse. < insertion from inline > ffor now Constantines Empire being fallen & Honorius forces imploied in Italy agai{nst} <35v> ye Goths, the Barbarians in Gallia were at full liberty.

< text from f 35r resumes >

< insertion from f 34v > ✝ The Vandals had hitherto continued to wast Gallia as well as Spain, [as is plain out of Salvian who says that they after they had seized ye Pyrenæan passage they took many forts & cities in both regions] But] \who wth their associates in Spain/ towards the end of this year 411 upon the approach of other Barbarians retired & shut themselves up in Spain |converted themselves to peace|, & divided their conquests there by lot. The Vandals obteined Bœtica & part of Gallæcia; The Suevi the rest of Gallæcia & ye Alans Lusitania & the Carthaginian Province: the Emperor for peace sake confirming them in those seats by grant. wch made them abstein from further devastations. < text from f 35r resumes > The next year the Goths being beaten in Italy & having Aquitain granted them to retire thence into, they invaded it wth <36r> much violence, causing ye Burgundians & Franks to retreat who were then depopulating it. About ye same time \And soon after/ /The next year\ ye Emperor gave ye Burgundians seats upon ye Rhene to quiet them, & Bucher lib 14. c 4. n 5 argues well that at ye same time he gave seats also to the Alans their confederates. But ye Franks being ye not forreign invaders but rebellious subjects, had not yet any such privilege allowed, & therefore still continued their acts of hostility. During \They had already taken & plundred Trevirs the metropolis of all Gallia & in/ the reign of Iovinus (wch began A.C. 411 & ended A.C. 413) they took & plundred Trevirs the Metropolis of all Gallia, & about ye year 415 they took it again & burnt it. About ye same|yeare| {time} |415| Castinus was sent against them wth an Army & slew their king Theudemir & his mother with the sword. But now the Emperor designing a war upon the Babrarians in Spain, that Gallia in the mean time might rest quiet, granted the Franks also seats & the title of king to their new king Pharamund, And thus was first Spain & then Gallia calmed again & the new founded kingdoms setled in peace before ye war began in Spain wch overthrew ye Alan kingdom there.

<37r>

Coss: by all wch it should have happened A.C. 408. But Prosper Cassiodorus & Zosimus put it Arcadio 60. {Proboq} Coss: & Prosper also names ye day {illeg} and thus {it} should have the Barbarians passed ye Rhene viz. Prid. Cal Ian And thus it should have begun A.C. 406 Decemb 31. Which opinion being received by late Chronologers I shall follow it, & so begin ye invasion wth ye year 407. |that is an 408. And Prosper assignes the overthrow of Rhadagaisus, the passage of ye Vandals \& Alans/ over the Rhene, & the beginning of Constantine's tyranny to three years continually succeeding one another making ye middlemost to have been in the last day of the middle year, that is of the year 407: ffor Rhadagaisus was overthrown A.C. 406 as was shewn above & Constantine began in Summer A.C 408 as shall be shewn hereafter. Prosper indeed (whom Cassiodorus & Zosimus follow) puts the Consuls a yeare too soon in all these three things; but its to be supposed that he has committed ye same error in ye middlemost that ✝|

Italy & ye eastern parts of this Empire began before this time to be much troubled by ye wars of ye first Trumpet; but now those troubles were all overcome, Alaric, Radagaisus & all other invaders being either vanquished or repulsed. If any of them had a title to any portion of this Empire, 'twas Alaric, & yet he appears not to have had any unless as a subject to ye Emperor. ffor though his nation entred ye Empire above 30 years before, yet they resided within the Eastern Empire all ye reign of Theodosius & for five years after. And besides their coming into ye Empire was upon terms of subjection, wch though they brake, yet being well beaten by Theodosius they not only made peace wth him but returned to their obedience, & their Capitain Alaric as one of his other subjets {sic} served under him in his wars with Eugenius. And after Theodosius's death b[156] when they constituted Alaric their King & rebelled again, though Alaric harassed ye Eastern Empire five years together yet when he came into ye western he was so soundly beaten by Stilico yt c[157] Claudian called ye remainder of his nation, tanta ex gente reliquias breves, & Prudentius gentem deletam: whereupon he was forced to submit himself again, being humbled so far that d[158] Orosius tells us he did pro pace optima & quibuscunq sedibus suppliciter & simpliciter orare. But then e[159] Stilico beginning to think of getting ye Empire favoured them underhand for his use & after a while procured Alaric to be honoured wth a military Prefecture, & sent him into ye East in Honorius's service, committing some Roman Troops to his conduct amongst his Goths & promising to follow soon after wth his own army: his pretence being to recover some regions of Illyricum wch ye Eastern <38r> {Emperor} was accused to detain injuriously from ye western, but his real designe to make himself Emperor of ye East: for ye facilitating of wch he had invited that great inundation of Barbarians for a Diversion to ye western Empire to invade it after \upon/ his departure. In these circumstances Alaric stayed in Epire till ye year 408, & therefore was not supreme Lord over any part of ye west so as to break ye empire till this year in wch he returned to invade it. The western Empire therefore was preserved intire till ye {illeg} end of ye year 406|7| if not till ye end of ye next year & so there remain only ye years 407, 408, & 409 for its breaking into ye ten Kingdoms horns or kingdoms.

To these circumstances of time & place, I may ad {sic} another of ye proportion of these ten Kingdoms to ye four capital kingdoms into wch ye Greecian Monarchy was divided, namely that these were to be much less then those: ffor this may be gathered both from their greater number & from their representation in Daniel's vision chap: 7, those being there represented not by horns as these are, but by four heads of ye Tyger, to set them forth wth ye more amplitude comparatively to these.

And these things premised, I proceed now to ye enumeration of these horns, wch are these. 1 The Kingdom of ye Vandals. 2 That of ye Suevians. 3 That of ye Alans in Spain. 4 That of ye Alans in Gallia. 5 That of ye Burgundians. 6 That of ye Franks. 7. That of Brittain. 8 That of ye Visigoths. 9 That of ye Huns. 10 That of Ravenna: all whose Kings received power as kings in \between/ /in\ ye years 408 {& 409} & 409

< insertion from f 37v >

1 The Kingdom of ye Vandals

2 The Kingdom of ye Suevi in Spain.

3 The Kingdom of ye Alans in Spain

4 The Kingdom of ye Alans in Gallia

5 The Kingdom of ye Burgundians

6 The Kingdom of Brittain

7 The Kingdom of ye Franks

8 The Kingdom of ye Visigoths first in Italy, yn in Gallia & Spain.

9 The Kingdom of ye Huns in Pannonia.

10 The Kingdom of Ravenna

< text from f 38r resumes >

The first seven were founded by ye Gallic Irruption wch began the wars of ye second Trumpet, \& gave occasion to the other three/: the manner of all wch was this. The Vandals under Godegisilus, the Alans in two bodies one under Goar, another under Resplendial, the Suevi under Ermeric, & the Burgundians under Gundicar, in ye end of ye year 4067, rising from their seats in Germany \& S{cythi|alm|}a|tia|/, as was said, force their way through \fall upon the force their way through/ /first make an impression upon the\ ye {sic} transrhenane Franks, \& together with them/ |yn| pass ye Rhene at Ments, & diffuse them <39r> selves into ye neighbouring parts of ye Empire \Germania prima & ye adjacent regions/, & amongst other actions ye Vandals take Trevirs. \Then they advanced into Belgium & began to do the like there: but/ Vpon this the {illeg} Romish \Salian/ Franks (that is ye Salij & such others as had been \a German nation whome the Emperors had sometime before/ received into ye Empire by Iulian & former Emperors & lived quiet ly as subjects {illeg} ye regions of \about/ {Sorandria} & Sangria |& placed in that part of Belgium wch lies between Brabant & the Rhene) took up arms & made so stout a resistence that they slew almost twe|) seeing what their brethren beyond ye Rhene had suffered & what danger themselves were in, take up arms, & assisted by such {illeg} other Roman fforces as were at hand & perhaps by some raids also from their brethren beyond the Rhene, fall upon ye Vandals in defense of ye Empire, retake Trevirs, & slay almost twenty thousand of them \Vandals/ in battel, ye rest escaping only by a hand of a[160] Resplendials Alans which came timely to their assistance. Then Resplendial seing this disaster, & that Goar was fallen away to ye Romans, consulting his safety, left ye coasts of the Rhene, & together wth ye Suevians, & residue of ye Vandals went towards Spain, They \the Franks in the mean while the Franks retaking Trevirs prosecuting their victory so far as to retake Trevirs: wch after they had plundred it, they left to ye Romans. The Barbarians/ were at first stopt by ye Pyrenæan mountains, which made them diffuse themselves into Aquitain, & several other parts of Gallia, but after some time they had ye passage betrayed to them by some of ye soldiers of Constant|s|ine ye son of Const whom his father Constantine ye Tyrant hereafter mentioned, had created Cæsar & sent into Spain to order his affairs there. They entred \& entring/ Spain 4 Kal. Octob. A.C. 409, & from that time every one conquering|ed| there what he could, & at length to avoyd wars wth one another, they divided their conquests by lot, & ye Vandals obteined Batica & part of Gallæcia, ye Suevians ye rest of Gallæcia & ye Alans Lusitania & ye Carthaginensian Province, |the Emperor for peace sake confirming ym in those seats by grant.|

In ye mean time ye British soldiers allarm'd by ye rumor of these things, revolt, & set up Tyrants there, first Marcus whom they slew presently, then Gratian whom they slew wthin four months, & lastly Constantine under whom they presently invaded Gallia, thinking to get ye whole Empire. And And by ye example of ye Britains the Salian Franks wth their neighbours ye Galli Arborichi, rebell at ye same time. A <40r> Constantine having soon possest a good part of Gallia, & Spain created his son Constans Cæsar, & sent him into Spain to order his affairs there: about wch time it was that the barbarians were invaders were let into Spain by some of ye soldiers of Constans betraying ye Pyrenæan passage to them.

The Roman Franks also puft up wth their success against ye Vandals, & encouraged by ye distraction of ye Empire, they & other neighbouring Celtick nations about Arborichia by ye example of ye Brittains rebelled at ye same time; & ye Franks made Theudemer \the Prince of their \old/ royal Family/ king over them but ye Arborichi formed a kind of a common wealth. Between these there were some wars at first, but neither yeilding |having made rebelled & made Theudemer the Prince of their old royall Family King over them, & streight began \streight after their conquests/ to invade their neighbours \the Vandalls/. The first they set {illeg} upon were ye Galli ✝[161] Arborichi, but meeting with notable resistance they desired their alliance: & so the Arborichi falling off from ye Romans, they made an intimate league|, they made an intimate league to be as one people, marrying wth one another & conforming to one anothers manners till they became one wthout distinction. And so \Thus/ by the access of these nations, & of ye forreign Franks also who by degrees \afterward/ came all over ye Rhene, ye Salian Kingdom soon grew very great & powerfull. |There were some other Celtick nations \also/ brought to rebell at ye same time wth the Arborichi: all wch formed a kind of a common wealth till they were swallowed up by the Barbarian Kingdoms. And \all/ these rebellions happened during ye Tyranny of Constantine.|

About the \same/ time of these rebellions, Stilico's expedition against ye Greek Emperor being stopt by Honorius's order, Alarick came out of Epire into Noricum & demanded \requested/ a summ of money for his service. The Senate were inclined to deny him, but by Stilico's mediation granted it. But after a while Stilico being detected & slain as a trayterous conspirator wth Alaric, & so Alaric disappointed of his money & reputed an enemy to ye empire, he \|turned| rebelled &|a|gain &/ brake streight into Italy wth his army wch he brought out of Epire, & sent to his brother Adaulphus to wha follow him wth what other forces were re he had in Pannonia, wch were not great, but yet not to be despised. And upon this Honorius fearing to be shut up in Rome retired to Ravenna wch from that time continued to be ye seat of ye Emperor |& the Huns brake into Pannonia & founded a new kingdom there.| § After Alaric had besieged & taken Rome, & was shipwracked in his attempt to pass into Afric, as was described above, Honorius made peace wth him & got up an Army to send against the Tyrant Constantine. At ye same time Gerontius one <41r> of Contsantine's Capitains revolted from him, & set up one Maximus Emperor in Spain: whereupon Constantine committed ye custody of Vienna to his son Constans & sent Edobec another of his Capitains to draw to his assistance besides ye barbarians that were in Gallia fresh supplies of Franks & Alemans from beyond ye Rhene, & committed ye custody of Vienna to his son Constans. Gerontius advancing, first slew Constans at Vienna, & then began to besiege Constantine in Arelatum: but Honorius at ye same time sending Constantius wth an Army on ye same errand, Gerontius fled, & Constantius continued the siege, being strengthened by ye access of ye greatest part of Gerontius's soldiers. After four months siege, Edobec having procured succours, the Barbarian Kings at Ments constitud|t|e Iovius Emperor & together wth him set forward to releive A{illeg}relatum. At their approach Constantius retired, &, they pursuing him, |he| beat them by surprize, but not prosecuting his victory, the Barbarians soon recovered themselves, yet not so as to hinder the fall of ye Tyrants. But yet Brittain could not be recovered to ye Empire but remained ever after a distinct kingdom.

The next year \A.C. 412/ the Goths invaded Aquitain, yet scarce so as to leave their hold in Italy till they were beaten in Aquitain by Constantius: wch victory happened about ye year 414. They invaded Aquitain |being beaten in Italy, & hav|d|ing Aquitain granted them to retire thence into \&/ they invaded it| with much violence, causing ye Alans & Burgundians to retreat wch were then depopulating it. At the same time the Burgundians were brought to terms of peace, & ye Emperor granting|ed| them for inheritance a Region upon the Rhene wch they had invaded. And the same I guess he did wth ye Alans. But ye Franks not long after, among other mischiefs, retaking & burning Trevirs, Castinus was sent against them wth an Army \A.C. 415 &{illeg}/. This was ye second taking of Trevirs by the Franks. And Merovæus about ye year 448 took it again & destroyed it. So that it was taken four times, once by ye Vandals & thrice by ye Franks.

<42r>

This is ye history of the beginnings of these kingdoms so far as I can trace it. And ye records of this history (that I may not deliver it gratis) are chiefly these.

|1| A.C. 408 Indic. 6. Basso et Philippos Coss. Stilico Comes regnum inhians, Alanorum Suevorum Wandalorumq gentes, donis pecunijsq illectas contra regnum Honorij excitavit. Marcellini Chron.

|2| Stilico Alarichum cunctamq Gothorum gentem pro pace optima et quibuscunq sedibus suppliciter & simpliciter orantem occulto fœdere fovens, ad terendam Rempublicam reservavit. Præterea Gentes alias copijs viribusq intollerabiles quibus nunc Galliarum Hispaniarumq Provinciæ premuntur, hoc est Alanorum Suevorum Vandalorum ipsoq simul motu impulsorum Burgundionum ultrò in arma solicitans suscitavit, eas interim ripas Rheni quatere et pulsare Gallias voluit. Itaq ubi Imperatori Honorio exercituiq hæc tantarum scelerum scena patefacta est, commoto justissimè exercitu occisus est Stilico. Oros. l. 7, c. 38.

< insertion from f 41v > |5| ✝ Excitata est in perniciem ac dedeus nostrum gens quæ de loco in locum pergens, de orbe in orbem transiens, universa vastaret. Ac primùm a solo patrio effusa est in Germaniam primam nomine barbaram ditione Romanam; post cujus primum exilium arsit regio Belgarum, deinde opes Aquitanorum luxuriantium: Et post hoc, corpus omnium Galliarum. Salvian de Gub. Dei l. 7. < text from f 42r resumes >

< insertion from f 41v > Vandali circa Mæotidem considentes, ubi fame pressi sunt, in Germanos ruunt, qui nunc Franci dicuntur simulq Rhenum fluvium trajecerunt, in Societatem Alanos (Gothicum et ipsum genus,) adsciscentes: inde postea duce Godigisco t[162] in Hispaniam penetravere, quæ primùm ex oceano e Romanorum ditione occurrit. Cum Godegisco Honorius convenit, ut in hac sedes, minimè tamen cæteris habitatoribus nocentens haberent. Procop. De Bello Vand. l. 1. Vides hic Francos \torrente abreptos,/ simul cum cæteris Rhenum trajecisse: id quod Nicephorus etiam lib. 14, c. 56, testatur.

< text from f 42r resumes >

|3| Ante biennium Romanæ irruptionis excitatæ per Stiliconem gentes Alanorum, Suevorum,Vandalorum, multæq cum his aliæ, ffrancos proterunt, Rhenum transeunt, Gallias invadunt, directoq impetu Pyrenæum usq perveniunt, cujus obice ad tempus repulsæ per circumjacentes Provincias refunduntur. His per Gallias bacchantibus, apud Britannos Gratianus municep ejusdem Insulæ Tyrannus creatur et occiditur. Hujus loco Constantinus eligitur qui continuò ut invasit imperium in Gallias transijt. Oros. l. 7, c 40. & Paul. Diac. in Eutrop. continuato, l 13.

< insertion from f 41v > 6 ✝ Quomodo Gothi Basso et Philippo coss. (i.e. A.C. 408) ex Epiro in Noricum profecti, mercedem poscunt, et Stilicone 10 Kal. Sept. interfecto, Italiam e vestigio invadunt, non manentes advocata e Pannonijs consilia auxilia, vide apud Zosimum lib. 5. De pugna etiam Constantini Tyranni adversus \adversus/ Barbaros vide Zosimum lib. 6. Sed Vandali Alani et Suevi Pyrenæos Suspicor hanc pugnam fuisse insignem illam Constantij {illeg} \anno 411/ cum Barbaris anno 411 commissam, & a Zosimo corruptè triSymbol (cross surmounted by 4 circles in diamond formation) in text < text from f 42r resumes > < insertion from the right margin of f 42r > Symbol (cross surmounted by 4 circles in diamond formation) in text butam Constantino. Nam Salvianus lib. 7 hoc argumento adstruit gentes Barbaras ubi Hispanias irrupêre, degere potuisse intra Gallias nec & ut non degerent neminem timuisse, quòd i{illeg}|l|læsæ a Romanis usq ad tempus illud cuncta vastaverant.

< text from f 42r resumes >

|4| Frigeridus, cùm Romam refert a Gothis captam atq subversam Interea ait: Interea Resplendial Rex a[163] Alanorum, Goare ad Romanos transgresso, de Rheno agmen suorum convertit, Vandalis Francorum bello laborantibus, Godegisilo Rege absumpto, acie viginti fermè millibus ferro peremptis, cunctis Vandalorum ad internecionem delendis ni Alanorum vis in tempore subvenisset. Movet nos hæc causa quod cum aliarum Gentium Reges nominet cur non nominet et Francorum, Greg. <43r> Turonensis l: 2, c: 9. < insertion from inline > De tempore belli hujus {disputare potest}; utrum scilicet contigerit inter annos 408 & 409 ante invasas Hispanias vel anno 410. Pro posteriori anno factis quod ffrigeridus conjungit bellum hocce cum Roma capta, sed forte narrato urbis obsidio revertitur Historicus ad contemporanea; 2do quod Trevirim, quam Vandali ante hoc bellum expugnasse putantur, salvam stetisse anno 409 diversis probatur argumentis, Sed interim non probatur urbem a Vandalis expugnatam fuisse. Pro posteriori priori tempore facit 1 Quod Isidorus tradit Vandalos Hispanias ingressos esse sub Gunderico Rege, id quod arguit patrem ejus Godegisilum jam tum occisum fuisse. Aliter \tamen/ scribit Procopius, sed Chronicis Hispanorum \ex quibus Isidorus ana {desunt}/ major fides. 2 Quod reges diversorum barbarorum tempore belli hujus juxta Rhenum cum copijs satis amplis agebant, quod vix contigit post annū 408, præsertim non anno 410 quo Vandali # <42v> # cum socijs, omnem \universas/ fere Hys|is|paniam|s| percurre{illeg}re satis habebant. 3 Quod nulla magis probabilis ratio reddi potest occasio hujus belli maximè probabilis fuit Belgiæ cujus partem Franci incolebant incursatio illa per Vandalos a Salviano memorata. 4 Quod nulla magis probabilis ratio reddi potest divisionis istius Barbarorum inter se qua effectum est ut Vandali Suevi et pars Alanorum Aquitaniam et Hispanias invaderent dum Burgundiones et altera Alanorum pars circa Rhenum conquiescunt, quàm quòd tempore hujus belli {illeg} barbari \inter se divisi erant, {illeg} his/ pacem cum Romanis exerce{illeg}|ntibus| (ut innuit Frigeridus,) {illeg} \illis/ inimicitiam, quodq illi bello hoc attriti fugerent a reliquis in Aquitaniam.

< text from f 43r resumes >

Vandali Alani et Suevi Pyrenæos montes transgressi Hispanias ingrediuntur omnes eodem tempore. (Sozom. l. 9, c. 12. Idat. Chron. Isidor in Hist: Suev. et in Hist Wand. P: Diac: in Eutr: {illeg} contin. Sigebert, alijq omnes.) Idq 4 Kal. Octob. Olympiade 297, Æra Hispan 7|4|47, anno 15 Honorij (Idat.) Honorio 8 et Theodosio 3 Coss: (Prosper. Idat. Cassiodor.) Hoc est Sept 28. A.C. 409.

\/ < insertion from f 42v > ✝ Collapsa Constantini potentia [Gerontio nimirum cum militibus rebellante] recolligentes sese barbari Vandali Suevi Alani Gentes Barbaræ, Pyrenæi aditum propere occupant — simul præsidia multa multasq urbes tum Hispanorum tum Gallorum capiunt; et cum his etiam Constantini Tyranni Præfectos. {illeg} Salvian lib {illeg} citante Bucherio l. 13. c. 7 {illeg}

< text from f 43r resumes >

Quomodo aditus in Hispaniam Barbaris proditus sit vide apud Oros: l. 7, c. 40. Vbi hæc habet. Constantis milites barbari, prodita Pyrenæi custodia, claustrisq patefactis, cunctas gentes quæ per Gallias vagabantur Hispaniarum Provincijs immittunt, ijsdemq ipsi adjunguntur, ubi actis aliquandiu magnis cruentisq discursibus, post graves rerum atq hominum vastationes, quarum ipsos quoq modò pænitet, habita sorte et distributa et distributa usq ad nunc possessione consistunt. Hoc est ad an: 417 quando hæc scripta fuerunt.

< insertion from f 42v > ‡ Frigeridus cum Romam refert a Gothis captam &c. pag. præced. < text from f 43r resumes > |Post multas strages, incendia et rapinas, tandem divisis sedibus, Barbari ad aratra conversi, Romanorum residuos cæperunt, ut socios amicosq fovere. Hist. misc lib. 12.| Anno 17 Honorij, Æra Hispan 449 (A.C. 411) subversis Hispaniæ Provincijs, Barbari ad pacem ineundam conversi, sorte ad habitandum sibi Provinciarum dividunt regiones; Gallæciam Vandali occupant et Suevi sitam in extremitate maris Oceani, Alani Lusitaniam & Carthaginensem Provincias, & Vandali cognomine Silingi Bœticam sortiuntur. Hispani per civitates & Castella residui a plagis, barbarorum per Provincias dominantium se subjiciunt servituti. Constantinus post triennium invasæ tyrannidis ab Honorij Duce, Constantio intra Gallias occiditur. Idat. Chron. Et eadem pene habet Isidorus in Hist Wandal. ✝ Iornandes — < insertion from f 42v > ✝ Iornandes vir Gotthus tradit Vandalos audito Gothorum in Gallias adventu fugisse & se reclusisse in Hispanijs. Sed magis probabile est eos jam, pace cum ipsis facta, et sedibus ab Imperatore concessis, sponte abstinuisse a depopulandis Provincijs: nam Gothorum adventus in Gallias anno sequenti contigit. Sic et Sozomenes \l. 9. c. 12/ res Vandalorum confundere videtur dum nullibi tradit Vandalos vastasse Gallias ante Pyrenæi aditum occupatum, sed hujus regionis vastationem conjungit cum vastatione Hispaniarum, quasi utraq post aditum istum occupatum contingisset. Collapsa, inquit, Constantini potentia \{illeg}/ Vandali Alani et Suevi \gentes Barbara/ sese recolligentes \dum tradit Vandalos Alanos & Suevos Collapsa Constantini potentia,/ Pyrenæi aditum <43v> properè occupasse, simul \&/ præsidia multa multasq urbes tum Hispanorum tum Gallorum Cœpisse {illeg} et cum his etiam Constantini Tyranni præfectos res Vandalorum confusè tradere videtur, tum quòd nullibi tradit Vandalos vastasse Gallias ante Pyrenæi aditum occupatum, sed hujus regionis vastationem conjungit cum vastatione Hispaniarum quasi utraq post occupationem aditûs istius contigisset, tum quod aditus hicce occupatus sit anno 409 antequam potentia Constantini collabi incœperat, Constantinus enim floruit ad annum 410 quo Italiam invadere & reliquo dominatui {illeg} adjungere aggressus est, Sed non mirum est si subditus Orientalis Imperij res alterius Imperij minus call\u/erit nec ante imminui cœpit quàm {illeg} (nisi ab ipsis Barbaris Hispanias invadentibus) ante rebellionem Gerontij, quam et ipse Sozomenes, tum occupatione aditûs istius, tum invasione Italiæ tentata posteriorem facit. Sed non mirum est si subditus Orientalis Imperij res Imperij alterius minùs distinctè calluerit.

< text from f 43r resumes >

Quomodo Gothi Basso et Philippo Coss: (i.e. A.C. 408) ex Epiro in Noricum profecti, mercedem poscunt, & Alarico 10 Kal. Sept. interfecto Italiam e vestigio invadunt, non manentes advocata e Pannonijs auxilia; vide apud Zosimum lib. 5.

Anno post Vrbem captam Constantius Comes in Galliam cum exercitu profectus Constantinum Imperatorem apud Arelatum Civitatem clausit cœpit occidit. Iovinus postea, vir Galliarum nobilissimus in Tyrannidem <44r> mox ut assurrexit cecidit. Oros. l. 7. c: 40.

Iovinus apud a[164] Mundiacum Germaniæ alterius urbem studio Goaris Alani et b[165] Guntiarij Burgundionum Præfecti Tyrannus creatus est. Olympiodor. apud Photium.

Dum Constans, inquit Frigeridus, cum patre resideret, ab Hispania nuncij comeunt a Gerontio Maximum unum e clientibus suis Imperio præditum atq in se comitatu gentium barbararum accinctum parari: quo exterriti, Edobecco ad Germanas gentes præmisso, Constans & Præfectus jam Decimius Rusticus ex officorum Magistro petunt Gallias cum Francis et c[166] Alamannis omniq militum manu, ad Constantinum jamjamq redituri. Item cùm Constantinum obsideri scribit Frigeridus, ita dicit: Vix dum quartus obsidionis Constantini mensis agebatur cùm repentè ex ulteriori Gallia nuncij veniunt Iovinum assumpsisse regios ornatus regios & cum Burgundionibus c[167] Alemannis Francis Alanis omniq exercitu imminere obsidentibus, ita acceleratis maris reserata urbe Constantinus deditur. — Et paulo post: Hisce diebus Præfectus Tyrannorum Decimius agrostinus ex primicerio notariorum Iovini, multiq nobiles apud Avernos capti a Ducibus Honorianis & crudeliter interempti sunt. \/ < insertion from f 43v > || Hæc verba sic interpretatus est Sigebertus (an rectè judicent alij,) Franci per Gallias incessentes diripiunt primò et secunda irruptione incendunt urbem Trevirim — — — — — — —

— Cæterum Salvianus docet Trevirim quater expugnatam \et eversam/ fuisse, & quidem tribus continuis vicibus quarum tertia combusta fuit, quarta verò perijsse dicit quia tribus primis excidijs non correcta. Ex incendio videtur tertiam expugnationem fuisse secundam per Francos \a Fredegario memoratam/, sed quinam reliquis vicibus expugnarunt {illeg} sive Barbari sive \partim Barbari partim/ Tyranni difficile est statuere Hoc tantum Neq tempora expugnationum a fidis authoribus assuratì describuntur assignantur. [Hasce tamen mutationes urbs \hæc/ inclyta Galliarum omnium Metropolis passa est, primò devenit in manus Constantini Tyranni fugientibus inde in Italiam Honorij Præfectis ut vult Bucherius ex Zosimo; deinde] < text from f 44r resumes > Trevirorum civitas a Francis direpta incensaq est secunda irruptione. — Cum autem ✝[168] Asterius codicillis Imperialibus Patriciatum sortitus fuisset, hæc adjungit: Eodem tempore Castinus domesticorum Comes expeditione in Francos suscepta ad Gallias mittitur. Greg. Turon. l: 2, c. 9.

Franci per Gallias incessentes diripiunt primò & secunda irruptione incendunt urbem Trevirim. Sigebert.

Wandalis Suevis et Alanis Hispanias occupantibus, Gerontius omnium Constantini Ducum fortissimus, hostis illi factus maximum Imperiali veste induit & Tarracone Morari jussit. Constantinus verò, cùm defectionem Maximi comperisset, Edobecum Ducem suum [169] trans Rhenum direxit ut Francorum et Alemannorum auxilia impetraret, Constanti autem filio suo Viennæ custodiam commisit. At Gerontius expeditione suscepta, obiter Constantem Viennæ interfici curavit, & Arelatum profectus eam obsidere aggressus est. Sed non multò post cùm exercitus Honorij Duce Constantio contra Tyrannum missus advenisset, Gerontius cum paucis militibus fugit & mox perit, major <45r> enim pars eorum ad Constantium transfugerat. Interim circumsidente Arelatum Honorij exercitu, Constantinus adhuc obsidionem sustinebat cùm ei nunciatum esset Edovicum cum ingentibus auxilijs adventare. Nunciato protinus Edovici adventu, et quod is in proximo Castra haberet, Honorij Duces se ultra amnem Rhodanum recipiunt. Et Constantius quidem qui pedestres copias ductabat, adventum hostium opperiebatur. Vlfila verò Constantij Collega haud procul abditus cum equitatu subsidebat. Postquam hostes exercitum Vlfilæ prætergressi jam cum militibus Constantij pugnam inituri erant, repentè signo dato prorumpens Vlfila hostes e tergo invadit. Statimq disjectis eorum copijs alij in fugam versi alij occisi, plurimi armis abjectis veniam poscentes salutem consecuti sunt. Dein cùm Constantius trajecto iterum {illeg} amne ad obsidium urbis revertisset, obsessi postas apperiunt; Constantinus una cum Iuliano filio in Italiam missus, antequam eo pervenisset, in itinere est occisus. Nec multò post Iovinus & Maximus Tyranni ex improviso interfecti sunt. Sarus item & et {sic} alij complures qui Honorij Imperio fuerant insidiati. Sozomen. l 9. c 12, 13, 14, 15. Hanc victoriam Prosper refert ad Consulatum Theodosij A.C. 411. De hac et sequenti victoria adversus Gothos hac habet Hieronymus: Tunc lugubres vestes Italia mutavit, & semiruta urbis Romæ mœnia pristinum ex parte recepere fulgorem. — Putares extinctam Gothorum {illeg} manum, et colluviem perfugarum atq servorum, domini desuper intonantis fulmine concidisse. Non sic post Trebeiam Thasymenum & Cannas, in quibus locis Romanorum exercituum cæsa sunt millia, Marcellini primùm ad Nolam prælio se populus Romanus erexit. Minori priùs gaudio strata Gallorum agmina, auro redempta Nobilitas & seminarium Romani generis in arce cognovit. Penetravit hic rumor Orientis littora, &c Hieron: ad Demetriadem epist. 8. De prælio priori meminit etiam Zosimus (lib 6) licet malo rerum gestarum ordine, additq Barbaros, quòd Romani non insequerentur fugientes, resarcita clade quam acceperant vires recolligisse et rursus hosti pares evasisse. Et \post prælium prius/ Iornandes (in Geticis) meminit Gentes Fran <46r> corum et Burgundionum Gallias diu et crudeliter infestasse usq ad adventum Gothorum ex Italia in Aquitaniam, tunc autem metu Gothorum in suis se finibus cœpisse continere: non ultra Rhenum scilicet sed in Germanijs qui cis Rhenum & Gallia Belgica, quibus ungues infixerant. [Et non multo post, Francis Trevirem denuò capientibus & incendentibus, Castinum contra illos missum esse puto: saltem ante annum 421. Nam a[170] an. 422 missus est cum exercitu in Hispaniam contra Barbaros illic degentes; b[171] an 424 fugit ad Bonifacium in Africa; et c[172] an 425 exulavit.]

De transitu Gothorum in Gallias hæc habet Prosper. Anno 18 Honorij (A.C. 412) rursum alia prædatio Galliarum Gothis qui Alarico Duce Romam cœperant Alpes transgredientibus: Anno 19 Valentia nobilissima Galliarum civitas a Gothis effringitur ad quam fugiens se Iovinus contulerat: Anno 20 Aquitania Gothis tradita. Prosp. edit. Pithœana.

< insertion from f 45v >

Anno tandem 416 Gallias omnes pacem consecutas fuisse patet ex Itenerario Rutilij scripto sub Autumno anni vrbis 1169, i.e. juxta computum Varronianum quod tunc in usu erat A.C. 416. Is ubi Gallica Rura diu desolata hoc carmine lamentatus esset Illa quidem longis nimium deformia bellis, mox addit

Iam tempus laceris post longa incendia fundis

Vel pastorales ædificare casas.

Et paulo post

Submittant trepidi perfida colla Getæ

Ditia pacatæ dent vestigalia terræ

Impleat Augustos barbara præda sinus

Æternum tibi Rhenus aret —

Duriùs hic loquitur de Gothis, utpote qui jam humiliati erant, sed nondum \ut amici/ auxilia tulerant Romanis in Hispania.

Has barbarorum sedationes Orosius in fine Historiæ quem anno 417 ad finem perduxit, exprimit per voces comprimere, coangustare, addicere gentes immanissimas, sic enim adulatoriè describit pacificationem Barbarorum per fœdera et sedes concessas, Imperio addictos vocans quia sedes obtinuerant in Imperio, & coangustatos quia non amplius regiones omnes licentere invadebant, sed intra fines certarum sedium ictis fœderib pacificè continebantur.

Iam demum itaq cum Francis etiamsi Imperij civibus rebellibus fœdus initum est et sedes concessæ, & novus eorum Rex Pharamundus ab Imperatore titulum regis obtinuit, ut optimè disputat Bucherius l     c     & {Bucher} his vocibus innuit, Pharamundus regnat in {Gallia} Francia, i.e. ita <46v> regnat ut apud a Romanis (e quorum numero erat Prosper) Rex diceretur: cùm ante constitutionem imperatoriam Gens ista Romani Gentem istam etsi Monarchæ Theudemero subditam non pro regno sed pro rebellibus civibus haberent.

Hoc tempore gentibus etiam Armoricanis (quod Francis hactenus {illeg} pacem et leges Romanas restitutas canit \etiam/ Rutilius Itin l 1. Sed \Et quamvis/ ante pacem non diuturnam fuisse aut non omnes Armorichos ad imperium reductos \fuisse/ constet ex Procopio \Zosimo et Orderico Vitali/, tamen ex horum paci|e|ficatione {illeg} quem canit \rrestituta {sic} de quibus loquitur/ Rutilius, pleniùs constat pacificatio Galliarum & præsertim gentis Francicæ quæ hos hactenus infestârant. |Et proinde hic finienda erunt Bella quibus decem Regis surrexerant, Imperio jam passim sedato.|

Habetis jam historiam generalem bellorum quibus decem Reges primò potestatem ut Reges acceperunt, deinde et exernā constitutionem & nomen regnorum annuente Imperatore: Quæ cùm ex antiquissimis et probatissimis authoribus hic prolatis collegerim, abstinere possim a citandis neotericis qui sua ex veteribus desumpsere. {illeg} nisi forte \Alicujus tamen/ ponderis alicujus esse redeantur \possent/ quæ de regnis hoc tempore ortis, in genere scripserunt aliqui; Vti Bucherius, qui præter ea quæ de regno Francorum fusius docet, nominat (lib. 13, c. 4 \s. 10/) reges Alanarum & Burgundionum in Gallijs ac Suevorum et Vandalorum in Hispanijs; statuens regnum Alanorum quidem modò trans Ligerim in Ar{illeg}|m|oricis modo ad Rhodanum circa Valentiam, Burgundionum autem in Germania superiore primùm, tum in Subaudia, indeq etiam circa Araris Rhodaniq confluentes. Sic et Sigonius ex decem regibus septem simul numerat. Honorio, inquit, regnante, in Pannoniam Hunni, in Hispaniam Vandali Alani Suevi et Gothi, in Galliam Alani Burgundiones et Gothi certis sedibus permissis accepti. Sigon. de Occ.. Imp. \ad/ an: 423.

< text from f 46r resumes >

Deniq de Trevirorum eversionibus, hæc Salvianus. Non agitur {illeg} Trevirorum urbe excellentissimâ sed quia quadruplici est eversione prostrata — Et paulo post: Expugnata est quater urbs Gallorum Trevir opulentissima. — Atq iterum: Excisâ ter continuis eversionibus summâ urbe Gallorum \cùm omnis civitas bustum esset &c Dein/ {illeg} ubi grave urbis incendium \et excidium/ in \hac/ tertia expugnatione descripserat, addit de quartâ: Quia \te/ tria excidia {illeg} non correxerunt, quarto perire meruisti. Salv: de Gubern. Dei l. 6. Prima et secunda expugnatio contigit inter initium Vandalicæ invasionis & fugam Vandalorum a Francis in Aquitaniam, adeoq intra annos 407 &408 \prima putai vere & secunda in æstate vel autumno, nam Aquitania exinde {depat} a Gothis {illeg} per integrum annum ad minimū ante irruptionem in Hispaniam vastata./. Tertia, cùm contigerit mox post cædem sociorum Iovini apud Avernos, incidet in an: 414 vel 415, siquidem Iovinus (qui cecidit ante socios) occisus est An. 413 ut habet Prosper. Inter secundam et tertiam hanc expugnationem Romani tenuere Vrbem. Vnde Monumentum et Epitaphium Eusebiæ cujusdam inibi positum reperitur cum nominibus consulum anno 409 congruentium. Causam tertiæ eversionis a Lucio Viro Senatorio & urbis hujus Præfecto petunt: cujus historiam videre licet <47r> apud Gr: Turon: Epist: Franc: l. 2, c. 4, 7. Aimoin l. 1 c. 3, aliosq. |Hunc Aimoinus vocat Consularem, & proinde cùm Consul fuerit anno 413 necesse sit ut hæc tertia eversio sit anno isto serior; et tamen non multò serior quia tres primas eversiones Salvianus vocat continuas.| Quarta expugnatio ubi Vrbs destructa est contigit sub {illeg} initio Merovæi A.C. 448 circiter, eo tempore scilicet quo Salvianus scripsit, ut patet ex Vet: Chron: M.S. apud Labbæum post citato; ubi hæc: Sub Merovecho Rege Franci Trevirim destruunt, Metim succendunt, atq Aurelianum perveniunt.

Thus you have a collection of ye most ancient & authentiq records of ye times when the ten Kings began. What modern writers say, since it is collected from these, I forbeare to trouble you wth. Only for a conclusion I shall ad {sic} ye collection of one of ye most considerable, who speaking of ye Barbarian kingdoms founded at this time in ye western Empire, writes thus. Honorio regnante, in Pannoniam Hunni, in Hispaniam Vandali, Alani & Suevi et Gothi, in Galliam Alani Burgundiones et Gothi certis sedibus permissis accepti. Sigon. de Occ. Imp. ad an. 423.

The beginnings & first actions of these kingdoms being described, let us now take a view of their Kings & standing, severally.

1. The a[173] Kings of ye Vandals were A.C. 407|8| Godegisilus. 409|8| Gunderic \the successor of Godegisilus/. 426 Gen|i|seric. 477 Huneric. 484. Gundemund. 496 Thrasamund. 523 Hilderic. 531 Gelimer. Gunderic led them into Spain, & Gen|i|seric into Afric, & Geliner {sic} was taken by Belisarius b[174] A.C. 533. The duration of their kingdom Isidorus (in fine Chron. Wand.) thus sets down. A primo anno Gunderici quo in Hispaniam ingressus est, usq ad Gelimiri {sic} casum & Wandalorum interitum anni 123, mens. 7. |The greatness of it you have heard described above in ye third {illeg}|Tru|mpet.|

2 The c[175] Kings of ye Suevians were A.C. 407|8| Ermeric, 438 Rechila. 448 Rechiarius. 458 Maldra. 460 Frumarius. 463 Remismundus. And at length d[176] after divers Arian Kings reigned A.C. 563 Theodemir, 568 Miro. 582 Euboricus & 583 Andeca. This Kingdom remained always in Gallæcia & Lusitania. Ermeric after the fall of ye Alan's Kingdom d[177] enlarged it into all Gallicia, forcing ye Vandals to retire into Bœtica, & Rechila d[178] added Bœtica & ye Carthaginensian Province. But ye Goths {illeg} {illeg} Rechiarius's reign. It lasted 177 years according to |And Riciarius (as ✝[179] Iornandes writes, de finibus, rebus suis {exilans} nititur totam Hispaniam occupare. Cui Theodericus Rex Gothorum Legatos mittat {illeg} dixit ut recederet a finibus alienis. {illeg}| <47v> his murmuras, & me venire causaris; x[180] Tolosam ubi tu sedes, veniam, ubi si vales, resiste. To this degree of power & pride grew this king. So that ye Goths were fain to call ye Burgundians to their assistence: both \wch/ together {illeg} set upon him & overthrew him in battel. This Kingdom lasted 177 years according to Isidorus, — <48r> Isidorus, or as Vasæus writes, till ye year 58{illeg}|4|, when Leovigildus subdued Andeca & made their kingdom a Province of ye Visigoths. Some account this kingdom revived in the kingdom of Portugal, because ye Suevians were seated on that side Spain.

3 The kings of ye Alans in Spain were A.C. 407 Resplendial who \& Ataces {the first & Salida}. The first/ began his reign in Gallia A.C. 408 & e[181] led his people into Spain, {illeg} the other began in Spain A.C. 416. This kingdom was f[182] more potent then the two former but of much shorter continuance: for Vallia King of ye Visigoths {illeg} g[183] in the last year of his reign, that is {illeg} \about/ ye year {illeg} 419 slew Ataces (\Vtacus/ or Othacar) wth almost all his Army, & then ye Alans subjected themselves to Gunderic King of ye Vandals who lived in Bœtica. But Vasæus tells us that within a year or two they withdrew themselves again from Gunderic. \/ < insertion from f 47v > ✝ Alani, inquit \Vasæus/, indomiti, nec alieni patientes imperij a Gunderico cujus se fidei tradiderant, desciscunt & Carthaginesem Provinciam ac Lusitaniam repetunt, et sine Rege terras eas incolunt, vectigales tamen Romanis. Hæc profert ex Chronico Regis Al{illeg}|f|onsi, dein ex alijs \{illeg}/ addit, {patrium} Alanorum ab ipsis Alanqueram dictam fuisse, et Provinciam illam Cathaloniam quæ nunc sic dicitur: de quo nomine {illeg} Beat. Rhenanus (lib. 1 p. 27) sic scribit. Catthi cum Alanis — — — Gothi {illeg} < text from f 48r resumes > & lived in ye Carthaginensian Province without a King, tributary to ye Romans; giving ye name Catalaunia to ye region: of wch name Beatus Rhenanus (lib. 1, p. 27) gives us this account. Catthi cum Alanis juncti Hispaniam prorupêre regno illic constituto, quod vernaculâ linguâ a consociatis nationibus occupatricibus hodiè Cathaloniam vocant. Tametsi quidam a Gothis et Alanis derivent. Cujus causa est quod minùs noti sunt Catthi vulgò quàm Gotthi. |✝ The greatness of —| < insertion from f 47v > ✝The greatness of this kingdom while it stood you may perceive by this, that at this the time the three Barbarian Kingdoms p[184] had almost \all q[185] if not all/ Spain but Biscaya, & ye r[186] Alans dominered over ye other two. |Alani, inquit Toletanus, postquam in Hispanias sunt ingressi, in Carthaginensi & Lusitania Provincijs Ⓧ su < text from f 48r resumes > | < insertion from higher up f 47v > Ⓧ superbo oculo, sedes altissimas collocarunt, ita ut si linguis in Bœtica, Suevis in Gallæcia, Romanis etiam in Carpetania quam a Celtiberia præeminerent, et Vandalos quos in una Provincia concluserant cum Suevis potius impetiverunt & incursibus coarctaverunt; Romanis etiam in Carpetania quam a Carthagenensi Provincia defalcarunt intulerunt multas cædes et abstulerunt multas urbes. Quorum necessitate Constantinus Patricius Gothorum Regem Walliam invocavit, qui mox veniens Alanos tanquam aciem duræ silicis hebetavit, et regni nomine abnegato se Gunderico quem devicerant subjecerunt. —— Et paulo post. Regis nomine apud Alanos jam extincto, cessare Romanis Vandali et Suevi [lege Vandalis et Suevis] qui fere totam Hispaniam occuparunt. Et facti ignavi pro majori parte non militiæ sed ascripti populo remanserunt, nec ut magnanimi ad sedes alias migraverunt, donec post temporis intervallum Gotthis venientibus, ut accolæ pervenerunt. Et hic finis Regni & gloriæ Alanorum. Rodericus Toletanus Hist. Wand. c. 17.

< text from f 48r resumes >

4. The h[187] Kings of ye Alans in Gallia were Goar, Sambida, Eocharich, Sangibanus, Beurgus, &c. Aventinus (in Annal. Boiorū) tells us that Goar was king of ye Alans before he led them over the Rhene into Gallia & that he together wth Huldin & Sarus, Kings (as they called them) of ye Huns & Goths, was hired by ye Romans out of Germany against Radagaisus. But what his dominion was in Germany is nothing to or purpose, seing that was wholly wthout the Empire & ceased at his transmigration. We are here to consider him only as he invaded ye Empire & began a new kingdom upon a Roman people & dition by conquest. \Vnder him, as Bucher lib. 14, c. 4, n. 5 well argues, they for these Alans had seats given them neare the Rhene A.C. {illeg} together with their confederates the Burgundians A.C. 412. {illeg}/ Vnder k[188] Sambida (whom l[189] Bucher puts ye successor if not ye Son of Goar) they Alans had ye territories of Valence given them by Ætius ye Emperor's General A.C. 440, & m[190] two years after Eocharich being <49r> then come to the throne, they had ye regions of ye rebelling Galli Arbmorichi given them by the same Ætius & invaded them, expelling the Lords thereof. |Vnless you had rather here understand ye territories of Valentina given them two years before & now conquered.| Vnder n[191] Sangibanus they joyned wth Ætius & ye other Kings in that memorable battel against Attila A.C. 451: at wch time n[192] Orleans was their regal City. Attila had then invaded his territories & p[193] besieged Orelans, & thereupon Ætius wth his associates coming to raise the siege, the battel was fought there in the Campi Catalaunici, so called, as I conceive, from these Alans mixt wth ye Catthi, as Catalaunia in Spain was from ye other Alan Kingdom. The region is now for shortness called only Campain. Within a year or two after this battel Attila ✝[194] returned again wth an immense Army, pretending only war upon this kingdom, & began to invade it; |Alanorum partem, ut scribit ✝[195] Iornandes, trans fluvium Ligeris considentem statuit suæ redigere ditioni, quætenus mutatatâ per ipsos belli facie, terribilior immineret.| but ye Goths coming in to their ye assistence \of ye Alans/ he was beaten again & forced to retire: By all wch circumstances you may perceive yt this kingdom was a very considerable one. Vnder q[196] Beurgus or r[197] Biorgor they infested Gallia round about till the reign of Maximus ye Emperor, & then they troubled Italy Symbol (dot in a circle surmounted by a cross with the N, W and E arms recrossed, surmounted by a smaller circle) in text < insertion from f 48v > Symbol (dot in a circle surmounted by a cross with the N, W and E arms recrossed, surmounted by a smaller circle) in text \Whereupon Majoranus attempted (but in vain) to expell them Gallia. Illi deinde quod a/ [Majoranus [dehinc] Alanos Gallia expellere conatur. Alani contra, dum Italia sine præsidio est versus Italiam movent, quapropter magistrum militiæ Ricimerum — — Alanis opponit. Ithac. Sidon. {illeg} Alani in Gallijs quod Majorano olim pelli non potuissent, tantum sibi assumunt ut media |[tandem]| {illeg} Alpes transgrediantur Italiam occupaturi & in Liguriam veniunt: sed Ricimer militiæ præfectus tanta fortitudine eos accipit ut omnes fere internecione delerentur et Rex eorum Beorgor trucidaretur sexto Feb. Cassiod. < text from f 49r resumes > But at length s[198] Ricimer ye Emperors General | Militiæ præfectus slew Beurgus at ye foot of ye mountain Bergomus in Liguria a Province of Italy, Feb. 6. A.C. 464; Rustico et Olybrio Coss. |Symbol (dot in the centre of two concentric circles) in text| < insertion from f 48v > Symbol (dot in the centre of two concentric circles) in text Yet they keping|t| their footing in Italy & continued in their greatness like Ye Yet they continuing still very potent & \either/ keeping their footing in Italy or troubling it afresh, ye kingdoms of ye Heruli & Franks combined \Odacer King of Italy in Italy procured a league wth the Franks/ against them & overthrew them, as Gregory|i|us Turon. (l. 2. c. 19) thus mentions. Odovacrius cum Childerico fœdus inijt *[199] Alanosq qui partem Italiæ pervaserant subjugarunt. Symbol (wavy line surmounted by 4 circles in diamond formation) in text < insertion from higher up f 48v > Symbol (wavy line surmounted by 4 circles in diamond formation) in text Childericus Francorum Rex bellum cum Saxonibus gerit et insulis eos expellit. Alanos item ex Gallia ejicit, & suas ijs sedes distribuit, unde opes Francorum plurimum auctæ sunt. Turon. < text from f 48v resumes > This action Bucher (l 19, c. 5. n. 2, 11.) refers to ye years 480 & 481, & adds that Alenconium a region of ye Armorichi wch they held from ye reign of Eocharich till now, received it's name from them, qu. Alanorum conventus: & that now Odoacer placed \his/ Saxons in it whose name continued long after there.

This seems to have been ye most fatal stroak to this kingdom. Yet it scarce put a full period to it. ffor in ye time of Theuderic{illeg} a king of ye Austrian Franks who began his reign A.C. 511, ye reliques of it were standing, & in so good a condition as to invade these Franks, though wth bad success. For in excerptis Chron Greg. Turon. cap. 32 I find this record — < text from f 49r resumes > What kings they had afterwards I read not, nor what became of ye kingdom. Only I find it was standing in ye time of Theuderic a king of ye Austrian Franks who began his reign A.C. 511 & not only standing but in so good a condition as to invade these Franks though wthout \bad/ success. For in Excerptas Chron. Greg. Turon. Chap. 32 I find this record. Alani a Theudeberto filio Theuderici superantur, omnemq prædam et vitam amiserunt. The title of ye Chapter is; De Alanis, quomodo in regno Francorum interfecti sunt. After this loss I guess they became a province of \were wholly swallowed up by/ ye Franks, because I \read no more of them./ find Theudebert first under his father & then for himself was a great warrior & amongst other deeds t[200] conquered A.C. 539 some Provinces <50r> of Italy, & that at this time the kingdom of ye Burgundians was also overthrown.

5. The Burgundian Kingdom was founded by those Burgundians wch advanced to ye side of ye Rhene in ye reign of Valentinian I, but v[201] now A.C. 407|8| brake into ye Empire together wth ye Vandals & other Barbarians. Prosper & Cassiodorus deliver that in ye Consulship of Lucian (wch was A.C. 412) the Burgundians obteined a part of Gallia next the Rhene, that is, not only by conquest, but by concession of ye Emperor as x[202] Bucher well determins. This their first seat was in Gallia Belgica, of wch Sidonius (in Avitum) makes this mention — Belgam Burgundio quem trux Presserat &c. And that their kingdom was potent from the beginning, & soon became well setled is to be gathered from this passage of Orosius written A.C. 417. Burgundionum esse prævalidam et perniciosam manum, Galliæ hodieq testes sunt, in quibus præsumpta possessione consistunt: quamvis povidentia {sic} Dei omnes Christiani modò facti, catholica fide, nostrisq clericis quibus obedirent receptis, blandè mansuetè innocenterq vivant, non quasi cum subjectis Gallis, sed verè cum fratribus Christianis. Oros. l. 7, c 32. About ye year 435 they received y[203] great overthrows by Ætius & \soon after by/ the Huns, in wch \last/ wars their King Gundicar was slain, but 5 years after they had z[204] Subaudia (i.e. Savoy) granted them to be shared wth the inhabitants, & from that time they became again a very powerfull Kingdom, being for a time a[205] bounded by the River Rhodanus but afterward extending much further toward the heart of Gallia. Their b[206] Kings were A.C. 407|8| Gundicar; 436 Gundioc; 467 Bilimer; 473 Gundobaldus wth his Brothers; 510 Sigismund; 517 Godomarus. Gundioc or Gundeuchus left his Kingdom to be divided with Bilimer to be divided between his sons Gundobald, Godegisilus, Chilperic & Godemarus. Gundobald the eldest c[207] conquered ye regions about ye rivers Araris & Rhodanus, wth ye territories of Marseille, <51r> d[208] invaded Italy in ye reign of Glycerius, & conquered all his brethren. Godomarus made Orleans his royal seat whence ye kingdom was afterwards called also Regnum Aurelianorum. He was conquered by Clotharius & Childebert Kings of ye Franks e[209] in ye year 526, or according to f[210] Petavius in ye year 532: & so ye kingdom came \& his countries made [211] tributary/ to ye Franks. Clodomir A.C. 561 left his kingdom divided between his sons & gave Burgundy to Guntheramnus, whose successors were A.C. 594 Childebert, & A.C. 597 Theodoric. Theodoric by conquest joyned the kingdom of Austrasia to Bur gundy: but at his death ye whole fell to Clotharius ye Monarch of ye Franks. Afterward Austrasia & with it I suppose Burgundy was again sometimes divided from & sometimes reunited to ye Parisian Kingdom untill ye reign of Charles ye great, who made his son Carolotus king of Burgundy, & thenceforward for above 300 years together it enjoyed it's proper kings; viz untill a little after ye year 1136; but was then broken into ye Dukedom of Burgundy ye County of Burgundy & ye County of [212] Subaudia, & afterwards those were broken into several other less Counties wch you may see recconned up by Lazius de Gent. migr. lib. 11.

6. The revolt of Brittain under ye successive Tyrants, Marcus Gratian & Constantine, is recorded by Olympiodorus, Orosius, Prosper, Sozomen, Idatius, Zosimus, Iornandes, Procopius, Sigebert, &c. Orosius, Prosper & Zosimus connect it wth ye irruption of ye Barbarians into Gallia as consequent thereto. And Prosper (wth whome Zosimus agrees) puts it \in/ ye same year |wch began ye day after the irruption.| The just time I thus collect. Constantine reigned three years (Idatius, edit. Sirmondi,) & was slain ye next year after ye sacking of Rome, that is, A.C. 411 (Oros. Prosp. Marcel. Idat.) 14 Kal: Octob. (Marcellin) & therefore must have begun his reign in Summer or Autumn A.C. 408: The wch is also apparent from hence that \moreover/ Sozomen joyns Constantine's expedition into Gallia wth Arcadius's death, or ye times a little after, & Orosius l. 7. c. 40. tells us that he passed into Gallia, con <52r> tinuò ut invasit Imperium, as soon as ever he was in the throne. The beginning of his reign must therefore be about ye time of Arcadius's death, & this happened A.C. 408 (Sozomen. Socrat. Marcel. Cassiod. Procop. Zosim.) either in May jst (Socrat.) or 11 Kal. Sept. (Theoph.) Deduct now from hence ye four months reign of Gratian \(wch perhaps was not full four months)/ & ye short reign of Marcus (wch was so very short that Orosius passes him over in silence & begins wth Gratian,) & you will fall upon ye [end of ye yeare 407 or] beginning \end/ of ye next year |409| the last of wch is to be supposed if ye Vandals wth their associates passed the Rhene ye last day of ye year 407 \suppose they first \{illeg}/ Ianuary/ for ye first defection.

Now though the reign of these Tyrants was but short yet they gave a beginning to ye Kingdom of Brittain, & so |m|ar|y|e to be recconned the three first kings. ffor from that time Brittain continued a distinct kingdom absolved from subjection to ye empire, the Emperor not being able to spare soldiers to be sent thither to recover & keep ye Island, & so leaving it to its' liberty \& so neglecting it:/ as we we learn by unquestionable records. For Prosper tells us A.C. 410 Variane Coss. {illeg} Hac tempestate præ *[213] invalitudine Romanorum, vires funditùs attenu{illeg}|at| Britanniæ. And Sigebert conjoyning this wth ye siege of Rome, saith Britannorum [214] vires attenuatæ, & substrahunt se a Romanorum dominatione. And Zosimus Cunc lib: 6, Cuncta pro lubitu invadentes transrhenani Barbari, eò tum incolas Insulæ Britanniæ, tum quasdem Celticas nationes redigerunt ut ab Imperio Romano deficerent & Romanorum legibus non ampliùs obedientes κατ᾽ ἑαυτὸν βιατεύειν, arbitratu suo viverent. Itaq Britanni sumptis armis & pro salute suâ periclitati, civitates a Barbaris imminentibus liberarunt. \/ < insertion from f 51v > Itidem totus ille tractus *[215] Armorichus, cæteræq Gallorum Provinciæ Brittannos imitati consimili se modo liberarunt, ejectis Romanis Præsidibus, & propria quadam Republica ex arbitratu suo constituta. Hæc — — < text from f 52r resumes > {illeg} Hæc Britanniæ Celticarumq gentium rebellio, quo tempore Constantinus iste regnum usurpabat accidit. So also Procopius (Vand. l. 1) speaking of ye same Constantine: Κωνσταντινος μάχη ἡσσηθεὶς, ξὺν τοις {illeg} παισὶ θνήσκει. Βρετταννίαν μέν τοι Ρωμαιοι ἀνασώσασθι ὀυκήτι ἔσχον ἀλλ᾽ ὀυσα ὑπὸ τυράν <53r> νοις ἀπ᾽ ἀυτου ἔμενε. Constantinus bello superatus cum liberis interijt: Britanniam tamen Romani non ampliùs potuêre recipere, sed ab eo tempore sub Tyrannis constituta mansit. \/ < insertion from f 52v > And Beda l. 1, c. 11. Fracta est Roma a Gothis anno 1164to suæ conditionis, ex quo tempore Romani in Britannia regnare cessaverunt. And Ethelwerdus: A tempora capta Romæ a Gothis expugnatæ cessavit Imperium Romanorum a Britannia insula, & ab alijs quas sub jugo servitutis tenebant multis terris. Theodoritus etiam Serm 9 de curandis Græcorum Affectionibus circa annum 324 Numerat Britannos inter Gentes quæ \tunc/ non amplius parebant Romano Imperio.

And indeed ye Emperor seems to have made at this time a free concession of ye Island to ye inhabitants. ffor when they left {sic} naked by Constantine & forthwith invaded by ye Picts & Scots, sent to let ye Emperor know their condition: he as Zosimus \(l: 6)/ tells us wrote back to them to look to their own concerns. The And thereupon they took up arms as ye same Zosimus writes & freed their cities from ye enemy, giving an example to ye Celtick nations to do ye like. Yet ye enemy continued their inrodes & at length overpoured them & then ye reliques of ye Romans not bearing ye threats of the barbarians left ye Island & sailed into Gallia. This b[216] was in ye year 419. And the c[217] next year ye Emperor upon earnest supplication sent a Legion wch freed ye Island, but upon ye departure of ye Legion ye Enemy came again whereupon they sent & {sic}[218] obteined a second Legion \by/ wch also \ye Britans/ drave out ye enemy succesfully. The former Legion had put ye Britains upon building \a wall/ cross ye Island, but the|a|\t/ being but of earth, e[219] this Legion put \made/ them upon building a stronger one & then {illeg} departed \also/, telling them bidding ym look to themselves for ye future, & e[220] telling them absolutely that they would not undertake any more such laborious expeditions into ye Island. Which resolution they kept.

The kings of ye Britains after Constantine were A.C. 409 \410/ ** 425 Vortigern. 466 Aurelius Ambrosius. 498 Vther Pendraco 508 Arthur. 542 Cathwallanus 544 \Constantinus, Aurelius {illeg} Cunanus. Vortiporius 561/ Malgo seu Maglocunus, 586 Careticus. 613 Cadwan 633 Cadwalinus. 676 Cadwe{illeg}ladrus.

Who their first leader was in their afforesaid wars wth ye Picts & Scots, or to speak wth Procopius, the first of ye Tyrants wch he tells us immediately succeeded Constantine; what was his name or whether he was their King or their leader only, I find not in any record that may be trust{ed}to. Nor is it much material. It's enough to fill up ye intervall between Constantine & Vortigern that they were Brittains were a body by them selves, & (as their continual wars would require) set up a Leader at least, an \one that might be called their/ emperor if not their king, one that had ye power of a king if not the title.

Of Vortigern's beginning there is this record in an old Chronicle in Nennius quoted by Cambden & others — < text from f 53r resumes > And another old a[221] Author: A.C. 409 Roma a Gothis fracta ex quo tempore Romani in Britannia cessarunt. And so Sigonius (ad Ann. 411) Imperium Romanorum post excessum Constantini in Britannia nullum fuit.

And indeed ye Emperor seems to have had no desire to keep ye Island \made a \free/ concession of ye Island to the Inhabitants/, for Zosimus lib: 6 tells us that he during ye reign \Tyranny/ of Constantine, \he/ wrote to ye Brittains to look to their own concerns. Yet after this (viz: b[222] A.C. 419) the Brittains being invited invaded by the Scots, |&| sollicited|ing| Honorius \the Emperor/ for aid; {illeg} c[223] he, I know not whether out of pity or hopes of recovering the Isle, sent d[224] Gallio with a Legion thither, by whose assistence ye Scots were overthrown & forced to retreat, & then Gallio wth his soldiers returned back again. This victory by ye last coyn of Honorius in Cambden appears to have been in ye year 420 because of ye three Cæsars on it's other side, wch reigned together in this year only. And this I think was the last ye {Empire} Romans had to do in Brittain.

Who ye first Tyrant of \those/ Tyrants were wch Procopius tells us held ye Island from ye fall of Constantine, \is not {now} certain./ I find |it| set down by none \Author/ earlier then Sigebert; & he tells us: Wortigernus Constantem \[fortè Constantium]/ Constantini mortu{illeg}|i| filium ex Monacho in Regem sublimavit, & vice Episcopi ipse capiti ejus diadema imposuit. So that it seems \By this & the reign of Constantines family after|gain| after Vortigern it should/ seems yt Constantine, being at first but one of the {illeg} British common soldiers, such as used to be raised in Brittain, was in Brittain by {illeg} descent of British blood, & upon his becoming a soldier had disposed of more then one of his sons there to that thriving trade of Monkery; two of wch, like ye sons of Constantine ye great, had almost ye same name. {illeg} ye eldest who was slain at Vienna is called Constantius by . And that ye flower & strength of <54r> Brittain being carried away wth Constantine into Gallia, & so the Brittains left open to ye invasions of ye Scots, & deserted also by ye Emperor who could not spare soldiers to send back thither, began to take care of themselves by raising such new forces as they could, & upon ye death of Constantine (if not \{illeg}/ before) setting his son over them, |as the most honorable {illeg} among them.| Yet whether Historians confound not something of ye history of Constantine's sons as well as their names I cannot tell; only this in general I think is {not}\{illeg}/ to be doubted \very probable/, that one of Constantine's sons succeeded \him/ & reigned him (as Sigebert writes) till Vortigern, {illeg} \{illeg}/ causing|e|d him to be slain {illeg} \in a faction &/ invaded ye kingdom: for otherwise since Constantine left Brittain as soon as he was made Emperor, & was soon \after/ slain in Gallia wth ye {illeg} such children as he had there; it is not \easily/ to be imagined how his family could afterward get so great interest in Brittain as they had to make a head against Vortigern & regain the crown, & that so long after ye death of Constantine. But however, the inquiry {illeg} after \who/ this King \was/ is but a nicety. It's enough that somebody reigned, as {illeg} Procopius's words import; & if nobody, yet this may suffice, that during \all/ ye interregnum ye Kingdom continued by it self divided from ye Empire.

Vortigern f[225] began his reign A.C. 425. ffor thus it is found recorded in an old Chronicle, at ye end of Nennius \in Nennius taken out quoted/ by Cambden \& others/: g[226] Guortigernus tenuit Imperium in Britannia Theodosio et Valentiniano Coss; [i.e. An. 425] et in quarto anno regni sui Saxones ad Britanniam venerunt, Fælice et Tauro Coss. [i.e. An. 428] This coming of ye Saxons Sigebert refers to ye 4th year of Valentinian, wch falls in wth ye year 428 assigned by this Chronicle, & two years after (according to Be{illeg}da & k[227] Vsser) the Saxons together wth ye Picts were beaten by ye Army of ye Britains wch one Germanus (who came into England l[228] A.C. 429 [& returned into France m[229] A.C. 430]) bap <55r> tized at Mold in Flintshire when they were to go against ye said enemy. And after this ye Britains had n[230] various wars with ye Picts & Saxons together in wch they were almost overwhelmed. And when they got free from these they were again as much perplexed wth ye Picts: Whereupon they sent to implore ye Emperor's aid p[231] \Ætio ter Consula/ A.C. 447|6|, & that being denyed Symbol (cross surmounted by three circles arranged in a triangle) in text < insertion from f 54v > Symbol (cross surmounted by three circles arranged in a triangle) in textq[232] some of them stoutly resist & expell ye enemy, whilst others are forced to subjection. And at length r[233] in ye reign of Martian, yt is between ye years 450 & 456 they call in ye Saxons under Hengist & by their assistance beat ye barbarians indeed, but s[234] six years after began to be vexed by a more pernicious & lasting war wth ye Saxons.

Thus in latin to be put in my translation.

—— q.[235] Quidam Britannorum strenuè resistentes hostes abigunt quidam verò coacti hostibus subjiciuntur. Tandem verò r[236] Matiano {sic} Imperante, hoc est intra annos 450 & 456 Saxones sub Hengisto & Horsa in auxilium vocant & eorum quidem auxilio hostes quidem pellunt sed post s[237] sex annos bellum diuturnius & magis exitiale Saxones cœperunt ipsis inferre. < text from f 55r resumes > they called in Hengist & Horsa wth their Saxons who came accordingly q[238] A.C. 449: & by their aid ye Britains expelled their enemies, but soon after (viz: r[239] A.C. 455) began to be vexed by new & lasting wars wth these Saxons wch they had called in.

Aurelius Ambrosius {illeg} s[240] one of ye Sons of ye afforesaid Constantine t[241] A.C. 466 burnt Vortigern [242] in a certain village, & succeeded him; & after him reigned Vther Pendragon ye Brother of Aurelius, & then the victorious Arthur ye son of Pendragon, who was slain in battel v[243] A.C. 542. Of him & ye rest of ye British kings Sigebert has this record. 4|A|.C. 491 Hoc loco quidam ponunt initium regni Anglorum: sed libellus quidam de Regibus Anglorum facit Arthurum totius Britanniæ Monarcham usq ad A.C. 542. Post Arthurum regnat x[244] Constantinus, dein Aurelius Cunanus, tum Wortiporius. Dein A.C. 561 regnat [245] Inalgo, et post eum *[246] Cathericus, cujus tempore dispersi sunt Britones & regni diadema amiserunt. |Then succeeded ye Heptarchy of ye Saxons wth whho still injoy ye Island.|

7. The Franks were originally a[247] Germans, & are not found mentioned in history by ye name of Franks till that German invasion of ye Empire wch happened in ye reign of Gallienus & his successors. Whence its probable that they came then from remote parts of Germany, & upon repuls, seated themselves upon ye Rhene in ye region thence called Franconia. \between Alemannia & ye Ocean./ After that great invasion they made divers attempts upon ye Empire, & were sometimes expelled, sometimes a part of them received into subjection. For Maximinus received some of them, & afterward Iulian in ye reign of Constantius Datiano et Cereale Coss: (an. 358) received ye Franci Salij wth their <56r> King, permitting them to inhabit ye regions about Toxandria & Tongria; where they lived in subjection to ye Romans like other subjects till ye Vandalic invasion of Gallia: Both wch receptions ye Panegyric {illeg} called Si mihi thus mentions.[248] Sicut tuo Maximiane Auguste nutu Nerviorum et Trevirorum arva jacentia, lætus postliminio restitutus & receptus in leges Francus excoluit: ita nunc post victorias tuas Constanti Cæsar invicte, quicquid infrequens Ambiano, & Bellovaco, & Tricassino solo, Lingonicoq restabat, Barbaro cultore revirescit. &c {illeg} And \Whence/ a little after he in respect of their great multitudes he adds: totis porticibus captivitatum sedere captiva agmina Barbarorum. In eundem sensum ac verba etiam alter Panegyricus Facerem dictus: Quid loquar, ait, rursus intimas Francorum nationes, non jam ab his locis quæ olim Romana, invaserant [Bataviam sc. Menapiam, Taxandriam] sed a proprijs ex origine suis sedibus [Sicambricis Transrhenanis] atq ab ultimis Barbariæ littoribus avulsas, ut in desertis Galliæ {illeg} regionibus collocatæ, etiam pacem Romani Imperij cultu juvarent et arma delectu? Symbol (double wavy line surmounted by three circles arranged as a triangle) in text < insertion from f 55v > Symbol (double wavy line surmounted by three circles arranged as a triangle) in text Historiam narrans Ammianus in l. 17, hæc habet. Iulianus [Datiano & Cæreale Coss Parisijs movens] petit primos omnium Francos quos consuetudo Salios appellavit, ausos olim in Romano Solo apud Toxandriamlocum habitacula sibi figere prælicenter. Cui cum Tongros venisset, occurrit Legatio prædictorum. Pergit dein dicere quomodo Iulianus hos adortus vicit et supplicantes recepit, sed Chamavos similia ausos expulit. Id quod et ipsemet Iulianus — — — < text from f 56r resumes > Saliorum receptionem et ipsemet Iulianus in Epistola ad Athenieneses sic breviter perscribit breviter. Suscepi quidem partem Saliorum gentis, Chamavos verò expuli. Idem Libanius etiam in Orat. funeb. super morte Iuliani sic perstringit. {illeg} Iulianus in expeditionem profectus, circa fluvium in morem fulminis, ita nationem omnem [puta Saliorum] perculit ac consternavit ut mutare sedes atq in orbem Romanum commigrare statuerint, ac pars Imperij fieri. Agros ergo petierunt, eosdemq obtinuerunt. Historiam fusiùs vide apud Ammianum l 17 & Zosimum l 3 Eadem fusè scribens etiam Zosimus (lib 3) commemorat hos ffrancos cum Rege suo Romanum in solum trajecisse, & omnes Cæsari supplices factos, sponte sua se cum rebus suis ejus fidei permisisse. In ye

In ye reign of Gratian & Theodosius they were so far setled & incorporated wth in ye empire that Mallobandes their King was made Comes Domesticorum under Gratian (Ammiale l. 31.) & Richomer another noble Frank <57r> & a[249] perhaps colleague to Mellobandes b[250] was \made/ Comes Domesticorum & Magister utriusq militiæ, & A.C. 384 Consul wth Chearchus, & grew into so great favour wth Theodosius that they who would obtein any thing of ye Emperor used to make their way by him. |Also| A.C. 393 he was made p|P|ræfect of ye Hors by Theodosius in his expedition against Eugenius, but died before ye fight. Arbogartes was also another eminent \Frank/ raised to great honour in ye Empire.

In ye middle of Theodosius's reign, ye other ffranks beyond ye Rhene brake into ye Empire, led by Genobald Marcomer & Suno, & molested \unsetled/ ye Salij wth other parts of Gallia, but were repulsed & quieted again by Theodosius Capitains, though not wthout difficulty, whence these verses of Claudian written a little after Theodosius's death to Stilico upon his journey along ye Rhene: wherein he expresses ye restitution of peace \recomposing/ of ye Salij; & ye peaceable commerce wth their brethren on ye other side ye river.

— Rhenumq minacem

— — — — adeò mitescere cogis,

Vt Salius jam Rura colat, flenosq Sicambri

In \falcem/ curvent gladios, geminasq viator

Cùm videat ripas, quæ sit Romana requirat.

Vt jam trans fluvium, non indignante Cyaco,

Pascat {illeg}[251] Belga pecus, mediumq ingressa per Albim

Gallica Francorum montes armenta pererrent. &c.

Thus ye Frank all continued quiet till ye Vandalic invasion, & then ye Gallic Franks rebelled & made Theudemir their King over them & by degres growing into one body wth ye their brethren wch came over the Rhene & wth ye Galli Arborichi, became a very potent kingdom. |For ye better understanding Symbol (cross surmounted by 3 circles arranged as a triangle) in text of wch| < insertion from f 56v > Symbol (cross surmounted by 3 circles arranged as a triangle) in text of wch you may consider this place of Procopius wth ye notes upon it.

Franci Germani quondam vocitabantur: quemadmodum \Quo more/ autem fuerint ad nomen sortiti \ab initio & ubi habitarint/, & Gallias deinde 1[252] invaserint ac Gothis {simul} sint hostes effecti explicaturus mox \jam dicturus/ sum. — — Et paulò post\Dein ubi Hispanias Galliasq et fluvios Galliæ, atq Rheni exitum in mare descripserit: sic/ 2[253] Paludes præterea his in locis non paucæ ubi primitus Germani, gens barbara habitabant, 3[254] nec magni tunc primùm momenti viri, qui nunc Franci vocitantur. His 4[255] finitimi Arborichi accolæ erant, qui cum cætera Gallia atq item Hispania jampridem Romanis parebant. Post hos \[Arborichos]/ in Orientem Solem 5 [256] Thoringi barbari sunt, qui Cæsaris Augusti permissu sedes has tenuere, & ab his [Thoringis] Burgundiones haud procul ad notum ventum vergentes inhabitant. Suevi deinceps et Alemanni gens valida liberi omnes et jam diu ea incolunt loca. Temporis verò processu Visigothi, vi in Romanum Imperium facta Hispanias omnes et Gallias ultra Rhodanum flumen suæ ditioni subactas, vectigalesq redditas tenuere. Erant autem Arborichi Romanorum tunc milites quos sibi Germani [ffranci scil.] cùm obedientes facere et subditos vellent, ut qui 4[257] finitimi essent et pristinos vitæ {more} peritus \diu/ immutassent, eorum agros assiduè populari, & hos copijs universis invadere. Arborichi verò cùm et virtutem præ se et erga Romanos benevolentiam ferentes, \se/ viros Germani non possent, 6[258] societatem ut secum saltem inirent, & mutua inter se facerent connubia precabantum quas non inviti conditiones Arborichi mox accipere. Erant namq utriq Christianæ fidei sectatores. Sic itaq unu{m} hi coeundo in populum ad maximam potentiam evasere &c. Procop. l{illeg}|Go|t C. 1. Pergit dein tradere quomodò hi Germani (quos et Francos promiscuè vocat) longè latéq Gallias invadentes expulerunt Gothos.

< text from f 57r resumes >

The time of their rebellion is sufficiently determined by these circumstances 1st by ye above cited place of Zosimus where he tells us yt|of| ye rebellion of ye Celtick nations \which was caused by ye Vandalick invasion &/ happened during ye Tyranny of Constantine. For ye Franks were an part of these nations, & most probably rebelled before ye rest, being ye latest, ye most unsetled, & ye most warlike Colony, & \one of/ ye nearest to ye invaders, cannot be supposed to have rebelled later then ye rest, but rather suppos to have set ye rest an example, <60r> & therefore they being a Celtick colony are here either to be recconned among ye rebelling Celtick nations, or to be referred to ye party of ye invaders, as having combined wth them before ye Celtick nations Zosimus here speaks of, began to rebell: wch last case seems to me ye more probable; |seing they made war upon ye Arborichi the principal of those rebelling nations & by that war caused their rebelliō. At least it's plain from hence that they rebelled in ye first place.|

|2ly| It is determined by ye war between ye ffranks & ye Vandals wch interceded ye passage of ye Vandals wth their associates over ye Rhene, & their retreat towards Spain. Yet I am apt to think that when ye Franks first took up arms against ye invaders, they pretended nothing more then the defense of themselves & of ye Empire as subjects thereof, & joined wth \such/ other Roman forces as were then in those parts. ffor I read not of any other resistence ye Romans made against this invasion at ye beginning of it, & Frigerid calls ye adversaries of ye Vandals in this war Romans, in ye expression a[260] Goare ad Romanos transgresso. But yet when ye Franks \they/ were thus \once/ in arms, & saw \the empire in confusion &/ themselves conquerors of those that went on to conquer ye Romans \& Italy invaded & Rome it self besieged by ye Goths/, I suppose they laid down their arms no more, but {illeg} raised by |th|ye|eir| victory, began to stand up for themselves, entring into confederacy wth Goar & ye Burgundians. ffor its plain that the Vandals wth their associates retreated toward Spain from a confederacy of these nations because Frigerid makes it one of ye reasons why Resplendial retreated toward from ye Rhene, that Goar was gone to ye other side hitherto Romans, & in ye year 411 they were the Franks Alans & Burgundians were certainly all confederates when Constantine sent Edobec & called them to his aid. 3dly A third {tradition} argument of ye time \It is determined/ by ye tradition of Historians that ye Kingdom of ye Franks began b[261] at yr taking of Trevirs: wch, as I shewed, happened between ye years 407 & 408, & more probably in ye latter year, as being in ye end of ye said war between ye Franks & Vandals. |To all this I may add ye judgment of ye late diligent searchers into the originals of this Kingom {sic}, Windeline & Bucher, who allot its rise to the first year of ye Vandalic invasion 407.|

<60v>

— Kingdom then ye Vandalick war wch was waged A.C. 408 & gave a beginning |to| ye rebellion of ye Franks. When ye Franks first took up arms again {sic} ye Franks Vandals these invaders I suppose \it's probable/ they pretended nothing more then the [{illeg}] defense of ye Empire as subjects thereof & joyned wth such other Roman forces as were then in those parts: for I read not of any other resistance the Romans made at the beginning of it, & Frigerid calls ye adversaries of ye Vandals in this war Romans, in ye expression a[262] Goare ad Romanos transgresso. But yet when they were once in arms, & saw ye Empire every where beset invaded & Rome it self beginning to be besieged; I suppose they laid down their arms no more, but made use of ye opportunity to assert their beloved liberty. ffor if this universal distraction of ye Empire caused ye rebellion of ye feeble Britains, & of ye Celtick nations round about ye Franks: much more would it cause ye Franks to rebell who were ye latest ye most unsetled & ye stoutest Colony, & were up in arms before posture of war before ye rest, & that wth so great force as to Conquer ye Conquerors up in arms before ye rest & animated wth victory over ye victors of ye Romans. Yea we have ye tradition of Historians for this detemination {sic},[263] in that they date this Kingdom from the Taking of Trevirs by ye Franks: for that happened in this Vandalick war, I suppose about ye end of it. And (to mention no others) I may add ye judgment of Windelin & Bucher two diligent searchers into ye originals of this kingdom who make it begin ye same year wth ye Barbarian invasion of Gallia

What ye just time of ye year was I know not, but seing it began between ye Vandalick & Arborichian wars it was most probably in ye summer or autumnal part of yt year. ffor as ye latter of those wars together wth ye ensuing rebellion of ye Celtick nations, could scarce take up less time then ye three years reign of Constantine so the former of them could scarce be later yn the middle of ye 1st year of ye invasion 408, seing considering that it was ye first opposition (that I read of) which ye Romans made against ye invaders, & that Orosius represents ye time wch ye Vandals spent in depopulating Aquitain & between their flight from ye Rhene & their entrance into Spain to be greater then that wch they spent by the side of ye Rhene where this war was waged.

The Kings — < insertion from f 60r > The Kings of ye Franks were A.C. \407/ 408 Theudemire, 417 {illeg} Pharamund, 428 Clodio, 448 Meroveus, 456 Childeric, 482 Clodovæus, 498 Clodomer &c. Of these {illeg} \there is/ in Bibliotheca M.S. Labbæi, among other monuments of Antiquity there is this record.

< text from f 60v resumes > < insertion from f 58r >

Well therefore do Windeline & Bucher, two of ye most diligent searchers into ye originals of this kingdom, make it begin ye same year wth ye Barbarian invasians of Gallia, though I had rather assign it to ye year following towards ye end of wch I suppose conceive ye Vandalic war happened. But let us see now into ye succession of their kings.

They were A.C. 408 Theudemer, 417 Pharamund, 428 Clodio, 448 Merovæus, 456 Childeric, 482 Chlodovæus &c. Of these there is in Bibliotheca M.S. Labbæi among other monuments of antiquity this record.

Historica quædem excerpta ex veteri stemmate genealogico Regum Franciæ.

< text from f 60v resumes > <61r>

Historica quædam excerpta ex veteri stemmate Genealogico Regum Franciæ.

Genobaldus, Marchomerus, Suno, Theodemeris. Isti duces |instituit Historiam| vel Reguli extiterunt a principio Gentis Francorum diversis temporibus: sed incertum relinquunt Historici quali sibi procreationis linea sucesserunt.

Pharamundus: {illeg} c[264] sub hoc Rege suo primo Franci legibus se subdunt, quas p|P|rimores eorum tulerunt Wisogastus, Atrogastus, {illeg} Salegastus.

Chlochilo. Iste transito Rheno Romanos in Carbonaria Sylva devicit, Camaracum cœpit & obtinuit. Annis 20 regnavit. Sub hoc Rege Franci {illeg} usq Sumam progressi sunt.

Merovechus: Sub hoc Rege Franci Treverim destruunt, Metim succendunt, usq Aurelianum perveniunt.

Now for Genobaldus Marcomer & Suno, they were capitains of ye Transrhenane Franks in ye reign of Theodosius & so concern us not. We are to begin wth Theudemer ye first king of ye rebelling Salij, called Didio by Ivo Carnotensis, & Thiedo & Thiedemerus by Rhenanus. His coine found wth his name about it, as Windeline testifies, shews that he was a king, & that wthin ye bounds of ye Empire, ye rude nations on ye other side ye Rhene, not having then ye use of Coine. |His face is extant in coin of gold found wth this inscription THEVDEMER REX. \published by P. Petavius & still extant/ as Windeline testifies: wch shows that he was a king, & that in Gallia, seing rude Germany understood not then the coining of money nor used either latine words or letters.[265]| {illeg} He was ye son of Richemer [supposed to be yt Richemer or Richomer who was in so great] \or Richomer/ |ye| favour|ite| wth |of| Theodosius, & so being of ye Salian Royall blood, they therefore upon ye rebellion made him their king. The whole time of his reign you have stated in Excerptis Gregorij {illeg}|Turonensis| e Fredigario libri cap. 5, 6, 7, 8. Where the making him King, the Tyranny of Iovinus, ye second taking of ye slaughter of Iovinus's associates, ye second taking of Trevirs by ye Franks, & ye expedition of \their war with/ Castinus in wch this king was slain, are as a series of successive <62r> {illeg} Extinctis Ducibus, in Francis denuò Reges creantur ex eadem stirpe qua priùs fuerant. Eodem tempore Iovinus ornatus regios assumpsit. Constantinus fugam vertens Italiam dirigit: missis a Iovino Principe percussoribus super Mentio flumine {illeg} capite truncatur. Multi nobilium jussu [266] Iovini apud Avernis capti & a Ducibus Honorij crudeliter interempti sunt. Trevirorum civitas factione unius ex Senatoribus nomine Lucij a Francis capta {illeg} et incensa est. — Castinus Domesticorum Comes expeditionem accepit contra Francos, {illeg} &c. Then returning to speak of Theudemer he adds: Franci electum a se Regem, sicut priùs fuerat crinitum inquirentes diligenter ex genere Priami [267] Frigi et Francionis super se creant, nomine Theudemerem filium Richemeris, qui in hoc prælio quod supra memini a Romanis interfectus est (i.e. in prælio cum Castini copijs.) Of his death Greg: Turonensis in his History l. 2 c. 9 maks {sic} this further mention. In Consularibus legimus Theodemerem Regem Francorum, filium Ricimeris [268] quondam, & Ascilam matrem ejus, gladio interfectos.

Of his successor Pharamond \the first common king of the Fra\n/cks & Galli Armorichi/, Prosper has this record: Anno 25 Honorij Pharamundus regnat in Francia. This Bucher {rela|fe|tes} \well/ a[269] refers to ye \end of ye year 416 or beginning of ye/ year 417 dating these years of Honorius from ye death of Valentinian, & b[270] proves \argues well/ yt at this time Pharamund was not only King by constitution of ye Franks but crouned also by ye consent of Honorius & had a part of Gallia, which from ye long residence of ye Salij there began then to be called Francia, assigned to him by covenant. |And| {illeg} \this/ I suppose was ye cause yt Roman writers reconed him ye first king, \accounting his predecessor but a rebellious subject of the Empire./ Symbol (double wavy line surmounted by 3 circles in triangular formation) in text < insertion from f 61v > Symbol (double wavy line surmounted by 3 circles in triangular formation) in text wch some not understanding, have feigned him ye founder of ye Kingdom by an army of transrhenane Franks; whereas he was rather of ye Salique race & legitimate successor of Theudemer. For ye above cited passage of Fredegarius, Extinctis Ducibus, in Francis denuò Reges creantur ex eadem stirpe quâ priùs fuerant, implies that ye kingdom continued to ye new elected family during ye reign of more kings then one. The Salique laws made {illeg} in his reign, wch are yet extant shew by their name that it was ye kingdom of ye Salij yt he reigned over & by ye pecuniary mulcts in them, that this kingdom was seated \place where he reigned abounded very much wth money & q[271] consequently was within / within ye Empire seing ye rude barbarians had not \ye Empire rude Germans not knowing/ ye use of money till they mixed wth ye Romans.

Clodio (whome Fredegarius puts ye {illeg} of Son of Theudemer, & {sic} some call Clogio, Cloio, or Claudius) recovered all & much more |Yet some from Prospers calling their dominion Francia have imagined it must be beyond the Rhene but without ground. ffor whilst Prosper in registring their| kings in order writes: Pharamundus regnat in Francia. Clodio regnat in Francia. Merovæus regnat in Francia, who can imagin but that in all these places he meant one & ye same Francia & yet its certain yt ye Francia of Merovæus was in Gallia. So where he said Priamus regnat in Francia I suppose he still meant ye {illeg} he still meant ye same Francia not thinking of any other in all <62v> his history Chronology. For this Priamus was ye progenitor of a Salian Frank Theudemer & so a Salian Frank, & I suppose ye last king of the Salij before their becoming Roman subjects, (ye 3 Kings Orianus Frigo & Francio being recconed in a line upwards) & consequently that King under wch Zosimus said that they came into ye Empire & Ammianus yt they did \olim/ apud Toxandriam — locum habitacula sibi figere prælicenter. And if so, then he reigned in This Francia in ye sence that Prosper takes regnare, untill Iulian \the emperor/ made him & his nation subject to ye Empire. Prosper indeed refers his reigning to a later time, but tells us wthall that he did but guess at ye time; & where one guesses at a thing done 80 or 90 years before, a few years are easily mistaken.

In ye last year of Pharamonds reign Ætius took from him a part-of his possession in Gallia, but his successor Clodio, whom Fredegarius puts ye son of Theudemer & some call Clogio, Cloio or Claudius) recovered all —       Ad pag. sequ. < text from f 62r resumes > In ye last year of his reign, Ætius c[272] took from him some part of his possession in Gallia; but his successor Clodio \whom ✝[273] Fredegarius puts the son of Theudemer)/ d[274] recovered all & \much/ more, conquering as far as to ye river Some & Meroveus added to Clodio's victories of both wch {illeg} Sidonius who wrote \lived/ at that time <63r> gives us these hints — f[275]

Francus qua Cloio patentes Atra

Atrabatum terras pervaserat — And in another place g[276]

|— — — — And in another place.|

Francus Germanam primam Belgamq secundam

Sternebat —

At length Clodomer drove ye Goths out of Gallia h[277] & placed his seat at Paris A.C. 508 where it has continued ever since: the former kings being seated at k[278] Metz, & sometimes at l[279] Despargum; both cities of ye Empire m[280] for on ye other side ye Rhene ye Franks had then no towns in Germany there were then no towns |But these conquests of Clodio are more nearly to be looked into becaus they unfold ye time & manner of ye coming over of ye Transrhenane Franks.|

As for ye time & manner of ye \Concerning these/ coming over of ye transrhenane Franks, \Concerning this,/ n[281] Procopius & o[282] Nicephorus rela|wri|te that ye Vandals brought some of them over ye Rhene & carried them into Spain with them: but this is nothing to or purpose. Some later writers suppose yt Pharamund brought them over in \about/ ye time of ye siege of Rome, & founded ye kingdom of ye Franks \wth them/: but this, as it has no ground in ancient history, so it seems but a supposition made by them t|w|ho {illeg} knew nothing of ye \Salian/ Franks being seated in ye empire long before, nor of Theudemer their first king: & therefore no weight can be laid on this opinion, no not so much as to suppose Pharamund a Transrhenane Frank, or any other then ye legitimate successor of Theudemer. The most probable opinion is that ye main body came over in ye reign of Clodio: for he being reduced to great straits by ye Romans, is said to have brought over great forces from beyond ye Rhene, & to have performed his great conquests wth those. |to have had any thing to do with them. But as for Clodio he had certainly \much/ to do with them, ffor he brought so many over the Rhene that it has given occasion to ✝[283] Historians to say that he came over ye Rhene when he began his conquests, & to ✝[284] imagin that he had no footing in the Empire before, but at that time brought his kingdom over with him.| The manner of their coming over \of these Franks p[285]/, Gregory Turonensis thus relates. Tradunt multi Francos q[286] de Pannonia fuisse digressos et primùm quidem littora Rheni amnis incoluisse: dehinc transacto Rheno r[287] Thoringiam transmeasse: ibiq juxta pagos vel civitates, Reges crinitos super se creavisse, de prima & ut ita dicam nobiliori suorum familia. Quod postea probatum Clodovei victoriæ <64r> tradidere, idq in sequenti digerimus. Afterward when he comes to relate |th|ye|e||se| victories of Chlodoveus, he tells how he conquered 3 Kings of ye Franks; Chlodericus King of Cole|o|n|ia| \Agrippina/,[288] Ch\a/raricus [King of Teroana as Malbrancus affirms] & Ragnacharius King of *[289] Cambray\aracum/: wch all wch Kings being (as Gregory adds, & Chlodoveus confessed) his near kinsmen, & so de prima illa & nobiliori Francorum familia, & their seats \being/ cities of Belgia about |ye| Tongria, \its plain/ these must be ye Kingdoms of ye Transrhenane Franks wch Gregory meant to instance in. Now Camaracum \wth its territories/ was s[290] first taken by ye ffranks from ye Romans in ye wars of Clodio & therefore that Kingdom was of no longer standing then those wars: & ye same is to be understood of ye rest also seing they were all founded by one common invasion as Gregories relation seems to imports; for he relates but one passage of them over the Rhene to Tongria; & their choosing Kings all of ye same royall ffamiliy argues that their kingdoms were founded by a common conspiracy. {illeg} The rise \founding/ of these kingdoms therefore could not be before \agrees only to/ Clodio's reign, & therefore \& therefore/ agreeing so well wth his, I {illeg} suppose \suppose it was he/ he called in ye main body of ye transrhenane Frans & \that upon terms of/ dividing conquests wth them & that he did it upon terms of dividing conquests with them; though soon after his kingdom swallowed them \all/ up one after another into one monarchy |& consequently the coming over of ye Transrhenane Franks who founded them happened in Clodio's reign. But whereas it is usually said that Clodio then came over the Rhene: this is not to be understood of Codio {sic} wth his own| subjects, but only of ye Transrhenane Franks wch he invited (& perhaps in person led over) to joyn wth is {sic} own. subject For before he brought them over, his regal seat \as t[291] Greg. Turon. & others mention/ was at Dispargum in ye borders of Thoringia, wch Ferrarius supposes was \to be/ Duysburgh in Ducatu Cleviensi ad Rhenum |whether it be Duysborch by Fuva almost in the mid way between Brussels & Louvain or Drest upon ye river Demer, or any other place now perhaps destroyed I dispute not, but only of ye Region in general. For| Some not knowing any other Thoringia then that in {illeg} heart of Germany, have taken it to be that \wch Gregory here speaks of/ \supposed that Gregory spake of yt/: but ye rude g|G|erman nations v[292] had then no towns, & therefore it must be ye Gallic Thoringia (or \usually called/ Tongria) in whose borders this town was. This was the Thoringia wch Procopius tells us these Franks at first bordered upon; & wch Gregory, even but a few lines before \he described the situation of Dispargum thereby/, said ye transrhenane Franks at their \first/ coming over, sailed to; & wch was most familiarly known to ye Franks when Gregory <64v> wrote, the other being \then/ very far remote from them & perhaps scarce known to Gregory himself. And therefore it is a great straining to think that Gregory meant a Despargum bordering on any other Thoringia then this.

The history of Clodio must therefore be this: that when Ætius had taken from these Franks \some/ part of their territories (wch Prosper expresly says were in Gallia,) Clodio seing himself reduced to great straits to redeem ye loss \seing himself to preserve the residue & in great straits/ /to secure the residue & redeem what he had lost — — — — —\, applied himself to ye transrhenane Franks, & invited them over to joyn with him in his wars, upon terms of sharing conquests, & yt under his conduct they invaded first Thoringia or Tongria as being ye next region to his kingdom, & then proceeding on till they had conquered all to ye river Some, in ye end divided conquests, the new kingdoms chosing kingdoms|s| of ye Saliq family; whether upon ye account of ffriendship or to conserve unity wth one another, or upon compact wth Clodio, or because they having no kings of their own esteemed ye Saliq family ye most honourable & ancient among ye Franks, & ye legitimate successors of their ancient kings, or for divers of these reasons together, I leave others to determin.

Meroveus ye successor of Clodio \much/ further inlarged ye Saliq kingdom, & was a main party in ye famous war wth Attila. And Chlodoveus conquered all ye other kingdoms of ye ffranks as you heard & his successor Clodomer drave the Goths out of Gallia a[293] & placed his seat at Paris |A.C. 508| where it has continued ever since.

8. The b[294] kings of ye Visigoths were A.C. 408 Alaric, 410 Athaulphus, 415 Sergeric, 415 Vallia, 419 Theoderic, 451 Thorismund, 452 Theoderic &c. For ye reasons above mentioned I here date the reign of Alaric but from his first invasion of ye western Empire though he was Lord of ye Goths before. In ye c[295] end of Athaulphus reign ye Goths were worsted \humbled/ by ye Romans & attempted to pass into Spain. Sergeric reigned d[296] but a few days. In ye e[297] beginning of Vallia's reign they assaulted ye Romans afresh but were again repulst & then made peace f[298] on this condition yt they should in behalf of ye Empire invade ye barbarian king|doms| in Spain: wch they did g[299] together wth Constantius in ye year {illeg} 417, & 418, overthrowing ye Alans & part of ye Vandals, & h[300] then received Aquitain by a full donation, leaving their conquests in Spain to ye Emperor, or at least a good part of them, for \though/ Sigonius thinks they had some seats granted them there also. k[301] A.C. 455 Theoderic (l[302] assisted by Clodovæus ye Burgundians) made war upon ye Suevi who had then almost all Spain, & took part of their territories \invaded Spain which was then almost all subject to the Suevi, & took a good part of it/ from them. m[303] A.C. 506 The Goths were driven out of Gallia by the Franks. A.C. 585 they conquered the Suevian Kingdom, & became Lords of all Spain. A.C. 713 the Saracens invaded them, but in time they recovered again, & have reigned in Spain ever since. <65r> Sergeric, Vallia, Theoderic, Thorismond &c continued in ye family of Alaric till ye invasion of Spain by ye Saracens A.C. 713 if not longer. The catalogue of them you have in Isidorus & others. And this is ye original of ye prsent Kingdom of Spain.

9. The Huns as you heard \invaded Gothia &/ founded a great Kingdom there in ye reign of Valens \their kings being first {Balamber} & then Munzuc/: but this being beyond ye Danube \& so/ wholly wthout ye Empire we are not to regard it. Some a[304] bands of Huns \& Alans/ there were Goths called in to assist them in their wars wth Valens but these founded no kingdom a[305] but mixed \associated themselves/ wth ye Goths & b[306] shared in their fortune; \some c[307] flying back to ye other side ye Danube, others \staying &/ mixing wth the Goths/ whence we read |[308] in Zosimus l. 5.| yt Ataulphus's army consisted of Huns & Goths together.

After Theodosius's death ye Huns, as was described above, began to invade ye \Eastern/ Empire on their own score but were variously repulsed wth great losses & could fix no sure footing there: but at length when they saw ye western Empire invaded on all hands they seized Pannonia \& Illyricum/ at ye Goths departing|ure| thence into Italy A.C. 408, & laid ye foundation of a kingdom there, of wch Sigonius gives us this information.[309] Constat saith he, quod Gothis ex Illyrico profectis Hunni successerunt atq imprimis Pannoniam tenuerunt. Neq enim Honorius, viribus ad resistendum in tantis difficultatibus destitutus, prorsus eos prohibere potuit, sed meliore consilio, animo ad pacem converso, fœdus cum ejs datis acceptisq obsidibus fecit; ex quibus qui dati sunt, Ætius, qui etiam Alarico tributus fuerat, præcipuè memoratur. < insertion from inline > Memoratur autem a Frigerido apud Greg. Tur. l. 2. c 8. Nempe cùm \Frigeridum/ Theodosium Imperatorem Orientis Ioanni qui post Honorium Tyrannidem arripuerunt in Occidente, mandata atrocia {illeg} misisse dixisset: Id, inquit, permotus Ioannes Ætium id temporis curā palatij gerentem cum pergenti auri pondere ad Chunnos transmittit; notos sibi obsidialûs sui tem <65v> pore & familiari amicitia devinctos; — & paulo post: Ætius tribus annis. Alarici obses, dehinc Chunnorum; poshæc Carpilionis gener, ex Comite domesticorum, & Ioannis Cura palatij. Alarici verò obsidem fuisse ad annum 410 quo Alaricus obijt, Chunnorum obsidem inter annos 411 & 415. Inde Carpilionis generum circa annum 417 aut 418, & Ioanni Curopalatem anno 423 finiente, docet Bucherius lib. 15. c. 6. n. 5, 6. Vnde probabile est fœdus prædictum circa annū 413 percussum fuisse, quando Honorius pacem cum omnibus ferè barbaris, sedibus concessis, ambivit. De his Hunnis loquitur Hieronymus in Epistola ad Gerontiam anno 409 scripta ubi populos barbaros enumerando qui tunc Gallias invaserant populabantur, nominaverat Quados, Vandalos, Sarmatas, Alanos, Gepides, Herulos, Saxones, Burgundiones, et Alemannos, subjungit, et (o lugenda Respublica!) hostes Pannonij. Etenim Assur venit cum illis. Scilicet Assyria ad Septentrionē et occidentem habebat montem Niphatem & fluvium Tigridem et non longe ab his Hunni primitus habitabant. Vnde Claudian libro primo & in Eutropium dicit Hunnos rupto Niphate vastasse Armeniam et provincias Orientis. Et quoniam Hunni in Pannoniam olim recepti fuerant, et ex civibus jam facti sunt hostes adeo Hieronymus, dum exteros barbaros tantum nominat, ad horum nomen exclamat, O lugenda Respublica! Conspirabant igitur Hunni Pannonij \cum reliquis barbaris/ ijsq auxiliati sunt, ut turbata passim republica ipsi jugum Romanum in Pannonia tutiùs excuterent. Et quoniam in sedibus illis jam ante locati fuerant, inde fit ut regiones illas igne et ferro hac tempetstate vastatas esse non legamus.

< text from f 65r resumes >

Iornandes tells us Duodecimo anno regni Valiæ post pene quinquaginta annos invasa Pannonia Hunni a Romanis et Gothis pulsi sunt; & this Valia Marcelline taking to be Val|l|iae or Wallis ye King of ye Visigoths, refers this action to ye Consulship of Hierius & Ardabures wch was in ye year 427; whence it should follow that ye Huns invaded & held Pannonia from ye year 378 or soon after \379/. But this is a plain mistake for its certain that Theodosius left ye Empire entire; & besides, it's manifest out of Prosper that ye Huns were Lords \in quiet possession/ of Pannonia in ye year 432 for as in Euseb. Chron. lib. 1, he writes Anno 10mo post obitum Honorij cum ad <66r> Chunnorum gentem cui tunc Rugula præerat, post prælium cum Bonifacio se Ætius contulisset impetrato auxilio ad Romanorum solicem regreditur. And in lib. 2; Ætio et Valerio Coss: Ætius deposita potestate profugus ad Hunnos in Pannonia pervenit, quorum amicitia auxilioq usus, pacem principum interpellatæ potestatis obtinuit. \And so Maximus:[310] Ætius, ait, anno Christi 433 ad Richillam qui tunc Hunnis præerat confugit et auxilio sibi comparato ad Romanum solum redit./ Hereby it is manifest that at this time Rugula reigned over the Huns in Pannonia & that Pannonia was not now so much as accounted wthin ye soile of ye Empire, |& that| < insertion from f 65v > ✝ & yt these were the{illeg} \very/ same Huns wth wch Ætius had before in the time of his being a pledge contracted friendship: by vertue of wch as he sollicited them before to ye aid of Iohn ye Tyrant A.C. 424, so now he procured their intercession for himself wth ye Emperor. < text from f 66r resumes > It must be after this time therefore that they were expelled. But further, Vallia ye King of ye Visigoths reigned but three years, beginning A.C. 415 \finiente/ & ending A.C. 419 as Idatius {illeg} Isidorus & {illeg} the Spanish manuscript chronicles seen by b[311] Grotius testify, yea c[312] Olympiodorus who produces his history but to ye year 425 sets down therein the death of \this Visigothic/ Vallia & conjoyns it also wth that of Constantius whom Honorius made his colleague, which happend A.C. 420. Wherefore ye Valia of Iornandes who reigned at least 12 years must be some other Valia, & I suppose he was ye same wth Valamir ye Ostrogothic King because ye Goths who together wth ye Romans ejected the Huns were ye Ostrogoths, \to whom the emperors Marcian & Valentinian anno 454 \had/ granted seats in Pannonia/ & they did it in the reign of this Valamir & it is not likely that ye Historian would compute ye actions of ye Ostrogoths by ye years of ye Visigothic Kings. As for ye variation of ye name that might easily be either a slip of Iornandes or some after corruption in ye Author whence he had it.

Now this ejection of ye Huns out of Pannonia was a little after ye death of Attila as all historians that write of these things deliver, & yt is after ye year 454; & ye consequent reception of Pannonia by ye Romans was in ye reign of Avitus as may be seen in \Chronico B\o/iorum &/ Sidonius Carm. 7 in Avitum written \in/ the {illeg} beginning of his reign wch {illeg} speaks thus {illeg}|of that| Emperor.

— *[313] Cujus solum amissas post sæcula multa

Pannonias revocavit [314] iter, jam credere promptum est

Quid faciet Bellis. *[315] |This was written in ye beginning of Avitus reign| Wherefore since Avitus reigned only in ye year 456, \began his reign in the end of the year 455 & reigned not the full year/ the reception of Pannonia & 12t year of Valamir must be referred to that year \to the end of ye year 455/; wch being almost \almost/ 50 years after A.C. \407 or/ 408 confirms \shew/ /confirms\ that for ye year \time/ in wch twas lost.

The Kings of ye Huns were Octar, Rugila, Bleda, |&| Attila. d[316] Octar or Optar Iornandes says was King of ye Huns but not of them all. He was brother to Roas or Roilus whose army was smitten in Thrace by \& Rugila were the Brothers of Munzuc, & Bleda & Attila his sons. The/ two first Iornandes says were kings of ye Huns but not of <67r> lightning in ye beginning of ye reign of Theodosius IId & probably he came over ye Danube wth his Brother & upon his Bother's {sic} loss & ye defeat of Huldin retreated into Pannonia their reliques flying to him |them all & had the two last for their successors.| Oct{illeg}|ar| died A.C. 430 for Socrates tells |us|[317] that about that time ye Burgundins having been newly vext by ye Hunns, in hopes of better success embraced Christianity in hopes of better success & being baptized at a certain town in Gallia returned to ye war, & upon intelligence of O{illeg}|c|tar's {illeg}[318] death \seing them wthout a leader/ set upon them suddenly wth so great success yt 3000 Burgundians slew 10000 Huns. Of Rugilas \(or, as Maximus calls him, Richilla)/ being King in Pannonia you \have/ heard already. He died A.C. 433 & was succeeded by Bleda as Prosper \& Maximus/ informs us. This Bleda wth his brother Attila were Kings before of ye Hunns beyond ye Danube by ye death of their father Munzuc \their father Munzuc's kingdom being divided between them/ & now \they/ united this Kingdom of Pannonia to their own: whence g[319] Paulus Diaconus says they did Regnum intra Pannonias {Da\r/ciamq} gerere. In ye year 441 they began to invade ye Empire afresh, h[320] adding to ye Pannonian forces, new & great armies out of Scythia, but this war was presently composed & then Attila seeing Bleda inclined to peace slew him A.C. 444 & inherited his dominions & invaded ye Empire afresh. And then I suppose it was that he brought ye {Visig} Ostrogoths over ye Danube & set {illeg}|V|alamir Theodemir & Videmir captains over them, for so ye 12 year of Valamir & beginning \end/ of ye year 456|5| will agree.

After Attila's death his Sons quarrelling about sharing his dominions, gave occasion to ye Gepides, Ostrogoths & other subjected nations to rebel & make war upon them, & thereupon ye Huns were ejected ye limits of ye Empire: Yet not all of them, for |by degrees opprest & ejected the limits of the Empire, capite Denficis filij Attilæ anno 469 (Zenone et Marciano Coss: ut refert Marcellinus) Constantinopolim delato. Yet were they not all ejected. ffor besides their reliques in Pannonia| Sigonius (De Occ. Imp. ad Ann 454) mentions yt ye Emperors Marcian & Valentinian, when they granted Pannonia to ye Goths, granted some part of Illyricum to ye {sic} Huns some of ye Huns & Sarmatans, & in ye year 526 when ye Lombards removing into Pannonia made war there upon ye Gepides, ye Avares (a part of ye Huns who had now taken ye name of Avares from one of their kings) assisted ye Lombards in that war, & ye Lombards afterwards when they went into Italy left their seats in Pannonia to ye Avares in recompense of their friendship. And from this time ye Huns grew again very powerful ( their Kings (whom they called Chagan) troubling ye empire very much in ye reign of Mauritius Phocas & Heraclius. And this is ye original of the <68r> Kingdom of Hungary, wch a[321] from these Avares & other Huns mixed together took ye name of Hun-Avaria & by contraction Hungary.

10. These nine kingdoms being rent away, it remains that we account ye residue of ye Empire for ye tenth. While it continued intire it was not a horn but ye Beast himself, but now being but one of ye ten parts whereof ye Beast consists, it's as truly a horn as any of ye rest, & can be accounted {no more}. This horn I date from ye translation of ye Imperial seat from Rome to Rome to Ravenna a[322] wch was in October A.C 408, for then ye Emperor \Honorius/ fearing Alaric would besiege \him/ in Rome if he stayed there retired \to Millain & thence/ to Ravenna & ye ensuing siege & sacking of Rome confirmed his residence there so yt he & his successors ever after made it their home. The Empire indeed as it was a common wealth governed by a Senate & Consuls still retained Rome it's seat for a time: but as it was a monarchy or kingdom (the condition of a horn) it ceased to be Rome & became ye kingdom of Ravenna: ffor ye dominion was hereby so far translated |Rome was excluded from it while the Goths reigned in Italy becoming then a part of their dition: & though the Emperor recovered it again, yet his dominion was by these changes so far| entaild upon Ravenna that when Rome lost her Senate too she became a servant to Ravenna & paid tribute to her[323] & ye Bp of Ravenna ( \even while Rome flourished Valentinian the successor of Honorius,/ according to ye ancient rule that ye dignity of Bps should follow that of ye seats of temporal dominions) challenged \granted the Bishop of Ravenna/ superiority over ye Bps of Rome, < insertion from inline > as is easy to be perceived by ye defects in this letter of Valentinian to Iohn then Bp of Ravenna, wch looks suspicious as if raised by ye Romanists. Proinde Imperiali autoritate sancimus sanctitatem tuam & sanctam tuam Ravennatem Ecclesiā atq universos postea Deo — — — — — — præsules Archieratica dignitate evectam, Metropolitæ decore sublimandam seu Archiepiscopali fastigio — — — — — — præponendam. Hoc privilegium \inquit quidam/ (quo certo Ioanni jus <69v> pallij concessit) {timuit} Simplicius PP ad Ioannem Ravinnatem scribens. Privilegium meretur amittere qui permissa sibi ab utiter potestate. Nec aliter verisimile est fecisse Valentinianum, cùm ipse, ut scribit Machiavellus in Historia Florentina, relicta urbe Roma Ravennam transtulerit Imperij sedem. that is by indowin|ed|g it wth ye privileges suitable \imperial/ privileges after Honorius had began to reside there.

< text from f 68r resumes >

At Ravenna ye Romans reigned about 68 years, & then followed ye Heruli, Ostrogoths & Enarchs: |in| These Heruli came all wch I account \suppose/ this horn continued \propagated/, ye they being \accounted/ successors & administrators of ye western empire so long as the it stood {illeg} lasted. & so accounted of by historians.

These are ye ten kingdoms into wch ye western Empire was rent at it's first breaking, all wch received power as kings over some part or other of the Empire in ye years \407 &/ 408 \if not in one & ye same year 408/. Yet because ye hower in wch they were to receive yt power extends to ye end of ye year 409, three of those kings (the Vandalic Suevian & Alan fixed no where till their invasion of Spain wch was toward ye end of that year: & therefore if you will you may wth Isidorus & others date those kingdoms from that time. Of these 10 Kingdoms I see not wch can be excepted, for they were all at some time or other very potent & ye shortest of above 110 years conti <69r> is this double recompense yt while it stood it was more potent then ye Vandalic & Suevian kingdoms, ijsq ut loquitur Isodorus potentebatur, & that when it fell the people were not dissipated but kept their seats there as ye name thereof Catalaunia derived from them still testifies & consequently they remained still a horn: ffor having been once a horn they are to be accounted one so long as ye people endure, notwithstanding that their dominion be taken away; as is plain out of Daniel's vision of ye Ram & Goat where ye Ram's first horn signi is represented wth both his horns on till ye Goat brake 'em, & yet ye dominion of ye first horn was taken away by ye second above {illeg} 200 years before.

The shortness of this kingdom made me, before I fully observed ye difference between this \& the other/ kingdom & ye \other/ Alan kingdom, {illeg} look about for another kingdom if I could have found one but I could find no other then ye ten above mentioned. There were indeed some other Barbarians that invaded ye Empire together wth these, as ye Saxons Gepides Marcomanni & Quadi &c. But those formed no kingdoms of their own but mixed wth ye people of these, every king ha\v/ing a colluvies of other neighbouring nations mixed wth his own. The Saxons (those wch at this time were intended ye empire) united to ye Burgundians before they came over the Rhene a[324] |Burgundians had Saxons joyned with them|. The b[325] Gepidæ joyned wth ye Alans under Resplendial, & the Heruli were a kin both to ye Gepides & ye Vandals. The c[326] Marcomanni & Quadi & {illeg} were Suevian nations joyned under Ermaneric, & ye d[327] Suevians were one sort of ye Alemans

< insertion from between the lines >

The Tyrants Maximus, Iovinus & Heraclinus I reccon not because they sought not to set up any new kingdom distinct from ye Empire, but only to succeed Hono{r}ius therein: & be{cause} their reign was ve{ry} short & when they fel be{ing} but of one or two years continuance, & {when} they fell they left no footsteps of {their} kingdom as did {the} Alans in Spain. {Nor} should I reccon {illeg}

< text from f 69r resumes >

The Galli Armorichi \wth their neighbours/ are more to be suspected, but yet I find not that they had any kings or were any thing more then a common-wealth. Zosimus says of them only that they did constitute ὀικειον κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν πολίτευμα a certain body politic according to their ability: In ye passage of Eochdarich inserted into ye life of Germanus, they are only called tractus Armoricanus & regio Armoricana & not regnum: & in ye passage of Prosper the Alans are not said to invade their kingdom or king but their Lords. Alani, inquit, quibus terræ Galliæ ulterioris cum incolis dividendæ a Patricio Ætio traditæ fuerunt, resistentes armis subigunt & expulsis Dominis terræ possessionem vi adipiscuntur. This is all ye mention \of 'em before the Alan invasion/ I find {illeg} in antiquity \besides the following passage/, & in all these places they are represented as rebellious <70r> subjects of ye Empire forming not a distinct kingdom but only some kind of Common-wealth aggregated of many Lordships. And you may {see for ye Alemanni} further guess at their state now by that into wch they returned when they shook of ye Alans again: of wch Claudius Rutilius makes this mention

Cujus Aremoricas pater exuperantius oras

Nunc post liminium pacis amore docet,

Leges restituit, libet|r|tatemq reducit,

Et servos famulis non sinit esse suis.

Here Exuperantius is represented the chief man among them, & yet not as a Prince lording it over them but only as their chief Counsellour or Statesman.

The Alemans & Suevians wch remained in Germany began their conquests of Rhetia but in ye year reign of Maximus wch was almost 50 years after ye rise of ye horns. Alemanni, saith f[328] Rhenanus, Ætio mortuo transgressi Rhenum Germaniam primam invadunt & Rhætiam g[329] ante sæpe tentatam nunc tandem sibi vendicant. To ye same purpose speake Aventinus in Annal. Boi. & Sigonius de Occ. Imp. Sidonius[330] who wrote at yt very time, speaking of what was done newly before ye reign of Majoranus, \amongst other things/ reccons this invasion. amongst other things.

— Conscenderat Alpes

Rhætorumq jugo per longa silentia ductus

Romano exierat populato trux Alemannus.

Perq caui quondam dictos de nomine campos

In prædam centum novies dimiserat hostes.

Lazius gives us this further information of it.[331] Suevos inquit et Alemannos (utpote eandem gentem) eodem tempore rerum politos esse in Rhætiâ primâ ex historia Severini advertitur Eugippo quodam authore, Iustiniano imperante scripta: utpote quæ Gibolphum ac Chunimundum Alemannorum unum & alterum Suevorum regem in Vindeliciam usq Bataviam Oenumq flumen, deniq ad Paoniæ limites usq excursionem non semel fecisse, occupatis etiam Tiberinis et Batavis castris ipsaq Romana colonia Laur Laureaco. {Also} And this also agrees to ye times following ye death of {illeg} Ætius: for upon this ensued ye wars between ye Sueves & Ostrogoths in wch Hunnimund slew Wallimir (Iornandes in Get.)[332] wch action Sigebert refers to ye year 461, Sigonius to ye year 471: but by what {Eugenius} \Aventinus/ writes of them, Gibolphus (wch he calls Gibuldus) & Hunnimund were both alive A.C. 476.

Before all this there was, as you heard, an army sent into Gallia by ye Alemans to ye assistance of Constantine A.C. 411. But I <71r> suppose after their defeat by Constantius they went home again wthout doing any thing \or els were dissipated or mixed wth other kingdoms/, for after that I find no mention of them nor of any thing further ye Alemannic kingdom had to do wth ye Empire till ye afforesaid invasion wch followed ye death of Ætius. But suppose that army had then added somthing of ye Empire to their kingdom, yet that could not make it a horn because not a new-founded kingdom: for this kingdom \of Alemannia/ was then of 150 years standing at least, whereas ye horns were to be such kingdoms whose kings in ye time of ye sixt head or seale had not received their kingdoms but were to {illeg} receive power as kings ye same hower wth ye beast.

The Ostrogoths at first \in ye reign of Theodosius & his sons/ /at first\ lived beyond ye Danube in sub & there became subei|je|ct to ye Huns. Some \Great numbers/ of them came over into ye Greek Eastern Empire in ye wars of Gaina & Tribigildus, but ye main body was together wth ye Gepides & other nations brought over by Attila in his above mentioned great expedition. At first ye Huns permitted them a[333] kings of their own, Winitharius, Hunimund, & Thorismund; but after ye death of Thorismund they were a[334] wthout kings 40 years. Then a[335] reigned Walimir wth his brothers, but whose 12t yeare we shewed to fall in wth ye reign of Avitus; & therefore their kingdom began not wthin ye empire till ye year 444 or rather not till then because they were subjects to ye Huns till after ye death of Attila, wch was 45 years after ye breaking of ye Empire into ye first horns.

The Heruli wch invaded Italy came into ye Empire but at ye fall of ye western Cæsars A.C 476, being then invited {illeg} out of Germany by a party of Italians. In these & ye Ostrogoths, since ye Imperial seat, dition, & authority devolved upon them at ye fall of ye Cæsars, I reccon ye 10th horn continued.

The Longobardic kingdom was founded wthout ye Empire in ye middst of Germany; & from thence they came over ye Danube into Pannonia but in ye beginning of Iustinian's reign as Paulus Diaconus & Procopius[336] a writer of that age teach

These I think are all the kingdoms that can be suspected, & therefore since none of these can come in competition wth the ten it is manifest yt ye Empire at its first breaking was rent into ten <72r> {illeg} more {illeg}

Now this is so plain {illeg}sting of, yt ye ancients, though {illeg} their discourses about ye Apocalyps yet in their {exposition} of these ten kingdoms they all agreed: so plain was ye prophesy in this point. De novissimo tempore, saith Irenæus,[337] & de his quæ sunt in eo decem regibus in quos dividetur quod nunc regnat Imperium, significavit Iohannes Domini discipulus in Apocalypsi, edisserens quæ fuerint decem cornua quæ Daniele visa sunt; dicens decem cornua quæ vidisti decem reges sunt. Iren {illeg} And a little after: Dividi regnum oportet in decem, & propterea — Daniel finem quarti regni digitos ait pedum esse imaginis — in quos venit lapis sine manibus præcisus. < insertion from above the line > And again decem digiti pedum sunt decem reges in quibus dividetur regnum: ex quibus quidam fortes & agiles sive efficaces; alij autem pigri et inutiles erunt, &c. <71v> Origenes[338] decem cornua Draconis in Apocalypsi vocat regna serpentinæ malitiæ < text from f 72r resumes > {illeg} So Tertullian:[339] Tantum qui nunc tenet, teneat donec de medio fit. Quis? nisi Romanus status cujus abscessio in decem reges dispersa Antichristum superinducet. To ye same purpose writes Lactantius,[340] though he wth other ancients supposing ye reign of Antichrist to be but three naturall years & a half, puts ye ten kingdoms at ye very end of ye world. Also Gregrory {sic} Nazianzen:[341] Equidem vereor, inquit, ne præsens rerum status ignis illius in expectatione positi fumus quidam sit: ne his [dissidijs] Antichristus superveniat, ac nostros lapsus & morbos in principatûs sui occasionem arripiat — verum regnum in seipsum prius dividi oportet. Ierom also,[342] who wth ye rest interprets ye Beast of ye Roman Empire: Moris est, ait, ut semper cornua pro regnis ponantur. Nam et in Daniele decem cornua decem regna demonstrant. \Symbol (dot in a square with a circle to the right) in text/ < insertion from f 71v > Symbol (dot in a square with a circle to the right) in text And in his comment on Dan 7 disputing against Porphyrius concerning ye Be\a/sts ten horns, \he/ concludes: Ergo dicamus quod omnes scriptores et Ecclesiastici tradidêrunt: in consummatione mundi, quando Regnum destruendum est Romanorum, decem futuros reges qui orbem Romanum inter se dividant, & undecimum surrecturum esse regem parvulum qui tres reges de decem regibus superaturus sit, hominem peccati, fillium peridtionis, Antichristum Sic et Author libri de consummatione mundi qui Hy|i|ppolyto Martyri tribuitur, decem cornua de decem regibus intelligit. < text from f 72r resumes > And D. Austin[343] though he doubt whether the ten be to be taken for any certain number of Kingdoms: yet he delivers his suspicion in such a manner as shows the thing he doubted to have been ye general \received opinion/ perswasion of sense \doctrine/ of ye church. Vereor, inquit, ne in decem regibus — fallamur, atq ita Antichristus inopinatus adveniat non existentibus tot regibus in orbe Romano. Quid enim si numero isto denario universitas Regum significata est? To these I shall add one more testimony because it expresses ye proportion of these horns to one another. Daniel quartam Bestiam Romanorum Imperium vocat Regnum vocat, — et per cornua decem significat fore ut circiter regni finem decem simul exurgant Reges quorum alij potentes erunt, alij admodum imbecilles: hoc enim in Imaginis quoq somnio docuit, namq illic digiti pedum decem erant quorum pars erat ferrea pars fictilis. — Cornu autem parvum Antichristum innuit qui inter decem cornua <73r> exoritur. Theodoret. in Dan. 7.

Thus you see ye division of ye Roman Empire into ten Kingdoms at its breaking was ye general expectation of ye ancient Christians, & yet because these ten Kingdoms were to usher in Antichrist, & Ant Antichrist was to seduce all unsincere Christians, God so ordered it by {illeg} that ye world \should/ not be aware of these Kingdoms when they came. ffor by putting ye 4th Beast (as it might seem) for ye whole Roman Empire, & ye number 10 for ye horns at their first rise only, & days for years, he made them that they \that they/ looked \they looking/ for a dissolution of ye whole Empire to make \constitute/ these horns & {illeg} \not/ suspectin|ed|g \not/ Barbarian kingdoms upon Roman foundations but thought of a division by civil wars, & \so many {illeg} purely Roman Kingdoms & perhaps/ yt ye Kingdoms were to be such as should all last to ye end except ye three that Antichrist should root up, & could imagin nothing to be ye Antichristian state that was |of| above three years & a half's continuance & not nor esteeming ye western empire dissolved so long as there {illeg} remained ye face of an Emperor though he was but one of ye tenn.

<74r>

Posit.
The Ecclesiasticall hierarchy of ye {illeg}Homoüsian Church, from ye {illeg} reign of {Constantius} \triunitarian Church commencing after the death of Constantius &/, headed by ye Bps of Rome & Alexandria, was ye two horned Beast.

The fate of ye Empire expounded in ye former Positions leads me to ye fate of ye Church, & ye limitation of one conduces much to ye limitation of ye other. ffor seeing ye ten horned Beast rose out of ye sea but at ye death of Constantine, & is called ye first Beast, this must rise out of ye earth after that time, & {that} not long after because they are conjoyned {illeg} actions, this Beast making ye power of {illeg} & causing ye earth to worship him & {illeg} Image to him wch Image being made {illeg} first Trumpet (as we shewed in Posit    ) {illeg} before Theodosius's death, we are to seek {illeg} of this Beast between ye deaths of {illeg} two Emperors, & so are infallibly directed to ye Hierarchical Apostacy of ye Trinitarians that being ye only universal & lasting Ecclesiastical state set up within that compass of {illeg} or indeed at any time between ye Apostolic days & this {illeg} present day. And therefore I hope those who have minds disposed to consider when the {illeg} <75> punctually fulfilled in this Hierarchy will {illeg} take ye interpretic|a|tion into deep consideration. I shall therefore run over the particulars in order as they are set down in ye latter t of ye 13th chapter, & first I shall shew you why this Hierarchy at it's first rise was represented by a Beast wth two horns like ye Lamb.

Of ye Beast's rise out of the earth with two horns.

During ye reign of ye Heathen Emperors ye state of ye Clergy was but low & Bishopricks but poor & contemptible: but when ye Empire became Christian the Clergy (chiefly by ye beneficence of Constantine) became soon endowed wth \exalted/ |in| honours privileges & riches: wch made Bishopricks ye objects of ambitious men who being once got in would not stick at any meanes to inlarge their autority {illeg} those of greater Cities over ye less. but {illeg} was this ambition so notorious as in ye {illeg} Rome & Alexandria, the pretence of pro{illeg} their religion giving {illeg} great opportunities {illeg}ting their authority. Yet ye Bp of Alexandria had ye foundation of his greatnes laid long before this time: the history of wch was is as follows.

At first there was only a Bishop \Bp & ⓧ/ Patriarch wth twelve Presbyters constituted in Alexandria by Mark ye Evangelist, wth this rule that when the Patriarch died the twelve Presbyters should elect one of them selves in his stead, & ye other eleven should lay their hands on him & consecrate him Patriarch. This Patriarch was ye only Bishop in all ye Provin <76r> ces of Egypt for about 200 years after or Saviors {time} death. But then Demetrius Patriarch of Alexandria made three Bishops in Egypt & his successor Heraclas (who was made Patriarch about two years before Anterus was Bp of Rome, that is, in ye reign of Maximinus A.C. 234) increased their number to 20 more. These two were ye first Patriarchs of Alexandria wch created Bishops in Egypt. And till this time ye people used to call ye Patriarch Abba or ffather, but now calling those other Bps Abba they began to call ye Patriarch Papa wch signifies Grandfather, as being ye father of those they called ffathers. About 80 years after this, Alexander Patriarch of Alexandria, he who fell out wth Arius, aspiring still higher, brake that rule of ye Patrarch's being elected & ordained by ye 12 Presbyters, & instituted that ye Bishops round about should meet {illeg} \&/ elect him, & that not only out of ye 12 Presbyters {illeg} had been done hitherto but out of any region {illeg} \where/ they found a fit person. All this is recorded {illeg} by Eutychius Bp of A Patriarch of Alex{andria in} his Annals written A.C. 937. < insertion from inline > Alexandria verò non erat Ægypti solùm verum etiam Thebaidis ac Libyæ quæ Æypto finitima est, Metropolis. Theod. l. 1 c. 2. Mox obtinet \{Epulanum} alias addit regiones mox, inquit, obtinet/ ut Alexandriæ Episcopus totius Ægypti & Thalaidis Mareotæ ac Libyæ Ammoriacæq & Mareotidis ac Rutapol{illeg} Ecclesiastici {illeg} habeat {illeg}tiones: {illeg} <76v> Hæresi 68. Erant autem in his decem Metropolitani qui parebant Alexandrino ut constat ex a[344] Epistola Theodosij Iunioris ad Diodorum. Baron an 325. § 127. Totum vero dicebatur Ægyptiaca diæcesis vel latè Ægyptus: eaq limitem cæpit ab Augustanica Præfectura \coæquali/ cujus caput erat Alexandria. Ob ditionis hujus amplitudinem 🅇 quâ — [vers. pag] < insertion from f 77v > 🅇 quâ Episcopus {illeg} \se/ reliquis Orientis Episcopis nimium prætulit tandem (ut dicetur) authoritatem in alias omnes exercu aliarum illorum sedes usurp exercuit, Nazianzenus de creatione Athanasij verba faciens, rem ita exprimit: Athanasius Alexandrino populo, quod idem est ac si dicerem universo terrarum orbi præficitur. Orat 21 de laud. Athanas.

< text from f 76v resumes >

|Thus the Churches of Egypt —| < text from f 76r resumes > {Thus} the Churches of Egypt grew betimes to an Ecclesiastical Monarchy. And now Monkery beginning to spring up in Egypt Athanasius first of all created Bishops out of the Monks. Of these he made {illeg} \a great/ number & so turned ye Churches of Egypt into a faction of ye Monks for his defence against ye Easter Bps. But then he being thrown out by Constantine, & kept out almost all Constantius's reign & Iulian's reign, this faction was bro <77r> ken for a time & Egypt reduced to unity wth ye Church.

As for ye Bp of Rome the greatnes of his City gave him ye preeminence among ye Bps of ye west \from the beginning/ while ye Empire was Heathen: but his first memorable attempt to ye unversal Bprick |This was ye dominion authority of the Bp of Rome in the west: the greatnes of wch made him betimes aspire to ye universal Bprick. The first memorable attempt of this kind — — — — —| that I read of was {illeg} years after ye death of Constantine. Then {illeg} Bp of Rome upon Athanasius's appealing to him [345] from ye sentence of ye Eastern Bps, tooke upon him to summon ye eastern Bps to a Counsel at Rome. wch But they despising \disdaining/ this arrogance sent him word back: Se indigno animo ferre se Romam esse citatos, siquidem omnium Episcoporum par et idem esset honor & authoritas &c. Yet a while after after, to justify ye irregular proceedings of these two great Bishops, the one's appeal from ye eastern Bps to ye other & ye other's challenging such appeals to be made to him: ye western & Egyptian {Bps in ye} Concel of Serdica, decreed that appeals {might be} made from all ye world to ye Bp of Rome. This \I say/ was his first step to ye universal Bishoprick but yet at this time it succeeded not; for Constantius soon after conquering ye west, humbled him, & brake ye western as well as ye Egyptian faction for a time, reducing ye whole church to unity by ye subscription of all ye western Bps in ye Counsel of Ariminum to ye rejection of ye new word consubstantial.

Thus were ye seeds of ye Beast sown by these two great Bps, & as it were, lay buried in ye earth till after ye reign of Constantius & Iulian, & then <78r> his two horns began to spring up after ye following manner.

Iulianus Imperium adeptus omnibus a Constantio in exilium missis, non reditum ad suas ecclesias, sed in patriam cuiq suam concessit (Iulian. Ep    ) Dein anno ejus secundo (A.C. 362) perlato nuncio indicante Artemium ducem Ægypti a Iuliano capite multatum: plebs omnis Georgium Alexandriæ Episcopum petit & crudeliter occidit, Gentiles quod religionem Gentilem regnante Constantio acriùs insectasset (Ammian. l. 22) et Homoüsiani (Greg. Naz. Orat. 21. \Socr. l. 3. c. 3/ Eutychij Annal. ob causam quàm nemo non conjecerit. Tunc Athanasius eversus e latabris \mox in/ Alexandriam redit (Greg. Naz. Orat 21. allijq) & suos \ab exilio relaxatos/ numero paucos in conciliabulum quoddam convocans; (Ruffin l 1. c 28) consulunt de fide & de modo restituendi partes lapsas. Et constitutum est ut exceptis authoribus hæreseos quos error excusare non poterat, [verba sunt Hieronymi] pænitentes ecclesiæ sociarentur: non quod Episcopi possint esse qui hæretici fuerant, sed quod constaret eos qui reciperentur hæreticos non fuisse. Assensus est huic sententiæ Occidens, & per tam necessarium consilium e Satanæ faucibus ereptus est mundus. Hieronymus adv. Lucif. Hoc est \ex mente Hieronymi/ statuerunt ut omnes qui cum jurejurando subscripserant contra usum vocis ὀμοουσίου, & isto pacto in communionem cum Ecclesia universa redierant, si denuò ad veteres partes reverterentur, eorum communio cum adversa parte non pro communione, & fides data non pro fide data et jusjurandum non pro jurejurando haberetur; nequis diceret eos hæreticos quondam fuisse et ideo jam non amplius episcopos esse posse. Sic itaq Homoüsiani primùm cæperunt <79r> absolvere homines a juramentis, vel potius (quod magis arguit \ostendit/ perfrictam frontem hujus Conventiculi) naturam rerum præteritarum mutare: idq (solo hoc prætextu quod Episcopi isti per dolosam persuasionem calidorum hominum decepti fuerant non claro intellectu inducti ad subscribendum. Quasi verò non {illeg}|sint| homines {illeg} {illeg}|peccata| in quæ per fraudem et deceptionem diaboli incidimus: vel quasi Athanasius cum suis hos ipsos Episcopos non prolapsis & hæresi contaminatis ante hoc decretum habuerit & semper habiturus fuisset si modò {illeg}|f|a{illeg}|c|tionem suam absq horum absolutione restituere potuisset. Videat itaq Lector quanto dolo et quàm iniquis consilijs Ecclesia perijt, et an hi deinceps Episcopi fuerit|an|t qui non nisi his conditionibus gradum suum servare possent.

Cæterùm dum hæc aguntur Iulianus de reditu Athanasij in Epsicopatum admonitus eum hoc edicto ante Kal. Decemb. anni 362 ejecit. Æquum erat eum qui regijs et Imperatorijs edictis compluribus ejectus fuerat, unum saltem edictum regium expectare ac tum deniq domum suam redire: non autem singulari audacia atq amentia fretum legibus tan quam omninò extinctis ac perditis illudere. Etenim nunc quoq nos Galilæis a Constantio ejectis non reditum ad suas Ecclesias sed in patriam cuiq suam concessimus. Audio Athanasium hominem audacissimum solita audacia elatum, epsicopatus sedem iterum usurpare; id verò non mediocriter Alexandrino populo displicere. Quare eum jubemus urbe excedere &c. ffugit itaq Athanasius, sed proxima æstate, statim post Iuliani obitum Ecclesiam iterum capessit <80r> et non multò post acceptis novi Imperatoris literis eum in sede confirmantibus, majorem fiduciam adeptus omniq metu liberatus est. Socr. l. 3. c. 24.

Quali jam Imperio Ecclesiastico cæpit Athanasius regnare, conjici potest conferendo {statuæ mores} mores \ejus/ a Constantino Magno Ammiano alijsq notatos cum statu monarchico Patriarchatûs Alexandrini supra descripto. Constantinus enim in Epistola ad Alexandrinos Athanasium vocat seditiosum contumeliosum, arrogantem, dissidij atq seditionis authorem. Sozom l. 2. c. 29. Constantius in hos \ejus/ mores \sæpe et/ vehementer invehitur. Idem fecit Iulianus ut modo audivisti{illeg}|s|{illeg}. Apud Ammianum verò lib 15 hæc leguntur. Athanasium Episcopum eo tempore [sc. sub Constantio] apud Alexandriam ultra professionem altiùs se efferentem sciscitariq conatum externa, ut prodidere rumores assidui, Synodus removit a Sacramento quod obtinebat, &c His consentanea sunt quæ etiam Theodoretus {illeg} \sic/ refert. Eusebius Theognis et Theodorus frequenter in Imperatoris [Constantij] conspectum venientes, reditum Athanasij ab exilio multorum malorum causam extitisse dixere, & non Ægyptum solum verùm etiam Palæstinam & alias finitimas gentes turbulentis eorum fluctibus graviter agitari. Theod l. 2. c. 2. Si hæc sub Constantio facta sunt, quid jam non fecerit Tyrannus hicce Ecclesiasticus sub Imperatore|i|s \Ioviano ipsi favente et Valente aliquamdiu/ religiones omnes tolerante. Saltem Dominatûs vim colligite ex Greg. Nazianzeno ejus contemporaneo et fautore, qui de novissima haece \ejus/ in Cathedram resti <81r> tutione sic loquitur. Athanasius post cædem Georgij rediens — prolapsam fidei doctrinam erigit, ac liberè rursus trinitas prædicatur — leges etiam rursus orbi terrarum præscribit, atq omnium oculos ad se convertit. Gr. Nazianz. Orat. 21. Hoc deniq ex eo colligite quod ipse cum suis episcopos in exteris regionibus ordinaverit. Nam in prædicto Conciliabulo Alexandrino creatus est Meletius Episcopus Antiochiæ \Metropoleos Orientis/ sede ista non vacante, ita ut duo simul Episcopi in una Vrbe præter tertium a Lucifero eodem tempore creatum extarent. {illeg} (Socr l. 3. c. 7 Ruffin l. 1. c. 30.) Et similia in alijs urbibus patrata ansam dedere nimiæ sed justæ forsan Valentis Imp. severitati subsecutæ. Nam licèt propriam religionem per violentiam propa{illeg}|ga||re| aut alienam invadere et expugnare nefas sit: tamen propriæ religionis leges constitutiones & privilegia contra violenti et ineffrenati invasoris impetum defendere nemo persecutionem dixerit. Zizanias seminatas non licet eradicare ne fortè triticum simul eradicemus, sed seminantem prohibere servator non interdixit.

Dum prædicta geruntur in Ægypto, Decreta præfati Conciliabuli Alexandrini ad Episc Liberium Episcopum R in occidentem delata sunt, et Liberius {doctrinā} ea omnia amplexus iterum ab Ecclesia defici & \pro authoritate, qua pollebat/ magnam partem occidentalium Episcoporum secum in schisma trahit; spreto et anathemate jam damnato Consilio Ariminensi in quod omnes non ita pridem juraverant. < insertion from f 80v > ✝ Proculdubio graviter ferebat turgentem illam et ultra modum invalescentem authoritatem sedis ejus a Concilio Ariminensi nuper spretam et compressam fuisse, veteremq statum ambiebat. Sed undecunq permotus hæc molitus fuerit, {proculdubio} \certè/ *[346] Baronius eum rectè statuit primum Occidentalium defecisse & authoritate sua coeteris secum {illeg} in societatem tranisse causam defectionis extitisse. Extat enim — < text from f 81r resumes > Extat sanè in ffragmentis Hilarij lib. 1, Epistola Liberij ad Episcopos Italiæ quâ sententiam \decretum/ præfati conciliabuli \de revocandis lapsis Episcopis/ quasi omnium Ægyptiorum & Achivorum senten <82> tiam promulgans, ejus authoritate \virtute/ hoc novum schisma facere \primus omnium/ aggreditur. Epistola illa sic se habet \incipit/.[347] Imperitiæ culpam obliterat rescipiscens. &c — Deinde mentione facta eorum qui (per ignorantiam ut loquitur) ab alijs persuasi et inducti fuerant ad assentiendum Consilio Ariminensi, sic pergit cùm Ægyptij omnes & Achivi \[intelligit Conciliabulum istud]/ sententiam receperint \multis/ parcendum \quidem/ his \de quibus supra tratavimus/: authores verò esse damnandos qui obliqua & maligna subtilitate & caligine offenderunt innocentium sensus per quæ velamen obducerent veritati, \tenebras lucem et lucem tenebras venditantes./ Igitur siquis ignorationis captum *resipiscens illud virus in se pestiferum Ariani dogmatis fuerat expertus, reparatus exhauriat, condemnet, vehementiusq in auctores ejus insæviat quos in se violentos expertus est, totumq se fidei Apostolicæ & Catholicæ usq ad Nicænæ Synodi conventum de integro mancipet. Per quam professionem, \etiamsi quibusdam leve et remissum videatur,/ recuperet id quod per astutiam rectiatis amiserat. |Verùm si aliquis \tam/ stolidæ mentis (quod haud credo) repiniatur fuerit inventus quo non solùm nolit converti &c, — Ecclesiæ Catholicæ spiritali vigore plectetur.|

Hujusmodi literarum adminiculo, et ope Hilarij et Eusebij Vercellensis (quorum posterior Conciliabulo isto Alexandrino interfuerat, ambo verò jam regiones Occidentis peragrabant Buccinam canentes ad defectionem) res tam mirâ celeritate successit ut post unum et alterum annum viz. An. 365, Liberius sic scripserit ad Homoüsia nos quosdam in Oriente congregatos. Quanquam nequam et scele{illeg}rati Ariani effecere ut omnes Episcopi Occidentis Arimini in unum cogerentur, quo ibi vel persuasione vel (ut veriùs dicam) Imperatoris auctoritate, illud quod erat ad summam cautionem in fidei formula positum, aut tollerent, aut perversè inficiarentur: nihil hâc fraudulenta molitione omninò proficerunt. Nam omnes illi ferè Episcopi qui Arimini conve <83r> nerant quiq vel fallacibus inescati illecebris vel vi compulsi a fide tum quidem desciverant: nunc tamen ad sanam mentem reversi, fidei formulæ ab Episcopis Arimini convocatis editæ anathema denunciarunt, & fidei Catholicæ & Apostolicæ Niceæ confirmatæ subscripserunt, & nobiscum jam communicant: Omnes illi, inquam, imo præsentia maximo iracundiæ æstu contra dogma Arij ejusq discipulos exardescunt. Quam rem vestræ charitatis Legati cùm exploratàcognitam planeq perspectam haberent, suæ ipsorum subscriptioni vestra nomina etiam nomina adjunxêre. Ario autem et decretis Arimini contra fidem Nicææ stabilitam sancitis (quibus item vos per versutas blanditias in fraudem inducti cum jurejurando adhibito subscripsistis) anathema edixere. Apud Socr. l. 4 c. 11 & Baron a. 365. 13.

Sic maxima pars Occidentis quasi uno impetu in Schisma ruit; & Liberio jam moriente, successor ejus Damasus ultra progreditur: nam Convocatis Consilijs Pr principes alterius partis anathemate percussos ejici fecit. In Gallijs quidem resistentes, Saturninus Episcopus Arelatensis & Paternus a Petrogoricis Sacerdotio pelluntur, cæteris veniâ datâ. Sulpit. l. 2. Hæc procuravit Hilarius \facta sunt/ per Conciliū |in| Gallijs celebratum \procurante Hilario/ collectum, deinde alij in alijs regionibus \similiter/ pelluntur, de quibus Athanasius cum 90 Episcopis in concilium (ni fallor Alexandriæ) collectis, sic scripsere ad Africanos: Sufficiunt scripta Damasi et Episcoporum Romæ collectorum, & aliorum conciliorum quæ patim {sic} in Gallia partim in Italia habita sunt &c — — — Interim [pergunt] non soli <84r> sumus qui ista scribimus, sed omnes in Ægypto & Africa \Libya/ Episcopi nonaginta numero. — Scripsimus \dilecto/ Damaso \Episcopo magnæ Romæ/ contra Auxentium, — miramurq cur nondum depositus ejectusq sit ex Ecclesia. Gratian habemus & illius pietati & cæteris qui Romæ convenerunt, quod Vrsat|c|io & Valente cum socijs suis ejectis concordiam Catholicæ Ecclesiæ conservare|i|nt. Athanas. ad Episc. Afr. Consilium hocce Romæ collectum constitit etiam 90 Episcopis (Theod l. 2. c. 22) et inter initium Damasi & obitum Hilarij existens incidit in an. 368 circiter. Eodem vel sequente anno subsecutum \tempore collectum/ est concillium in Illyrico cui Legati Damasi pro more cum instructionibus interfuerunt. Et pro hoc \saltem/ consilio confirmando {illeg} obtinuerunt Edictum Imperatorium, {illeg} quo simul corroboratum \est/ Consilium illud Romæ convocatum, et alterum {illeg} non multò ante collectum in Gallia (Theod l 4 c. \7,/ 8, 9 \Baron a. 365. 17, 18, 21./ Et hujus Edicti vi effectum esse credo ut Vrsacius et Valens cum socijs ejicerentur. Cæte Auxentius etiam simul cum cæteris damnatus fuit, ut testatur Athanasius. Diversis, inquit, Concilijs per Galliam et Hispanias & Romæ celebratis omnes qui eo conventu fuere, Auxentium Mediolanensem Vrsatium et Caium Pannonem communi calculo Anathemate percutiunt, eo quod isti sibi nomina vindicaverint Consiliorum cùm nulla sit in Catholica Ecclesia Synodus existimanda præter unicam Nicænam. Athanas. ad Epictetum Episc. Corinth.

Cæterum dum Homousiani Auxentium post hæc anathemata conati sunt ejicere, Auxentius sic scribit ad \ad/Imperatorib|es|us Valentiniano et Valenti: Ego <85r> quidem pijssimi Imperatores existimo non oportere sex centorum Episcoporum unitatem post tantos labores, ex contentione paucorum hominum refricari, abjectis decretis ante annos decem sicut & scripta manifestant. Sed etsi aliqui e plebe qui nunquam communicaverant neq his qui ante me fuerunt Epsicopis, nunc ampliùs excitati ab Hilario et Eusebio, perturbantes quosdam, hæreticum me voca\ve/runt — & non habent personam accusatorum aut judicant qui sémel depositi sunt, dico autem Hilarium & qui ei consentiunt: Tamen obediens serenitati vestræ processi manifestare falsa docentibus & blasphementibus et vocantibus me Arianum, \et quasi non confitentem Christum filium Dei Deum esse, &c./[348] — Vt autem pietas vestra veriùs cognosceret ea quæ gesta sunt in Consilio Ariminensi, transmisi; & peto ut ea libenter legi præcipiatis: sic enim cognoscet serenitas vestra quia jamdudum damnati, depositi, hoc est Hilarius & Eusebius, contendunt ubiq Schismata facere. Apud Hilar. contra Auxentium, & Baron a 369. 15. Imperator itaq Valentinianus {illeg} intellectis demum ijs quæ apud Arminum gesta sunt, communicat cum Auxentio et Hilarium ut calumniatorem jubet ex urbe Mediolanensi discedere (Hilar. ib.) Hoc pacto Auxentius restitit Homoüsianis & plures Italiæ et Illyrici Episcopos in fide conservavit. Sed post ejus obitum, qui contigit A.C. 374, Mediolani Ambrosio Episcopo constituto, omnis ad Homoüsianam fidem Italia convertitur. (Hieron. Chron.) {illeg} & Baron a. 374. 1.) Et sic cecidit Occidentalis Ecclesia.

Interea Athanasius cum suis non minùs grassatus est in Ægypto et Libya, adversæ partis Antistites non legitima Imperatorum authoritate sed vi pleb propria Sacerdotis \Ecclesijs/ pellens. Attamen anno 370, ubi Valens Imp. in mandatis singulis cujusq gentis magistratibus dederat mandatum ut Episcopi temporibus Constantij abdicati & regnante Iuliano relaxati, Ecclesijs expellerentur: Athanasius

< insertion from f 76v >

{illeg} Quemadmodum |vero| Evangelij propagatio ab Alexandria & ejus urbis dominio temporalis ipsam constituit {cujus} Diœcesetos \regionum circumjacentium/ metropolim, sic multò magis contigit Romæ. Concilium Nicænum in 6to Canone definit: Quod Ecclesia Romana semper habuit Primatum: tenuit autem et Ægyptus ut Episcopus Alexandriæ omnium habeat potestatem; quoniam et Romano Episcopo hæc est consuetudo. Canonis hujus mens esse videtur j Quod Episcopus Romanus semper {fue} habuit Primatum istum quo eo tempore fungebatur in Occidente, i.e. dominium Ecclesiasticum in propriam diœcesin. 2 Quod Provincias eo tempore sibi subjectas. 2 quod et in Ægypto Episcopus Alexandrinus omnium obtinuit potestatem, argumento ducto ab Episcopo Romano qui perinde dominabatur in Occidente. Ruffinus hunc Canonem sic interpretatus est:[349] Vt apud Alexandriam et in urbe Roma vetusta consuetudo servetur, ut et ille Ægypti, ut hic suburbicariarum Ecclesiarum solicitudinem gerat. Et Baronius (an 325. § 135) \ex edictis Imperatorijs/ docet in his Ecclesijs suburbicarijs pl{illeg} contineri provincias tam in Italia quam \etiam/ extra Italiam {illeg} Magnitudo autem hujus Diœceseos \et Episcopi Romani auctoritas/ ex Edicto Imperator{illeg} et Valentiniani (apud Baronium (an 381 § {illeg}6) edito) con{illeg} ubi hæc habentur. — Vl|o|lumus ut quicunq judicio {illeg} cum consilio quinq vel septem habuerit Episcoporum {illeg} qui Catholici sunt judicio vel consilio condemnatus fu{illeg} voluerit Ecclesiam retentare, ut qui evocatus ad sace{illeg} non ivisset: ut ab illustribus viris Præfectis Prætorio Gall{illeg}q I{illeg} auctoritate adhibita, ad Episcopale judicium remittatur. sive a Proconsulibus vel Vicarijs ut ad Vrbem Romam sub prosecutione perveniat: aut si in longinquioribus partibus alicujus ferocitas talis emerserit, omnis ejus causæ edictio ad Metropolitæ in eadem Provincia Episcopi deduceretur examen: vel si ipse Metropolitanus est, Romam necessario, vel ad eos quos Romanus Episcopus judices dederit sine dilatione contendat. — Quod si vel Metropolitani Episcopi vel cujus cunq sacerdotis iniquitas est suspecta, aut gratia; ad Romanum Episcopum vel ad Concilium quindecim finitimorum Episcoporum accersitum liceat provocare &c. < insertion from f 77v > Huc spectat quod Innocentius I ad Victricium apud G{illeg} tomagensem Episcopum scripsit c. 3. Siquæ autem causa {illeg} tensiones inter Clericos tam superioris ordinis, quàm {illeg}{inferioris} fuerint exortæ; ut secundum Synodum {Nicænum} cong congregatis i|e|jusdem Provinciæ Episcopis jurgium termin{illeg} & alicui liceat (sine præjudicio tamen Rom. Ecclesiæ, cui debet omnibus causis Reverentia custodiri,) relictis his sacerdotibus qui in eadem Provincia Dei Ecclesiam nutu divino gubernant, ad alias convolare Provincias. Si autem majores causæ in medio fuerint devolutæ, ad Sedem Apostolicam sicut Synodus statuit, et vetus consuetudo exigit, post judicium Episcopale referantur. Ad hunc locum sic Hincmarus Epist. IX. 12. Beatus quoq Innocentius ad Victricium Rhotomagensem Episcopum duo capitula magni Concilij Nicæni & capitulum Sardicensis Concilij de Episcoporum ad Sedem Apostolicam appellatione uno capitulo sagaciter atq patènte explicat. Hanc præterea authoritatem Pontifici Romani <78v> a Gallicanis Episcopis in causa Maximi, Valentini concessam, docet decretum III Bonifacij I. Eo tempore Zosimus et Bonifacius Pontifices Rom. eandem jurisdictionem in Africanos exercere conabantur, sed frustra, Afris fortiter resistentibus. < text from f 76v resumes > His adjucere possim quod Leonis I ad Anastasium Thessalonicen <77v> sem Hac erat Romani Pontificis authoritas {illeg} Occidente \Epistola 55 in Holstenij collectis edita. Episcopum Thessalonicæ, supre/mæ sedis Illyrici, Romanæ Sedis {illeg} ab antiquis temporibus Vicarium assert {illeg} extant etiam apud Holstenium Synodus Romana sub Bonifacio II, in qua, studente Epiphanio Constantinopolitani {illeg} Larissensis Thessaliæ Provinciæ Metropolitæ ordinatione cognitionem ad se vocare, {illeg} feruntur Damasi, Syricij, Innocentij I, Bonifacij I, Cælestini, Episcoporum Romæ, ad Ascholium, Anysium Rufum, Episcopos Thessalonicenses, literæ, quibus eis causarum per Illyricum existentium curam, datam a Domino et sacris canonibus sedi Apostolicæ, specialiter per Illyricum, ipsis commendant. Eodem spetant Pontt. RR. Innocentij I, Leonis I, Gelasij, Hormisdæ & Gregorij M. Epistolæ quædam decretales. At ante Damasum nihil extat quo tale {illeg} privilegium ante Damasi Pontificatum affirmetur. Imò privilegium hoc jam tum cæpisse ex eo constat quod Illyricum, antequam Constantius Occidentem vincebat, ad Imperium Orientis pertineret, quodq Leonis I. Epistola XXII Thessalonicenses Episcopos a Syricio primum institutos \fuisse/ Romanæ Sedis Vicarios per {Illyrianos Vicarios} Symbol (circle containing a cross with the E arm missing) in text testetur.

< text from f 85r resumes >
< insertion from f 20v >

After 4 months siege, Edobec having procured succors, ye Barbarian Kings at Ments constitute Iovius a Tyrant & leg

< text from f 85r resumes > < insertion from f 32v > <32v>

Vbi Vandali cum Socijs Germaniam primam et Belgiam aliquamdiu vastaverant, pergunt in Aquitaniam, deq Hispanijs \invadendis/ cogitabant sed a montibus Pyrenæis ad tempus cohibiti per Aquitaniam et novempopulaniam diffunduntur. Tandem verò montis aditus ijs patefactus est & Hispanias ingrediuntur 4 Kal Octob A.C. 409, exinde loco omnia depopulantes. Nec tamen Gallias deseruere sed multas urbes et munitiones tam |Among other mischeifs| in Gallijs quam in Hispanijs exhinc depopulantes \capiunt et/ evertunt, |Iamq corpus omnium Galliarum ut loquitur Salvianus, ardere cap{illeg}ent|

Constantinus antehac Britannicam|is| vim militarem evanescerat \subduxerat/, et ea occasione {illeg} \{arrepta}, hostes/ Boreales {illeg} invaserunt Insulam invadunt. Incolæ primò ad Imperatorem mittunt, petentes auxilia, sed ille et sibi \rebus suis/ consuleret jubentem. q|Q|uare arma capiunt{illeg}, cum Barbaris congrediuntur, et civitates suas ab imminenti periculo libera{illeg}nt.

|Symbol (circle containing a cross with the E arm missing, and another cross to the left) in text| < insertion from f 33r > |Symbol (circle containing a cross with the E arm missing, and another cross to the left) in text| Interea Franci Salij qui cis Rhenum in Romanis sedibus collocati fuerant, una cum alijs {illeg} Celticis nationibus quo se \regionem suam/ a barbarorum incursione defenderent, \ad/ arma capiunt \se recipient/ & excultiunt Romanū jugum. [Cumq res Romanorum passim ruerent {illeg} Franci \audaciores facti/ Trevirim pergant, quam Vandali ut creditum est, modo occupaverant, et urbem expugnant. Deinde arma convertunt — — — coalescunt.] Vnde bellum \ortum est/ inter eos & Arborichos qui vicinos qui hactenus Romanorum fuerant milites qui hactenus Romanis parebant vicinus maris accolas qui tunc Arborici, vel \{fortis}/ Armorici dicebantur et Romanorum erant milites Sed neutra parte cedente \ffrancis f neutra parte cedente deficiunt etiam. Arborici a Romanis & cum ffra{n}/cis fœdus tandem instar /ineunt {illeg}\ &c per subsecutas mutuas nuptias & morum conformitatem ambo \tandem/ in unam gentem fortissimam coalescunt. Finito autem bello illo Franci Trevirim diripiunt qu expugnant, quam Vandali, ut creditur est, prius diripuerant: deinde laboranti Constantino tyranno una cum alijs barbaris gentibus suppetias Arelatum mittunt \contra Constantiū/ laborant Constantino tyranno Arelatum mittunt contra Constantium.

< text from f 32v resumes >

Eodem tempore (anno scilicet 410) bellum inter Francos Salios et Vandalos exortum est. Hi Franci nuper in imperium recepti fuerant & in Belgio inter Brachbantiam hodiernam et Rhenum collocati, jamq rerum Romanarum \confusione/ audaces facti, ab Imperio defecerant \nunc cum Romanis nunc cum Barbaris invadentibus concertantes/. Vandalos igitur \adoriuntur,/ prælio vincunt, & viginti millia eorum occidunt, cæteris ad internecionem delendis in {illeg} \Goar cum/ Alan{illeg}|is| {illeg} \suis/ in tempore subvenisset. Hac victoria potiti Trevirim pergunt, quam Vandali, ut creditum est, modo occuparant, et urbem expugnant. Deinde arma convertunt in vicinis maris accolas qu{illeg}|is| A tunc ✝ Armorici dicebantur. Sed Armoricis fortiter resistentibus, fœdus tandem init{illeg}ur, et \per/ subsecut{illeg}|as| mutuas nuptis et morum conformitatē, {illeg} ambo in unam gentem fortissimam coalescunt.

<33v>

3 The Kings Reges Alanorum in Hispania erant Resplendial, Ataces & Sambida. Cœpit Resplendial in Gallia A.C. 408, e[350] populumq suum in Hispanias duxit.Cœpit Ataces \Huic successit Ataces (/ in Hispanijs A.C. 416 \(aliquibus Vtacus vel Othacar dictus)/ & sub his \duobus/ regnum \Alanorum/ potentissimum fiat. f[351] Tribus enim Barbarorum regnis Hispania fere omnis \jam/ subjecta erat et \Alani/ alteris duobus Alani dominabantur. Brevi tamen contusum est hoc Regnum et fere extinctum. Nam Vallia Visigothorum Rex ultimo regni) sui anno, id est anno Christi 419 Atacem cum omni fere exercitu delevit, et Alani qui reli qui erant se Gunderici Vandalorum regis in Bœtica regnantis {sub} patricinio tradiderunt. Narrat tamen Vasæus quod eodem anno se a Gunderici imperio subduxerunt. Alani, inquit, indomiti nec alieni patientes imperij a Gunderico cujus se fidei tradiderant, desciscunt & Carthaginensem Provinciam & Lusitaniam repetunt, & sine Rege terras eas incolunt, rectigales tamen Romanis. Hoc profert Vasæus ex Chronico Regis Alfonsi, dein ex alijs addit, patriam Alanorum ab ipsis Alanqueram dictam fuisse et Provinciam illam Cataloniam quæ nunc sic dicitur: de quo nomine Beatus Rhenanus (lib. 1 p 27) sic scribit. [352] Catthi cum Alanis juncti Hispaniam prorupere regno illic constituto quod vernacula lingua a consociatis nationibus occupatricibus hodie Cathaloniam vocant. Tametsi quidam a Gothis et Alanis derivent. Cujus causa est quod minus noti sunt Catthi quam vulgo quam Gotthi. Porro Alanis nomina urbibus dedisse notat Maximus \in Chronico/ ad annum Christi 430. Alani, inquit, Wandaliq

< text from f 85r resumes > < insertion from f 41v >

Arcadio et Probo Coss (A.C. 406 finiente) Vandali et Alani Gallias trajecto Rheno prid. Kal. Ian. ingressi. Prosper.

< text from f 85r resumes > < insertion from f 41v >

Visceribus nudis armatum condidit hostem

Illatæ cladis liberiore dolo. Rutilius lib. 2 Itiner. de Stilicone locutus, qui militi|s|bus \Gallicanos/ in expeditionem contra Imperatorem orientis subductens|xerit| Galliam nudaverat.

< text from f 85r resumes > < insertion from f 57v >

[353]Vidimus igitur originem Regni hujus ex mente Procopij. Et hanc veram fuisse \originem/ disertè testatur alius quidam Author natione Francus & Procopij saltem coetaneus, in Præfatione quam ✝[354] Legibus Salicis, tunc cùm Franci (ut ipse asserit) nuper ad catholicam fidem fuerant \conversi/ hoc est sub finem regni Clodovæi vel non multò post, præfixit. Ipse autem de Regno \Gente/ ffrancica verba faciens sic concludit: Hæc est enim Gens quæ fortis dum esset et robore valida, Romanorum jugum durissimum de suis cervicibus excussit pugnando, &c.

Constat itaq de modo originis regni hujus. Videamus jam de tempore. Et hoc etiam ex Procopio colligere licet. Cum enim dicat {illeg} Arborichos fuisse Romanorum milites ad usq bellum istud cum Francis, & Francos vim eis intulisse quod pristinam politiam seu vivendi rationem {illeg} \olim/ immutassent hoc est quod pristinam libertatem diu amisissent, jamq Romanis obedientes, minùs fortes minúsq parati essent ad se defendendum: certùm est eos non defecisse a Romanis ante initium hujus belli; imò non ante finem ejus & fœdus ictum cum ffrancis Romanorum inimicis, siquidem Procopius ait etiam eosdem durante hoc bello benevolentiam erga Romanos habuisse exercuisse habuisse. Quare cùm Zosimus, in loco supra citato, disertè tradat rebellionem Gentium Celticarum (inter quas Arborichi, Gens Barbara, ampla, fortis, & in medio rebellantium sita, primas tenuere) eo tempore contigisse quo Constantinus regnabat in Gallia: bellum Arborichanum in priorem partem triennalis tyrannidis ejus \referendum erit/, medium existens inter bellum Francorum cum Vandalis et expeditionem eorundem unàcum cæteris barbaris ad succurrendum Constantio obsesso in Arelato |et| proinde rebellio Francorum ad \incidit in priorem partem./ {initium} regni Constantini referendum erit: ffrancis e bello Vandalico ad hos statim invadendos se conferentibus. Nec ✝

{What ne} But there needs no other character of the beginning of this

<58r>

Constat itaq de modo originis regni hujus. De tempore res clarior est. Prior fuit \Præcessit/ casum Constantini quia — Franci inter alios Barbaros ei cadenti succurrerunt, & subinde Gallias vastarunt, adeoq tum ante fuerunt in armis. Prius|ecess|it etiam fuit rebellionem Celticarum nationum quia causa \erat/ ejus rebellionis narrante Procopio. Nec mirum si Imperij perturbatio Francos populum Imperij novissimum fortissimum veteris libertatis adhuc memorem & Vandalis invadentibus propiores quam Armorichi primos omnium commoveret. Quid itaq si rejiciamus primam gentis hujus commotionem in tempora invasionis Belgiæ per Vandalos? Nam bellum eorum cum Vandalis subinde orbum id arguet & fælix exitus Belli ejus ita Francos animare posset ut libertatem quam a Barbaris hisce modò vindicaverant, contra hostes quoscunq, restituto Majorum Regimine, defendendam susciperent |Etenim in proclivi erat Francos {illeg} se ad arma recipere ut regionem suam a Barbarorum incursu defenderent|.

< text from f 85r resumes >

[1] a

[2] b

[3] ✝ pedes ad pugnam compositos, pugnaces exercitus ut olim Cyrus. Vrsa Enim pugnat cum pedib. Et similiter Be hæc Bestia {illeg} in Daniele {illeg} quod reliquum erat pedibus calcare dicitur.

[4] b Athanas. Apolog. Ruffin

[5] c Fulgos l 7. c 3 Sulvitius Severus

[6] d. Theod. 2.16

[7] a Theod. l 5. c 16.

[8] pag \pag/    

[9] a Roma capta est 9 Kal. Sept. (Paul: Diac. {illeg}

[10] pag    

[11] a. Roma capta est 9 Kal. Sept (Paul Diac. Sigebert. {illeg} A.C. {illeg} statuant) 410.

[12] b Gormand Get. Sigebert.

[13] c Claud. & Pruden in locis supra citatis pag.    

[14] d Oros l. 7, c 38.

[15] e Oros. Philostorg{ius} Olympiodor.

[16] a Sigebert

[17] \a \ prid Kal. Ian./ A.C. 407 finiente ut supra probatum est, pag    / a. Rhenum transiebant prid. Kal. Ian A.C. 407 finiente, ut supra probatum est, pag.    

[18] b. In nonnullis editionibus, ponitur Alemannorum, sed in edit. Bladij A.C. 1512 (quæ {illeg} cæteris, vetustior est) legitur Alanorum Id quod et sensus loci requirit et Authorum testimonium, tradente Sigeberto, Trithemio, Authore Annalium Bonorum, Vasæo, Bacchero, alijsq Resplendialem fuisse Regem Alanorum.

[19] a Moguntiam

[20] b Gundicarij

[21] a Vide Idatium Isidorum, Victorem Procopium, aliosq.

[22] b Procop. Wand.

[23] c Isidor. in calce Regni Wand.

[24] d Vide Idatium, Isidorum, Vasæum, Iohan Biclaxiensim.

[25] e Isidor.

[26] e Isidor.

[27] e Isidor.

[28] e Isidor.

[29] f Vasæus, {illeg} p 635. Bucher p 436 sect 6.

[30] g Isidor Petavi'{illeg} Doct. Temp.

[31] h Idatius Isidor h Idatius, Isidor, Vasæus.

[32] l Bucher p 437 & sequ.

[33] m Prosper.

[34] n Bucher p 441

[35] p Prosper, Bucher pag. 441. In vita S. Germini apud Suriū \(Tom. 3, c 3 Iulij)/ narratur hæc Eocha{illeg}rici historia, nisi quod Alemanni pro Alanis corruptè seribuntur. Potentia reg < insertion from f 18v > Potentia regni hujus eo regnante exinde colligi potest quod in dicta historia Rex ferocissimus appellatur & subditi ejus gens bellicosissima. < text from f 19r resumes > reg

[36] q Iornand. Get. Sigebert {illeg} \Paul Diac. misc. lib 15/

[37] q Iornand. Get. Sigebert {illeg} \Paul Diac. misc. lib 15/

[38] r Iornandes r {Iochert}. Sidonius lib 1 \epist 15/

[39] r Sozom. Sedemus lib 8. \epist 15/

[40] s Iornandes

[41] z P. Diac. \misc {ven} ad Eutrop continuat./

[42] ✝ Marcellin chron Cassiodor Chron.

[43] v Marcellin Chron

[44] x Oros l 7. c 38 Iornand: Get. Hieronymus ad Gerontium. Freculph: chr l 5, c 5. Paul. Diac {illeg} Misc. l 13.

[45] y Bucher l 14. c 4.

[46] a Prosper. Cassiodor Nota; hic in Prospero legitur [Peretio] pro [per Ætium.]

[47] a Prosper. Cassiodor. Hic in — — — Prospero {illeg} \Prospero ubi dicit universe pene gens cum/ rege Peretio deleto pro Peretio [ lege [rege Per Ætium] {illeg} nam regi nomen regem illum Cassiodorus vocat \mox erat Peretius sed Gundica/rius, ut Gundicarium habet Cassiodorus.

[48] b Prosper

[49] r Greg. Tur: l 2, c 9

[50] c Prosper. Cassiodor. Iornand. Greg: Turonensis. Bucher. Sigebert.

[51] e Greg: Turon. l 2 c 32, 33.

[52] f Bucher p 556.

[53] h Sigebert

[54] k Petav: De Doctr: Temp.

[55] * Savoy

[56] a Bucher \p 428 sec 38/ p 430 sect 49.

[57] * Colonia Agrippina

[58] b Trithem annal p 62.

[59] y Carion Chron. Gutberlethus Chron. Bucher p 430 sec 49. Pezelius {Malif:} Histor. &c.

[60] c {illeg} Apocalypsin.

[61] d Carion in {illeg} p 296.

[62] e Bucher. Sige{illeg}

[63] {illeg} f Bucher p 41{illeg} sect 2 & p 424 sect 21.

[64] {illeg}

[65] {illeg}

[66]{illeg}

[67] a Prosper. Idat. chro

[68] b Baron: ann 42{illeg} §>1, 2.

[69] c Prosper in {Euseb} l {illeg}

[70] d. Prosper in Eus. l 1.

[71] h Bucher p 453.

[72] {k} Bucher optimè p 616 & p 453.

[73] l Prosper

[74] l Felice et Tauro Coss: \[i.e. A.C. 428]/ Pars Galliarum propinqua Rheno, quam Franci possidendam occupaverant ab Ætio comite recepta.

[75] m Greg. Turon. \Hist/ l 2. c 9 {illeg} excerpta {illeg} ex Fredegario, & Ivo Carnotensis.

[76] * Somona vel Sumina.

[77] n Salv. de Gub. Dei l 6.

[78] o Sidon. in Avito vers 373.

[79] z Sidon in Majoram

[80] p Greg. Turnon l {illeg} c 38.

[81] q Bucher p 445

[82] * Divodurum in Lotharingia.

[83] * corruptè legitur valitudine

[84] * Arborichus

[85] Procop Vand. l. 1.

[86] Sigon. De Occ. Imp. l 11

[87] a Chron. M.S. in Archivis Trin. Coll. Cantabr. scriptum A.C. 914 circiter.

[88] b Ethelwerdus f 474

[89] c Zos l 6. p 830

[90] d Bucher p 466. Vsser p 1096.

[91] e Bucher p 481.

[92] f. Vsser. Brit. Eccl. p 402. Prisc Defens. Brit \Hist/ p 119.

[93] q Vsser p 333.

[94] r Prosper

[95] s Bucher p 481

[96] t Prosper

[97] v Beda, l. 1 c 13. Freculph. p 637

[98] x Ethelwerd f. 474. Beda l 1, c 15 Chron. prædict. M.S

[99] y Ethelwerd f 474b Vsser p 404. Chron prædict M.S.

[100] a Vsser p 1115

[101] b Vsser p 375 Sigebert.

[102] c Prisc. Defens. Brit Hist. p 122. Vsser Eccl. Brit p 401. Sigebert

[103] d Sigebert &c

[104] e Vide Isidorum \Idatium/ Procopium, Iornaldem, &c.

[105] f Oros. l 7. c 43

[106] g Isidorus

[107] h Prosper in Euseb l 1

[108] k Oros l. 7, c 43. Isidor. Chron. Got.

[109] r Iornandes

[110] t Isidor. ib.

[111] m Isid: ib.

[112] n Iornand. Get.

[113] p Isidor

[114] a Idatij Chron

[115] b Idat. Cassiod. Prosper.

[116] c Idat.

[117] c Idat.

[118] c Idat.

[119] d Vide Idatium, Isidorum, Victorem, Procopium, aliosq.

[120] d Vide Idatium, Isidorum, Victorem, Procopium, aliosq.

[121] e Isidor.

[122] f: Vasæus. Bucher.

[123] b Oros l 7. c 38 Idat

[124] c Isid

[125] d Vasæus p 661

[126] e Idat. Isidorus.

[127] f Prosp

[128] f Prosp

[129] g Iornand. Get

[130] h Iorn p 665 & 666.

[131] i P. Diac. ad Eutrop. continuat.

[132] k Iorn p 678

[133] l Marcellin. & Cassiod chron.

[134] a Oros. l. 7. c 38 Iornad. Get. Hieronymus ad Gerontiam.

[135] r Bucher l 14. c 4.

[136] v Prosper. Cassiodor

[137] b Prosper.

[138] c Prosper. Cassiodor. Iornand. Greg: Turonensis. Bucher. Sigebert.

[139] d. Sigebert.

[140] a Cluver. Germ. Antiqu. l 3. c 20

[141] b Carion Chron. Gutberlethus Chron Bucher p 430 sect 49. Pezelius |Mellif. Historia &c.|

[142] b Carion Chron. Gutberlethus Chron Bucher p 430 sect 49. Pezelius |Mellif. Historia &c.|

[143] c Salvian de Gubern. Dei l 6.

[144] d Salvian. Bucher Calvisius. Trithemius.

[145] e Greg. Turon l 2 c 9.

[146] f Bucher l {illeg} 13, c 7. sec 21.

[147] g Oros. l 7 c 38 Idat: Chron

[148] h. Vasæus in Hisp. Chron c|l| 3. p 635. Bucher p 436 sec 6.

[149] i Trithem in Annal p 62.

[150] k Turon. l 2, c 9.

[151] l Procop De Bel. Vand.

[152] Ments, Worms, Spira, & Strasburg.

[153] ✝ Olympiodorus.

[154] ✝ Non intellig{unt} Armoricos Geog{ra}pharum sed qu{illeg} maris accolas qui Frācis erant fin{i}mi.

[155] ✝ Eos {illeg} in hoc bello {illeg} {jurisse} sentit {illeg} Bucherius lib. 13 sect. 4, n. 39 & 40.

[156] b Iornand: Get. Sigebert.

[157] c Claud. et Prudent. in locis supra citatis, pag    

[158] d Oros. l. 7, c. 38.

[159] e Oros. Philostorg. Olympiodor.

[160] a Sigebert.

[161]{illeg} \post Regio post/ Arborichbant, & {illeg} \jam/ contracte Brachbant.

[162] t De Vandalis solis hic loquitur quorum historiam scribit.

[163] a In nonnullis editionibus ponitur Alemannorum, sed in edit. Bladij A.C. 1512 (quæ cæteris vetustior est) legitur Alanorum. Id quod et sensus loci requirit et Authorum testimonia, tradente Sigiberto, Trithemio, Aventino in Annal. Boiorum, Va <43r> sæo, Buchero, alijsq, Resplendialem fuisse Regem Alanorum.

[164] a Moguntiam

[165] b Gundicarij

[166] c Alemanni hic dicuntur Suevi

[167] c Alemanni hic dicuntur Suevi

[168] ✝ Pro Asterio Constantium recte legit Bucherius lib 14. c 5. n 4 Nam Patriciatus suprema est dignitas apud Romanos quæ jam non Asterio alicui ignoto sed Constātio contigit. Is autem Patriciatum sortitus est anno 415. Prosper. Idat.

[169] ✝ Ad Barbaros potius ais Rhenū direxit qui Gallias immaserunt. Horum enim {illeg} Goarij et Gundicarij {illeg} {illeg}opera Iovinus erectus regios assumpsit et {illeg}

[170] a Prosper. Idat. Chron.

[171] b Baron. an 424 § 1, 2.

[172] c Prosper.

[173] Vide Idatium Isidorum, Victorem, Procopium aliosq.

[174] b Procop. Wand.

[175] c. Vide Idatium Isidorum, Vasæum, Iohan: Biclaricensem.

[176] d. Isidor.

[177] d. Isidor.

[178] d. Isidor.

[179] ✝ Iorn: Get.

[180] x urbem {illeg} Aquitaniæ.

[181] e. Vasæus {illeg} Bucher p 436, sect. 6.

[182] f. Isidor. Petavi. Doctr. Temp.

[183] g Isodor Idatius Isidor. {illeg}

[184] p. Totam Hispaniam præter Cantabros vastaverant. L. Marineus Sicul l. 6, de Reb Hispan. memorab. Sola Celtiberia mansit in fide et ‡ < insertion from the left half of f 47v > ‡potestate Romanorum, defendente et obtinente Constantino Patritio. Chron Regis Alfonsi apud Vasæum. \Toletanus Hist. Vand. c. 12./ Imò nec Celtiberia tota, nam Suevi partem ejus tenebant. Toletanus Hist. Vand. c. 11. < text from f 47v resumes > qui Wandalis & Suevis potentebantur. Isid. Got.

[185] q. {illeg} Post multas strages incendia et rapinas, tandem divisis sedibus, Barbari ad aratra conversi Romanorum residuos cœperunt, ut socios amicosq fovêre. Hist: miscell. l. 12.

[186] r {illeg}. \Alani/ Wandalis & Suevis {illeg} potentebantur Isid. Got Et ex eo Petavius et Vasæus. Vasæus autem legit dominabantur pro potentebantur.

[187] h Bucher p. 437, & sequ.

[188] k. Prosper

[189] l. Bucher p. {illeg}

[190] m. Prosper Bucher {illeg} narrantur hæc Eu|o|charici historia, nisi quod Alemanni pro Alanis corrupte sribantur {sic}. Potentia Regni hujus eo regnate exinde colligi potest quod in dicta historia Eocharichus Rex ferocissimus appellatur & subditi ejus gens bellicosissima.

[191] n. Iornand: Get. Sigebert.

[192] n. Iornand: Get. Sigebert.

[193] {illeg} p. Paul: Diac: Misc: l. 15. Sigebert Sidonius lib. 8. Epist. 15

[194] ✝ Iorn: Get.

[195] ✝ Iorn: Get.

[196] q. Iornandes.

[197] r. P. Diac: Misc.

[198] S. Marcellin: Chron Cassiodor: Chron.

[199] * Sic legit \lacuno restituit/ Bucherius

[200] t Marcellin. Chron.

[201] v. Oros. l 7. c 38. Iornand: Get. Hieronymus de Gerontium. Freculph: chron l 5. c 5. P: Diac: Misc. l. 13.

[202] x. Bucher l 14. c 4.

[203] y. Prosper. Cassiodor. Nota: hic in Prospero legitur [{illeg}] {illeg} [per Ætium] {illeg} ubi dicit universa pene gens cum rege Peretio deleta leggo [Per Ætium \{Hunnos}/ Nam \sic legit Sigebertus &c/ r|R|egi nomen erat Gundicarius ut habet Cassiodorus. < insertion from f 49v > y. Prosper. Cassiodor. Hic verò in Prospero ubi dicitur Vniversa pene gens per cum rege Peretio deleta, lege per Ætium ut est in Sigeberto {vel fovens} \aut si mavis {illeg} lege/ per Hunnos ut est in Maximo. Nimirum Ætius Burgundiones primò continuit Gundicarium Burgundionum Regem primo obtrivit pacemq ei supplicanti dedit: qua non diu potitus est, siquidem illum Hunni cum populo suo ac stirpe deleverunt ut alibi refert Prosper, quocū Cassiodorus etiam consentit. < text from f 50r resumes >

[204] z. Prosper.

[205] a. Greg. Tur. l 2. c 9.

[206] b. Prosper. Cassiodor. Iornand. Greg: Turon. Sigebert. Bucher.

[207] c. Greg. Turon. l. 2. c. 32, 33.

[208] d Bucher p. 556.

[209] e. Sigebert.

[210] f. Petav. de Doctr. Temp.

[211] ✝ Procop. de Bello Got. l. 1.

[212] ✝ Savoy

[213] * corrupte legitur valitudine pro \Lege invalitudine/

[214] ✝ deductæ scil: in Galliam per Constantinum.

[215] * Arborichus sic enim apud Procopium legitur, ut mox audietis.

[216] b. Ethelwerdus.

[217] c. {illeg} adventus hujus Legionis videtur anno 420 congruere propter {illeg} in ultimū nummū Honorij \ultimo loco/ apud Cambdenum qui \ultimo loco/ repertū, in quo \sunt/ tres Augusti qui hoc anno tantum extitere.

[218] d. Siquidem Beda \(in 6 æt. mundi)/ referat expeditioni utriusq legionis ad regnum Honorij, hæc posterior re{illeg}|fieri| potest ob \in/ ultimum annum ejus. i.e. 423

[219] e. Gildas. Beda.

[220] e. Gildas. Beda.

[221] a Chron: M.S in Archivis Trin. Coll. Cantabr. scriptum A.C. 914 circiter.

[222] b Ethelwerdus f 454.

[223] c. Zos: l. 6

[224] d. Bucher p 466 Vsser p 1096.

[225] f. Bucher p. 481

[226] g. \Apud Cambden Brit./ Vsser. Brit. Eccles. p. 402. Prisc. Defens. Brit. Hist. p. 119.

[227] k. Vsser p. 333.

[228] l. Prosper

[229] m. Bucher p. 481

[230] n. Prosper

[231] p. Beda l. 1, c. 13. Freculph. p. 637.

[232] q. Hist. Miscell.

[233] r. Beda. Ethelwerd.

[234] s Ethelwerd

[235] q. Hist. Miscell.

[236] r. Beda. Ethelwerd.

[237] s Ethelwerd

[238] q. Ethelwerd. {illeg} Beda l. 1. c 15. Chron. prædict. M.S.

[239] r. Ethelwerd f. 474. Vsser p. 404. Chron prædict. M.S.

[240] s. \Beda/ Sigebert. Vsser p. 375.

[241] t. Vsser p. 1115.

[242] ✝ in vico Genovio non procula Monu{illeg}\me/thensi oppido. Vsser {illeg} ib.

[243] v. Prisc. Defens. Brit Hist. p. 122. Vsser Eccl. Brit. p. 401. Sigebert.

[244] x De his et cæteris vide Gildam, Mattheum Westmon. Vsserum.

[245] ✝ Malgo.

[246] * Careticus.

[247] a Procop

[248] Apud {illeg} Hos et sequentes Authores a Wendelino citatos videre est in Tractatu de Lege Salis Vbi pleniùs de origine Regi Francici {disseretur.} Apud {illeg}

[249] a Windelinus in Lege Salina \hanc regem/ pro Rege {illeg} Francorum habet.

[250] b Libanius in vita sua. Ammian. l 31. Symmachus l. 3 epist 55, 59, 61, 67. Zosim l. 4. Et Gothofredi {illeg} comment. in L. 13 De re militari. Cod: Theod vbi vitam Richomeri plenè descriptam habes.

[251] {illeg}

[252] ὀπεβάτευσαν supermearint \pervagarint/. Non utiq loquitur utiq de invasione aliqua Francorum transrhenanorū tempore Honorij, sed dilatationem intelligit regni cisrhenani aliquandiu in angulo Galliæ constituti, tandem verò totam Galliam invadentis & Gothos simul expellentis. Nam hujus tantùm invasionis historia est quam in sequentibus narrat. Vnde liquet eum, dum tradit originem regni hujus, neutiquam de invasione transrhenanorum cogitasse.

[253] 2. {illeg} Vbi Gallias et Hispanias, sedem eorum omnium de quibus dicturus est, descripsit, indigitat partem Galliæ quā Franci primitus (τὸ παλαιὸν non semper, sed olim, puta ante exordium regni eorum) habitabant, eam esse quæ ad ostia Rheni sita paludibus abundat, hoc est regionem Campimiæ fluvijs Mosâ et Tabudâ circundatam, ubi inter alias paludes est maxima Die Peel: quam regionem Windelinus satis ostendit esse Ammiani Toxandriam locum, ubi Franci hi regnante Constantio pede vel potiùs ante Imperium Constantini, ausi fuerant habitacula sibi figere prælicenter; hodiéq pro indicio regionis restat oppidum quoddam juxta Diest, dictum Tessenderlo.

[254] 3. Hunc \Ex humilij exordio/ etiam indigitantur Franci cisrhenani, siquidem transrhenani fuerint maximi momenti \viri/ ab initio.

[255]

4. Arborichos a locis Arborosis dictos, & regionem Arborich-bant, eamq esse quæ jam contractè dicitur Brachbant, optimè disserit Windelinus. Quare cùm hi non tantùm (quod asserit Procopius) pars imperij fuerint, sed et a Rheno per Toxandriam aliasq interjectas regiones satis discreti: impossibile est ut Franci, quos primitùs horum accolas fuisse describit Procopius, siti fuissent trans Rhenum; sed in < insertion from f 57v > {imperio} inter Brachbantiam et Rhenum constitui necesse est. {sic}

< text from f 56v resumes >

4 Lege Armorichos. Sed eo nomine —— pag. gemina versa. < insertion from f 58v > \pag 4 sup./ 4. Lege Armorichos. Sed eo nomine non intelliges Armorichos Geographarum, sed Francorum finitimos qui juxta mare habitabant. Nam ex Cæsare, Hirtio, Notitia Imperij & Plinio Bucherius l. 13, c. 8, s. 4 ostendit tractum Armoricanum antiquitus latissimum esse, Cæsare lib 7 scribente, Vniversas eas Galliæ civitates quæ Oceanum attingunt, Gallorum consuetudine Armoricas appellatas.

< text from f 56v resumes >

[256] 5 Non Thuringos ultra Rhenum in Germania positos (Quid enim Augusto Cæsari cùm horum sedibus?) sed populum Imperij {illeg} intelligit, eos nempe qui rectiùs Tongri appellantur & orientalem partem hodiernæ Brachbantiæ incoluere. Dein addit situm regionum quas Burgundiones suo tempore adeoq intra Gallias incolebant, earumq quas Suevi et Alemanni \non in Germania ab initio tenuerant sed/ tunc diu invaserant. Quare cum per totum describat regiones Gallicas, certum est eum nihil ultra de Franc nihil ultra \de exoticis nil/ cogitasse sed loc hic de locutum fuisse de Francis Salijs alijsq \cæterisq/ quos Imperatores olim locaverant in Gallijs, & Regnum Francorū ab ijsdem derivasse. Id quod ex eo etiam liquet manifestum est, quod dicit {illeg} hos Francos ante fœdus cum Arborichis fuisse Christianos. Nam quamvis hoc non omninò verum fuerit, tamen hinc liquet eum de hic neutiquam cogitasse de Francis transrhenanis, siquidem eos omnes ante adventum in imperium, paganos fuisse satis notum erat.

[257] 4. Lege Armorichos. Sed eo nomine —— pag. gemina versa.

[258]

6 Fœdus hocce — vers 2 pag. < insertion from f 58v > 6. ffœdus hocce circa annum 416 factum este videtur quo Franci ab infæstandis Gallis tandem cessarunt. Nam [259] Ordericus Vitalis rerum Normannicarum ante annos quingentos scriptor libro quinto, ait: Cùm Galli priùs contra Romanos rebellassent, Franci ijs sociati sunt; et pariter juncti Ferramundum Lunnonis ducis filium sibi regem præfecerunt. Vnde constat bellum inter Francos et Gallos de quo Procopius loquitur præcessisse regnum Faramundi, & harum gentium primum regem communem fuisse Faramundum, ijs paulo ante electionem ejus in unum coeuntibus. Et \sic/ probabile est unionem hanc, qua Franci magis formidabiles evaserunt, in causa fuisse quod Imperator pacem cum ijs faceret, sedibus & dignitate regia Ph Faramundo concessis. < text from f 56v resumes >

[259] ✝ Apud Bucherū l. 14, c. 9, n. 8.

[260] a Loc. sup. cit. p.

[261] b Carion Chron. Gutberlethus chron. Bucher p 430. sect 49. Pezelius Mellif. Histor. &c.

[262] a. Loc sup. cit pag.

[263] b. Carion Chron. Gutberlethus Chron. Pezelius Mellif: Histor. Bucher p 430. sect 49

[264]

c Hoc pleriq

c Hoc omnes fere antiqui historici qui regis hujus meminerunt, testantur.

[265] * THE\V/DEMER REX: cujus vultus extat in nummo aureo cum isto nomine certissimè cujus intra Gallias cùm monetariam Fabricam tunc nondum intelligeret horum rudis Germania, & quæ non Latinis uteretur aut literis aut verbis. Windelin.

[266] ✝ Constantij: Nam hi nobiles erant e factione Iovini ut supra audivistis.

[267] ✝ forte Frisij

[268] ✝ lege Consulis

[269] a Bucher \l 14. c 9. n 6/ p 453

[270] b Bucher optimè p 616 & p 453.

[271] q. Pluribus ostendit Windelinus natale solum harum legum, quæ brevitatis gratia prætereo.

[272] c. Felice et Tauro Coss. [an. 438] Pars citans Galliarū quam Galliarū propinqua Rheno, quam Franci possidendam occu{illeg}paverant, ab Ætio Comite recepta. Prosper.

[273] ✝ Excepta cap. 8.

[274] d. Greg. Turon. Hist l. 2. c. 9. et excepta ex {illeg}

[275] f. Sidon in Majorano.

[276] g. Sidon. in Avito

[277] h Greg. Turon. l. 2. c. 38.

[278] k Diboduram in Lotharingia.

[279] l Diest Brachbantiæ ad fluvium Tameram olim Dioste, Dies-{illeg}burch. Windelin lib. 14 de leg. Sal.

[280] m. Vide Windelin de L. Sal. lib. 6.

[281] n. Proc. l 1 de Wand.

[282] o. Niceph. l. 14. c. 56

[283] ✝ Ivo Carnot. ✝ Aimoinus. Sigebert.

[284] {illeg} Ivo. Otto. Gest: Franc: Epit.

[285] p. Hist. l. 2. c. 9.

[286] q. sc. quam invaserant circa tempora Gallieni

[287] r. Tongri{illeg}, in Edit: Morelij. Et sic legi debere satis probant Bucherius l. 14, c. 9, n. 3, et Windelinus in Lege Sal. c. {19}

[288] Colonia Agrippina Colen

[289] * Cama|b|rac|y|um

[290] s Greg. Turon. l 2 c. 9. Epitomata \an/ Fredgarij l Epito\mata/ Fredegarij l. 5. Aimoinus l. 1, c. 5. Sigebert alijq.

[291] t Greg. Turon. ib. alijq Aimoinus alijq omnes.

[292] v {illeg}. Nullas Germanorum populis urbes habitari satis notum est; ne pati quidem inter se junctas sedes. Colunt quidem discreti ac diversi, ut fons ut nemus ut Campus plauit placuit. Hæc Tacitus. Et Ammianus principio l. 16 narrat Argentoratum Brotomagum Tabernas Salisonem, Nemetas & Vangi{illeg}|o|n{illeg}|a|s & Maguntiacum, civitates a Barbaris possessas, eosq territoria eorum habitare, non ipsas urbes: nam (addit) ipsa oppida ut circundata retibus lustra, declinant. It is manifest therefore these Barbarians had no towns till they began to inhabit those of ye Empire, & consequently that Dispargum was on this side ye Rhene.

[293] a. Greg. Turon. l. 2. c. 38.

[294] b. Vide Isidorum, Idatium, Procuopium, Iornandem, &c.

[295] c. Oros. l. 7. c. 43.

[296] d. Isidorus.

[297] e. Prosper edit. Pyth.

[298] f. Oros. l. 7. c. 43. Isidor: Chron: Got.

[299] g. Isidor ib. Iornandes.

[300] h Isidor. ib.

[301] k Isidor. ib

[302] l. Iornand. Get.

[303] m Isidor

[304] a Ammian l 31

[305] a Ammian l 31

[306] b Oros. Isidor. Marcellin. Iornand. Sext. Aurel. Victor.

[307] c {illeg}

[308] ✝ in Pacetius's Panegyric that ye Huns & Alans as well as ye Goths, served under Theodosius in his wars against Maximus, & in Zosimus l 5 yt

[309] Sigon. De Oec. Imp. l 11. {illeg} Ann 411.

[310] a. Maxim in Chron.

[311] b Grot. Prolegom.

[312] c Olymp apud Photiū

[313] * Aviti

[314] ✝ Iter ab Arelato per Germaniam & Noricum sub initio Imperij, ut docet Sirmondus in Commentario in hunc locum Sidonij.

[315] * Scilicet adventu Imperatoris effectū est ut Hunnum|or||ū| \reliquiæ/ promptius cederent Gothis.

[316] d. Sigebert. Iornand Get. Rugila a Sigeberto Regila, a Iornande Roas appellatur.

[317] Socr. l. 7. c. 31.

[318] Gr. Ὄυπταρος

[319] g P. Diac. Hist. Rom. l 15

[320] h. Baron. An. 444 sect 35 & 41. Sigon de Occ. Imp l       Marcellin.

[321] a Iornand

[322] a Vide G Zosimū lib 5 & Gothofredū Chron. Cod. Theod.

[323] b Apud Baron. a et Rubeum.

[324] a Iornand. de Regni succes. l 1.

[325] b Annal. Boiorū

[326] c Annal. Boiorū

[327] d Greg. Turon. l 2, c 2.

[328] f Beat. Rhenan. Ge \rerū/ Germ. lib. 1.

[329] g Temporibus scil. Constantij Valentininia et Gratiani.

[330] Sidonius in Majoranum

[331] Lazius de Gent. migr. l 8. p 383.

[332] Nota quod \Ostrogothi/ hoc tempore Suevos vicerunt, et Franci deinceps Alemannos A.C. 495.

[333] a Iornand. (\in/ Get. quem in his sequunt omnes.

[334] a Iornand. (\in/ Get. quem in his sequunt omnes.

[335] a Iornand. (\in/ Get. quem in his sequunt omnes.

[336] Vide P. Diac. Hist Longobardica & Procopium de Bello Gothico

[337] Irenæus lib 8. c. 26.

[338] Orig. Tract. 30 in Matth.

[339] Tertullian. lib. de resurrect. carnis.

[340] Lactant l 7. c 16.

[341] Greg. Naz. Orat. de pace.

[342] D. Hieron. in {illeg}bacue 3, & item in Zach: 1.

[343] D. Augustin. De Civitate Dei l. 20, c. 23.

[344] a Apud Conc. Chal. Act. 1 ex 2 Conc. Ephes.

[345] Athanas. ad. Solit. Et Apol. 2

[346] * Baron. a. 362. § 77, 79.

[347] Apud Baron. a. 362. l {73} ex Hilar. frag. l. 1.

[348] vide Symbolum A{illeg}|u|xentij ibidem.

[349] Ruff. hist l 1. c 6.

[350] e Vasæus. Bucher p. 436 sect. 6.

[351] f Totam Hispaniā præter Cantabros vastaverant. L. Marineus Siculus l. 6 de Rebus Hispan. memorab. Sola Celtiberia mansit in fide et potestate Romanorum, defendente et obtinente. Constantino Patricio Chron. Regis Alfonsi apud Vasæū, & Toletanus Hist. Vand. c. 12. Imò nec Celtiberia tota nam Suevi partem ejus tenebant. Toletanus Hist. Vand. c. 11. Post multas strages incendia & rapina tandem divisis sedit barbari ad aratra conversi Romanorum residuos cœperunt, ut socios amicosq fovêre Hist. Miscel l. 12.

[352] g Alani Wandalis et Suevis potentabantur. Isid. Got. Et ea eo Petavius et Vasæus. Legit autem Vasæus donabantur pro potentabantur. Porro {illeg} Toletanus Hist. Wand c. 17 scribit quod Alani postquam in Hispanias {illeg}

[353] Put This is to be in English, & ye former marginal notes in ye body of ye discourse

[354] ✝ edit. Heroldi.

© 2017 The Newton Project

Professor Rob Iliffe
Director, AHRC Newton Papers Project

Scott Mandelbrote,
Fellow & Perne librarian, Peterhouse, Cambridge

Faculty of History, George Street, Oxford, OX1 2RL - newtonproject@history.ox.ac.uk

Privacy Statement

  • University of Oxford
  • Arts and Humanities Research Council
  • JISC