Prop 20
The opening of the first seale was about St Iohn's time.

For St Iohn affirms that when he wrote this Prophesy the time of it was at hand chap 1.3, & 22.10, & that ye things therein were shortly to come to pass chap 1.1, & 22.{sic}: repeating this no less then four times to strike men wth a stronger apprehension of the suddenness of it.

Some would from hence infer that the whole Prophesy was then very suddenly to be fulfilled & therefore long since at an end but its enough if it then began to be fulfilled |{during} ye 1000 yeares reign wth {illeg} ye Apostle intended nothing more by the aforesaid expressions but to signify yt ye Prophesy should suddenly begin to be fulfilled.|

Prop 21
The beginning of ye end of the World \seventh Trumpet/ is at ye end of the world.

< insertion from between the lines >

For God designed all Proph his Prophesies for ye use & instruction of the Church & therefore hath so framed them that she should be able to understand them when they {illeg} fulfilled. \*/ < insertion from higher up the right margin > * & by consequence it is essentiall to {illeg} whence that w{illeg} fulfilled they {should be} fully understood {illeg} become instructions {illeg} for whose sake {it} was intended. < text from between the lines resumes > But the Prophesy has hitherto been so little useful or understood by the Church yt Antiquity did not think it concerned their time but wth an universall consent (never before this prsent age contradicted) delivered down to us that it chiefly concerned the last ages of the world: & therefore it is not yet fulfilled. I {hope} {illeg} men will be careful for ye future {illeg} go about to div{illeg} <1v> {illeg} urge this Proposition by the following arguments.

ffirst then, No man ever doubted but that ye day of Iudgment was described in ye 20th chapter of this book; & if this Prophesy look so far downward as to ye day of judgment why should we think it overlooks ye intermediate ages? And then why should not ye searies of ye Seales & Trumpets wch is ye most articulate, the most artificiall, & the largest of ye parts of ye Prophesy, be extended through all ages: especially since (as I have shown) it is contemporary to all that precedes the 20th chapter

2 At ye sounding of ye 7th Trumpet – < text from f 1r resumes > {sic} at the sounding of this Trumpet it is said that the Kingdoms of this world are become the Kingdoms of or Lord & of his Christ & he shall reign for ever & ever: & this cannot well be applied to any christian Kingdom wch hath been hitherto or is like to be before ye end of the world because they neither shall last for ever & ever nor have been or are like to be so much ye Kingdom of Christ as they were in ye Apostles times: unless we will take measure rather by ye external pomp then integrity of worship For ye purity of religion \(according to what ye Apostles prophesied of ye latter times)/ hath ever since decreased, & is {illeg} still to decrease more & more to ye end, insomuch that {however} {illeg} the question: When ye son of man cometh shall he {find faith on the earth} {illeg}. This must the {illeg} <2r> of: See Luke 19.11, 12 & Dan 7.26, 27. But of this more hereafter

{sic} After the greatest decay of religion there is to be an universal preaching of the Gospel immedately {sic} before ye seventh Trumpet \Prop    /. But this is not yet fulfilled; there has been nothing done in ye world like it, & therefore it is to come.

{sic} At ye end of the sixt Trumpet the Angel sware that there should be time no longer, but at ye voice of the seventh Angel when he shall {sic} begin to sound the mystery of God should be finished as he hath declared to his servants ye Prophets. Now here is a direct assertion of ye end of ye world in these words that there shall be time no longer, & this further character of it, that ye Mystery of God shall yn be finished: By wch mystery nothing I see not what can well be meant if not ye resurrection of the saints & accomplishment of their happiness in Christ's Kingdom, wch according to ye Prophets is to commence at his second coming.

{sic} Yea this is possitively asserted {sic}Chap 11.18) in these words. Thy wrath is come (viz: at ye 7th Trumpet) & the time of the dead that they should be judged, & that thou shouldst give reward unto thy servants the Prophets & to ye saints & them that fear thy name small & great & shouldst destroy them that which destroy the Earth Compare this wth chap 22.12 Behold I come quickly & my reward is wth me to give every man as his work shall be

{sic} A little before ye pouring out of ye 7th Vial (wch is coincident wth ye 7th Trumpet Posit {sic} 2) there is warning given of or Saviours coming in these words. Behold I come as a Thief blessed is he that watcheth. A phrase wch is very particularly applied to or saviour's second coming as you may see in Rev 3.3. 2 Pet 3.10 Matt 24.43. And |yn| as soon as ye 7th Vial is poured out there came a great voice out of heaven the Temple of heaven from the Throne saying It is done: wch expression must denote the sudden accomplishment of some very extraordinary thing, such as is ye coming of or Saviour & ye change to be wrought in ye world at his coming. |And what els, think you, should be meant by calling {illeg} (in ye {illeg}|

{sic} In the end of the 14th chapter (wch in Prop 12.7, I shewed to end at the very beginning of ye seventh Trumpet) you have <3r> the end of the world at large described by a harvest & Vintage. First it is said that ye harvest of the earth is ripe & one like ye son of man thrust in his sickle & ye earth was reaped, & then another Angel thrust in his sickle into {sic} ye earth & gathered ye Vine of the Earth & cast it into ye wine press of ye wrath of God &c. The Parable is sufficiently perspicuous, & yet if you desire ye interpretation you have yt also in ye preface to it, wch runs thus: Blessed are ye dead wch dy in ye Lord from henceforth &c. viz: ye time of their reward being come that they should enter into God's rest. Heb 4.

These reasons might suffice to prove ye Proposition: but yet to show the concent of Scripture in this point, I shall add one or two more taken from other Prophesies.

{sic}. St Paul tells us that ye Lord shall consume ye man of Sin by the spirit of his mouth & destroy him by the brightness of his coming 2 Thes. 2.8. [What is meant by this brightness of his coming you have very lively described in 2 Thes 1.6. – the Lord Iesus shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty Angels in flaming fire, taking vengeance on them that know not God. So in Matt 24.27, As ye lightning cometh from \out of/ ye East & shineth even unto ye West, so shall also ye coming of the Son of man be. & vers 30 They shall see ye Son of man coming in ye clouds of heaven wth power & great glory. The man of Sin therefore continues till ye coming of or Lord, that is till ye end of ye world. Now the man of Sin by the description of him is evidently the same wth ye two-hornd Beast or ffals Prophet & therefore they also continue to ye end of the world. And by consequence |Wherefore since ye \{illeg}/ fals Prophet is ye same wth the {Beast} {defild} Temple of God & ye {sic} Man of Sin that sits in it| ye world must end when {illeg} he {illeg} is {illeg} \they are he is/ destroyed & this {sic} is at ye beginning of ye 7th Trumpet.

9 8 We have shown ye little horn in Daniel to be the same wth ye two hornd beast or fals Prophet & consequently to be destroyed at the end of ye sixt or beginning of ye seventh Trumpet. But ye destruction of this horn Daniel describes to be at ye day of judgment in in {sic} these words. I beheld till ye thrones were cast down & ye ancient of days did sit – his throne was like the fiery flames – {sic} ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him: the judgment was set, & ye books were opened. I beheld then because of the voice of the great words wch ye horn spake. I beheld {then} \even/ till the Beast was slain & his body destroyed & given to ye burning flame. chap 7

And to ye same purpose \sense/ it is that ye Beast & false Prophet are <4r> at this time according to St Iohn cast into ye Lake of fire chap 19. ffor this is ye same Lake wth that into wch the Devil & all ye damned are cast at ye universall judgment ch 20.10, 14. If you compare these two places & further consider that he who leads on ye heavenly armies to this {sic} battel in ye wherein ye Beast & fals Prophet are taken is ye son of man himself in person who in Daniel is said at this slaughter of the Beast to come in ye clouds unto {sic} ye Ancient of days to receive a Kingdom &c: I see not how wth a little consideration there can be left any room of doubting.

Having thus proved ye Proposition \assertion/ I shall for a conclusion desire you to consider whither ye last Trumpet at wch ye dead are raised Matt 24.31: 1 Thes 4.16. 1 Cor 15.52, is not the very same wth this seventh Trumpet wch is to sound to ye Battel of ye great day.

Prop. {illeg} 22.
The series of ye seales & trumpets is a continued history of all ages from St Iohn's time to ye end of ye world.

For it is a series of things continued wthout interfering or interruption by Prop 1, & extends from St Iohn's time to ye end of ye world by Prop

Prop 24
This Prophesy is of things to be done wthin the compas of ye Roman Empire.

ffor it concerns ye Church wch is seated within it & diffused through this {sic} \Empire./ I mean not onely ye prsent European Empire but ye greatest {illeg} compass into wch ye Empire was at any time dilated.

Prop 25
The Kingdom wch is represented by ye Dragon & Beast is ye Roman Empire
<5r> continued from St Iohn's time to ye end of ye world.

I shewed in Prop 10 ~ that ye Dragon & Beast together make but one universal Kingdom. And this must be the Roman for these reasons; 1st Becaus it is ye subject of ye Seales & Trumpets by Prop 10     & so is coincident wth ye Roman by Prop 25

< insertion from f 4v >

The Subject of this Prophesy is the Roman Empire signified by ye Dragon & Beast.

Next after ye compas of time we may consider that of place wthin wch ye things conteined wthin this Prophesy are to be done & this is ye Roman Empire [by ye consent of all {sic} Interpreters whose testimony |  opinion is established by these two reasons.]

ffirst because ye Prophesy \was writ within it &/ concerns ye Church wch \was &/ is seated wthin & diffused through it {sic} Empire: I mean \now/ not only ye present European Empire but ye greatest compas into wch ye Empire was at any time dilated.

Secondly becaus ye subject of ye seales & Trumpets is ye Kingdom represented by ye Dragon & Beast & this Kingdom is ye Roman Empire. That That the Kingdom is \Kingdom signified by ye/ Dragon & Beast \is one/ signify \{one} is/ ye Roman Empire, all Antiquity & all kinds of interpreters are agreed upon & these reasons evince

1 Th It is coextended to all ye seales & Trumpets & so must last from St Iohn's time to ye end of ye world —

That ye Dragon & Beast signify one & ye same Kingdom in different forms I shewed in Posit: 10, & that this Kingdome is ye Roman Empire all Antiquity & all kinds of Interpreters are agreed upon & these reasons evince.

1 It is coextended to all ye Seales & Trumpets & so must last from St Iohn's time to ye end of ye world –

< text from f 5r resumes >

{sic} Becaus it is coextended to all ye seales & Trumpets & so must last from St Iohn's time to ye end of ye world; & ye Roman is ye onely Kingdom of yt continuance wch can come into consideration.

{sic} Becaus It {sic} is an highly universal Kingdom consisting of all Kindreds Nations Tongues & Nations, & \insomuch as to be/ called all ye Earth & all ye world chap 13.3, 7, 8 &c: & the Roman Empire one time wth another hath been ye most notable & universal Kingdom in all ages: at least wthin ye Christian world.

{sic} Becaus It {sic} is a Kingdom to be subdivided in ye latter ages of it into ten \actuall/ Kingdoms: & such a Kingdom is ye Roman as \I shall shew hereafter/ [For this {in} the Gothic wars was rent \at once/ into ye Brittain Frank, Burgundian, {Suevian}, Alan, Visigothick, {Est-}Gothic, \in Gallia, Alan in Spain, Suevian,/ Vandal, \Visigothic/ Hungarian, & Greek \Italian/ Kingdoms; & hath ever since continued an aggregate of about that number more or less. Nor is there any other Kingdom wch hath been broken in this manner.

{sic} The Kingdom wch ye Dragon signifies is that wch in ye first ages of Christianity was at enmity wth ye Church represented here by ye Woman: & this can be no other then ye old Roman Empire \through wch shee was diffused & by wch persecuted for allmost 300 years together/. And by consequence ye Beast must signify ye latter ages of ye same Empire.

But here least any should think I mean \in these latter ages/ ye German Empire onely; let it suffice to signify here once for all that as by ye third \Daniel's third/ universall Kingdom or Monarchy Empire was understood not onely ye Macedonian but all the Kingdoms into wch that that Empire was rent at ye death of Alexander: so since ye Kingdom represented by the Dragon & Beast was to be rent into 10 Kingdoms, by the <6r> Roman Kingdom or Empire in ye latter ages of it I understand not any particular Monarchy, but the aggregate of all ye Kingdoms into wch this Empire hath been rent.

{sic} The last argument I shall add is that this Kingdom (by Prop 11     ) is ye same wth Daniel's fourth Kingdom, by wch all ages from ye Apostles have understood ye Roman.

But yet as there is no tradition so generall as to want exception, so this (in our age \especially)/ hath found some who {illeg} not well attending to ye analogy of things have \wth Porphyrius/ indeavoured to apply that Kingdom to ye successors of Alexander the great: & therefore, though I might content my self wth having shown that it is ye same wth that in ye Apocalyps & so later then yt of Alexander's successors, yet for their sakes I shall say something more against that opinion, becaus ye analogy between Daniel & St Iohn is ye fountain \of interpretation/ & therefore we must not suffer them to be divided.

ffirst then they should consider that Daniel puts ye horns of a Beast to signify, not {sic} ye persons of Kings but ye Dynasties or number of Kingdoms of wch ye Beast consists. ffor he puts no new horns where there are no new Kingdoms, but makes ye same horn signify the whole series of Kings so long as in each Kingdom so long as yt Kingdom continues the same; yea & some times makes a horn still signify the Kingdom after ye Kings are ceased. All this you may learn out of the vision of ye Ram & Goat where all ye Kings of the Medes & Persians are signified by no more then two horns & the Medes after they became subject to the Persians are still signified by their own horn. And the like is to be observed of ye horns of ye Goat. By this we may see therefore how much they err from the mind of Daniel who by the ten horns of the Beast understand any thing els <7r> {then} ten actuall Kingdoms or Dynasties in the Beast: as they do who apply them to ye persons of so many \the ten first/ Kings succeeding one another in the two Kingdoms of Syria & Egypt.

2. If the successors of Alexander are included in the third Kingdom then they cannot be ye fourth; but they are included in the third, ffor the four heads & four wings of ye Leopard do signify a fourfold division of ye Beast such as happened not till after Alexander's death. Compare this wth ye vision of the Goat & with the interpretation of its four horns, & you will better see ye force of it.

3 The fourth Kingdom‚ \(2)/ in chap 7 is described above ye other three exceeding dreadfull & terrible & strong, having great iron teeth wth wch it devoured (i.e. conquered) & brake in pieces & stampt ye residue wth its feet (i.e. wth its Armies)[1] & is said to devour the whole earth & to tread it down & {sic} break it in pieces. And \(1)/ in chap 2 it is represented by one leggs of iron, & said to be strong as iron, & as iron breaketh & subdueth all things, so that, like iron, should break all things in pieces & subdue them. And all this agrees well to ye Roman Kingdom but holds no proportion wth {sic} ye successors of Alexander. ffor they neither devoured nor brake in pieces any thing but one another they inlarged not their dominion but inherited onely what Alexander left them or rather but a part of it, & were much inferior to him in terrour & strength, And as for Antiochus, his kingdom was smaller & we\a/ker then in ye time of his Ancestors. He acted more by treachery then strength & deserved so little ye name of an universal Monarch, that he was tributary to ye Romans (2 Mac 8.10,) & awed at their pleasure.

Nor is it onely in history but in Daniel his own Prophesies that these Kingdoms are spoken of wth diminution. For in chap 8 he saith: The rough Goat is ye King of Grece, & ye great horn between his eyes is ye first King; & whereas that being broken off, four stood up for it, four kingdoms shall stand up out <8r> of the nation but not in his power. And again in Chap 11 when he had said that the King of Grece should rule wth great dominion & do according to his will, he adds that his kingdom should be divided toward ye four winds but not according to his dominion wherewith he ruled, for it should be pluckt up even for others beside those. This |is| Daniel's estimation of these {sic} \Kingdoms/ comparitively to Alexander's & therefore to interpret them ofourth Beast of them is to set Daniel at odds not onely wth history but wth himself.

4 You may further consider the expression that Antiochus this Kingdom should be divers from all ye rest, that is of a kind {sic} differing from them more then they from one another. And this expression is repeated three or four times that it may be taken notise of & further inculcated by ye shape of ye beast, he being like none of the other Beasts but a strange Monster. And such was ye Roman Kingdom wch in ye time of heathenism differed notably in its constitution from all ye former Kingdoms, & much more since it hath been turned into an ecclesiasticall Empire. But as for the successors of Alexander they differ not so much from his kingdom as he from the former. What difference there is, it consists in the plurality of their kingdoms. But that could not make ye fourth Beast so monstrous above the rest since ye third was represented wth four heads & four wings wch is ye greatest deformity that ye plurality of Kingdoms could add to ye fourth.

As for Antiochus's his persecution of ye Iews, I see not what great difference that can make, any more then ye wickedness of Nero could make ye Roman Empire differ from what it was at other times. Nor does that action deserve that stir that is made about it, being far short of what has been done even by the Iews themselves Witness Manasseth who set up ye Abomination in the Temple as well as Antiochus & shed innocent blood very much <9r> till he had filled Ierusalem from one end to another & made his sons pass through ye fire & used inchantments, & dealt wth familiar spirits & wizzards, for wch I never heard Antiochus accused. Antiochus was a heathen & what he did was but in promoting his own religion, but ye other was of the church & did these Abominations contrary to his religion, & that to such a height as to transcend the heathens themselves. Which think you therefore was ye better \fitter/ type of Antichrist? But if Antiochus must be so much celebrated for his persecution {sic} wch was onely of ye Iewish Nation & lasted but for three years; what fame deserves ye Roman Empire wch for almost 300 years together wth all kinds of cruelty persecuted ye Christians of so many nations

5. After the fourth Kingdom there is to be no more temporall Kingdoms: ffor ye Kingdom of heaven is to be a Kingdom wch shall break in {sic} pieces & consume all ye former Kingdoms & not be left to other people. Dan 2.44. But we see these temporall Kingdoms are not yet broken to pieces but ye Roman Kingdom hath asucceeded ye Grecian as much as any of ye former Kingdoms have succeeded one another. Yea the holy Ghost accounts ye world to be still under these temporall Dominions: ffor such is ye Beast in ye Apocalyps whom all ye world should worship & wonder after, & the great Antichrist who should exalt & magnify him self above every thing that is called God.

5 The fourth Kingdom cannot be that wch ended before the Kingdom of heaven began to be set up, for it is said that in the days of these Kings shall God set up a Kingdom &c chap 2.44, that is, at some time within the compass of their days. But the Kingdoms wch succeeded Alexander were all at an end before ye appearance of or Saviour wch is ye soonest that can be recconed for ye setting up of \his/ kingdom, & therefore they cannot be the fourth, but ye lot must fall to ye Roman.

To ye same purpose it is that Nebuchadnezzar's image is said to be broken by the stone wch was cut out of the <10r> mountains & fell upon its feet. ffor since it fell upon ye feet it must be cut out before ye Kingdoms signified by ye Image were at an end.

6. If Antiochus the successors of Alexander be ye fourth Kingdom then is Antiochus Epiphanes ye little horn. But he cannot be ye|yt| horn for that horn made war wth the saints & prevailed against them untill ye ancient of days came & judgment was given to the saints of ye most high & ye time came that ye saints possessed ye Kingdom ch 7.9, 22, 26. This horn therefore continues & prevails until ye time come yt ye saints take possession of ye kingdom. But Antiochus continued not so long; ffor ye soonest you can reccon for ye saints possessing {sic} ye kingdom is ye appearance of or Saviour & this was not till about 200 years after Antiochus. This horn therefore must be Antichrist himself, the man of Sin, of whome St Paul {sic} alluding to this place of Daniel saith yt ye Lord should destroy him wth ye brightness of his coming. And consequently ye Beast whose horn this is must last till ye day of judgment, & so can be no other then ye Roman Kingdom.

To these considerations I might add that after the fourth Kingdom there is to be no more temporall Kingdoms. ffor ye Kindgom {sic} of heaven is to be a Kingdom wch shall consume & break in pieces all ye former Kingdoms & not be left to other people. But we see these temporall Kingdoms are not yet broken to pieces but ye Roman Kingdom has succeeded ye Grecian as much as any of the former Kingdoms have succeeded one another. Yea the holy Ghost himself accounts ye world yet under these temporall Dominions. ffor such is ye Beast in ye Apocalyps whom all ye world should worship & wonder after, & ye great Antichrist who should exalt himself above every thing that is called God.

Moreover the instrument of breaking these temporall Kingdoms was to be ye Kingdom of heaven {illeg} \wch should/ be set up For the Image was broken by the stone cut out of the moun <11r> tain. And this stone is not ye person of Christ as some would have it, but his Kingdom; for so it's growing to a – mountain implies & so Daniel himself interprets it; adding that it shall break & consume all ye former Kingdoms. But this not yet fulfille Wherefore if the successors of Alexander ye|be| ye fourth Kingdom then of necessity must ye Roman Kingdom be ye stone, since it was that & not Christianity wch brake in pieces & consumed the former As for Christianity there hath no kingdom been hitherto broken by that; but {sic} what we may expect here after is not difficult to collect from the things to happen between ye resurrection of ye witnesses & ye seventh Trumpet. For ye Stone is ye Palm-bearing multitude wch shall be cut out of ye mountain at ye resurrection of the witnesses & that wthout ye hands of soldiers by wch other kingdoms are erected, & soon after shall break {illeg} ye upon ye end of ye fourth kingdom, ye feet of ye Image, & break in pieces all ye nations wch were the substance of the four kingdoms.

I may add also that ye universality & great{illeg}ness of ye dominion is in no wise reconcileabe {sic} wth the prent state of ye Church. That is {sic} to be a kingdom of Saints this is a mixture of good & bad wherin wickedness prevails more then goodness. In that ye Kingdom & dominion & greatness of ye Kingdom under ye whole heaven is to be given to ye Saints. Their Kingdom is to be that wch all Dominons {sic} shall serve & obey, & wch shall not be left to other people: whereas in this ye saints are on ye contrary left to serve & obey all nations & to suffer that great deliquium exprest by ye woman in the wilderness & by the death of ye Witnesses, wch is a greater then ever any temporall Kingdom suffered under their conquerors. The whole aggregate of good & bad tog Christians good & bad together are but a small part of ye kingdoms under the whole heaven, & that perhaps will dwindle into a very moderate Kingdom if you reject all that you count heretiques, & I leave you to conjecture what portion ye saints may have in ye remainder.


To conclude, this kingdom cannot be meant of any state in this life {sic}, for they are those that overcome & keep his works works unto ye end, to whome Christ will give power over the nations to rule them with a rod of iron Rev 2.26. And moreover the beginning of this Kingdom is to be when the Ancient of days sits in judgment, & ye son of man comes in ye clouds to receive of him ye Kingdom: wch to interpret of any thing els then ye day of judgment & ye second coming of or Saviour is very dangerous. ffor ye last overthrows ye faith of ye Iewish Church concerning ye day of judgment, wch they grounded on this place; & both together will justify any man that shall allegorise all ye like descriptions of those things in ye new Testament \& so turn all to a fable/ wch God forbid.

Having thus shown that Daniel's four Kingdoms are a Calender of all times to ye end of ye world, whereof ye Roman is ye fourth \the 4th falls to the Roman Empire/; I cannot but give you notise that \shall desire you now to consider whither/ it is \not/ this fourth or last Kingdom of ye world & wch St Paul had relation when he said \had relation when he said/ meant by ye end of ye world when he said: These things are written for our admonition upon whom the ends of ye world are come 1 Cor 10.11 Now {illeg} In {sic} ye end of ye world hath he appeared to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself. Heb 9.26.

Prop 26
The sixt Seale falls in wth the time between ye beginning of ye reign of Constantine the great, & the death of Theodosius.

This I demonstrate by those arguments.

Arg 1. The sixt Trumpet Seale is a description of ye universal ruin of Idolatry. And the ruin thereof happened in the age between Constantine & Theodosius.

The first assertion is manifest by what I said in Def 64 & 65 & in Prop 10.4 to wch I refer you. And <13r> the second is to be met with in all histories. Who knows not yt Constantine was ye first Christian Emperor & that began to suppress the Idolatry? But yet he completed not ye conquest. {illeg} caused \The Idols {illeg} \{he}/ caused to be thrown down &/ some few of ye Idol Temples to be demolished neare Constantinople \he caused to be/ to {sic} be demolished, & \all/ ye rest to {illeg} \to be shut up he took away the revenues for their worship/ to be shut up. And in that {sic} state they continued \& {which} his sons \continued to/ prosecuted {sic} heathenism much more then he/ till ye reign of Iulian ye Apostate who opened ye \remaining Temple/ again & renewed heathenism \the worship/, but \Gratian &/ Theodosius (after they had been again shut up {sic}) \caused them to be it to/ caused that to be demolished throughout the Empire |& the worship to cease wthout {illeg} & afterwards partly demolished partly converted to christian uses whereby the worship ceased wthout relaps|

To describe ye great struggling of ye Heathens in defence of these their Gods, & the severall overthrows of their Armies (signified by turning ye moon into blood) would be too tedious. Let it suffice to tell you that ye Tyrants Eugenius & Arbogastes were the last Champions of that kind, & those Theodosiosius overthrew wthin less then a year before his death. So that \And therefore/ in all respects we may \he is to be/ account|ed| him the finisher of this victory over Heathenism, & \by consequence/ the sixt Seal must extend from Constantine to ye end of his reign.

Arg 2. The sixt seal is the time at wch ye Dragon was cast out of heaven by Michael. And this was performed in the age between Constantine & Theodosius

The first assertion is manifest by what I said in Prop 10.4 & ye second may appear by these considerations 1 That ye casting out ye Dragon out of heaven is ye abolishing {sic} the Idolatry of the Kingdom represented by the Dragon. 2 That this Idolatry is abolished by ye prevailing of Christianity, & 3 That ye Kingdom represented by the Dragon is ye old Roman Empire. The 3d is manifest by Prop 25 & the two first by what was said in Prop 10.4 or{illeg} even by these two sentences alone: The great Dragon was cast out, yt old serpent called the Devill & Sathan wch deceiveth ye whole world vers 9. And they overcame him by the blood of the Lamb & by ye word of their testimony vers 11. For these are a notable interpretation of ye whole Prophesy. Now joyning all ye three considerations, the result is that ye casting out of ye Dragon was ye universall abolishing of ye Idolatry of ye Roman Empire by the prevailing of Christianity. And this as I said, every \one/ knows to have happened in ye age wch began with the reign of Constantine.

Arg Arg. 3. The sixt Seale is ye time wch immediately succeeded the greatest persecution of the Church under ye heathen Emperors. But ye age from Constantine to Theodosius immediately succeeded that persecution.

The first assertion is manifest, as well becaus ye sixt <14r> Trumpet immediately succeeds ye fift wherein ye persecution is represented by ye souls under ye Altar, as becaus ye casting out ye Dragon immediately succeeds ye war between him & Michael wherein ye soldiers of Michael got ye victory by ye word of their testimony & loved not their lives unto ye death. How both these represent a very great persecution you may see at large explained in Prop 10.4. And no doubt it was notably great above all others, for it is not likely that the holy Ghost {sic} would take so much notise of a small persecution & slip over a great one.

The second assertion is manifest out of History wch informs us that ye tenth or last of ye heathen persecutions, wch was begun by \ye edict of/ Dioclesian & after ten years restrained by ye Edict of Maximian, & at length wholly made to cease by \the victories of/ Constantine, was notably sharp & great above all ye former, being ye onely & seems comparable to ym all put together, being ye onely persecution wch was universal. |ffor amonst {sic} those that of Decius is accounted the greatest being much more sharp & universal then ye rest, & yet that lasted but a[2] one year & three months whereas this continued ten wth as great or greater violence & universality.| Omnibus ferè auteactis, saith Orosius, diuturnior et immanior fuit, nam per decem annos incendijs Ecclesiarum, proscriptionibus innocentium, cædibus martyrum incessabiliter acta est. In ye beginning of it wthin ye compas of 30 days seventeen thousand are said to have been slain.[3] Nor was ye fury of ye persecutors mitigated by the progress of time In Egypt alone (a very small portion of ye Empire) were slain, saith Ignatius of Antioch, a hundred & fourty four thousand \{me}/, & seventy thousand banished: which {sic} arose \occasioned/ amongst ye Egyptians \whence/ ye Æra of Dioclesian, \amongst the Egyptians was/ called also ye Æra of Martyrs. And if you peruse ye description wch Eusebius gives of it, you will find it was no milder in other Provinces prose no milder in other Provinces \\unless/ the region on this side ye Alps be {sic} excepted/. What think you then was done throughout the whole Roman world? Omnis ferè sacro Martyrum cruore orbis infestus est saith Sulpitius Severus. And again Nullis unquam bellis mundus sanguine magis ex <15r> haustus est neque majori unquam triumpho Ecclesia viciät quam cùm decem annorum stragibus vinci non potuit

And this I take to be the ten years tribulation predicted to ye Church in Rev 2.10. ffor although that be spoken to ye Church of Smyrna yet it excludes not ye rest of ye Churches but rather includes them, becaus it is not likely that this persecution should be any other then the greatest wch they were to suffer, & it is less likely that the greatest persecution should happen to them wthout affecting their neighbours.

I hope I need not now put you in mind of the relation between this persecution & ye conversion of ye Empire to to {sic} Christianity; namely how ye one is represented by a battel & the other by a victory wch ye saints obteined over the Dragon by the blood of ye Lamb & by the word of testimony: ffor it is sufficiently apparent that this *[4] persecution was the means whereby Heathenism was overthrown; the blood of Martyrs ever proving the seed of ye Church. But that wch I would here note is the mystery of the child-bearing woman, how much that adds to the force of these two last arguments. And to that end I desire you to consider these things: ffirst That as soon as ye woman has {sic} brought forth & her her child is caught up to the throne of God, she flies into the Wilderness, chap. 12.6. Secondly that her flight into the wilderness begins not till after the Dragon is cast down, vers 13 & 14; & therefore her childbearing & ye exaltation of her child wch immediately precedes this will fall in wth ye war & victory over the Dragon. Thirdly that since ye this Woman is the Church, the pains of her childbearing described something emphatically in vers 2, must be a great persecution of the church, & by consequence the very same wth that exprest by the battel between Michael & the Dragon. ffourthly becaus the woman does not represent a single person but the whole body of ye Church, therefore by the analogy, her child must not represent any single person alone but the whole body of the church some great body of men. ffor as a woman & a man are of ye same <16r> kind, & differ onely in sex, so the things represented by ye woman & her man-child must have no other difference. |Compare this place of Iohn wth Isa 66 {to} wch it is related & {I sup}pose it will put {ye matter} out of doubt. {illeg} The {words} of Isai\ah/ are: Before {her} pain came she was delivered of a man child – shall a nation be born at once? {For} as soon as Zion travailed she brought forth {her} children.| ffiftly since the feminine nature of ye woman consists in this that she is an Ecclesiasticall {sic} body, the masculine nature of her child must consist in this that he is a civil body. ffor these are opposites: Polity & Religion, Magistrates & Priests, State & Church; & are generally considered as male & female. The man Child must therefore be a body of Magistrates or a temporall Kingdom. Yea this you have exprest in vers 5, And she brought forth a man-child wch was to rule all nations wth a rod of iron, & her child was caught up to God & to his throne. Lastly since the same persecution of the Church is both the war by which the Dragon was vanquished, & ye pains by wch ye Woman brought forth this child, therefore the birth of this child & its exaltation up to God & to his throne will fall in with the casting out ye Dragon out of heaven; as being the opposite effects of that persecution. And consequently since the Dragon is the heathen Empire, the man Child by opposition must be the Christian Empire, whereof ye one is dethroned & ye other at ye same time exalted into ye Throne. This must be ye result of ye war between Michael & ye Dragon; & therefore so soon as ye Dragon is cast down you have ye exaltation of the man child to ye Throne celebrated in these words by a voice from heaven saying: Now is come salvation & strength, & the Kingdom of or God & the power of his Christ.

And that you may be sure this is no other then the Christian Roman Empire \& more especially {illeg} its magistrates body of Magistrates/ you have both ye religion & the universality of it described together in vers 5. The Woman brought forth a manchild who was to rule all nations wth a rod of iron. For here ye rod of iron is a singular phrase for ye scepter of a Christian Kingdom <17r> See chap 2.27. & 19.15 & Psal 2.9: & all nations can import no less dominion then the Roman. And both these together can agree to none but the age between Constantine & Theodosius, becaus the Empire was not Christian before Constantine nor universal in a monarchical form after Theodosius.

Arg: {sic}. The sixt seale is the time wch immediately \{next} a little/ preceded \the finall division of ye Roman Empire &/ the wars wherein the Roman Empire \Western part of it/ was divided into ten Kingdoms. But the time between Constantine & Theodosius immediately \a little next/ preceded \that division &/ those wars.

The first assertion is \was m/ manifest from hence that these Kings had not received their Kingdom in the time of ye sixt head or Seal but were to receive them about ye same time wth ye Beast & therefore since he rose at ye beginning of the Trumpets |  seventh Seal, their rise will fall in with the first wars of \in/ the Trumpets, & \that is with those which/ those next after some short time of peace signified by the half howers silence, succeed ye sixt seal. |Posit     ffor there twas shown that ye Empire at the rise of the Beast (wch began imperfectly in the sixt Seale & was perfected at ye beginning of ye Trumpets) was divided into two branches {illeg} the Beast & ye {Beast} by Prop 10 & the Dragon, & that the horns of the Beast rose at or soon after ye beginning of ye Trumpets|

The second assertion is manifest out of history. ffor wthin less then a \10/ years after Theodosius his death brake out the Gothic wars whereby the Empire wch till then continued in a monarchicall form, was rent wthin less then fifty years |ye Empire continued always under the sole dominion of Rome till ye building of Constantinople & then became divided between those two cities. It was first divided at ye death of Constantine between his sons & the A.C. 336 & then reunited by Constantius's {sic} conquest of ye west A.C. 353, & after ye death of Iovian A.C. 364 divided \again/ imperfectly & at length perfectly & for ever at ye death of Theodosius A.C. 395 & wthin 15 years after the western part of it was rent by vehement wars| into ten Kingdoms wch could never since be reunited, of wch I shall \hereafter/ give you ye catalogue.

|Hence it is easy to collect that ye western part of ye Empire is ye Beast wch rose out of ye Sea at ye death of Constantine & that by ye Dragon's giving him his old seat Rome, & a little after was slain by ye sword of Constantius & ceased to be till ye death of Iovian & then was healed & revived by ye new division of ye Empire between Valentinian & Valens wth their successors, & began his plenary reign (ye reign of his eighth head) at Theodosius's death when the final division & ye wars wch set up ye horns began. But of this hereafter.|

Thus you see ye time of this seal is bounded every way by demonstrative characters; for such I account these five {sic} Arguments becaus there is no other time to wch any one of them can be applied. And these things being premised, I come now to interpret the series of ye seals & Trumpets.

Prop. 27.
The fift Seale represents ye tenth Persecution.

This is manifest by what I said in ye last Proposition.

Prop 287
The four first seales agree to the time between St Iohn & ye beginning of ye tenth Persecution: the second seal beginning with <18r> Trajan, the third wth Severus, & ye fourth wth Maximinus.

The whole time of these Seales is defined by Prop 20 & 26 {sic} & so it remains onely that we show how it is to be distributed among them. But in order to this you are first to know what is meant by the four Beasts wch introduce ye visions of these Seals. \Now this is in great measure determined by the qualities of the horsmen in each seal; but becaus \all/ those qualities do not always run through ye whole time of ye seal, therefore God has applied a further character of them by introducing every Horsman wth a Beast saying Come {sic} & see. Wherefore before we explain the seales it is necessary that we first show what is meant by the four Beasts. And this depends — {sic}/ And this depends upon ye form of ye heavenly Court or Theater described in chap 4: wch being a representation of Gods dwelling in ye midst of his church, is to be learnt from the manner of ye Iews incamping in the Wilderness. For it alludes to that, as you may perceive by the analogy.

Know therefore that in ye midst of ye Camp was placed ye Tabernacle called in this Prophesy ye Temple of ye Tabernacle ch 15.5 or barely the Temple vers 6, 8, &c. And within this, as I conceive, in ye veil was the door opened in heaven to let St Iohn in to the sight of ye Throne of God ch {sic}.1, wch Throne you must conceive to be over the Mercy Seat between the Cherubins, for it was within the Temple ch 15.8, & 16.17. And about this Throne you must imagin the seven lamps ch 4.5, & the Laver, here called a Sea of glass ver 6, & the golden Altar ch 8.3, & ye Altar of Sacrifice ch 6.9 {sic}, & ye Arc of the Testament ch 11.19 to be so placed as they were in the mercy seat ab Wilderness about the mercy Seat whither \they were {sic}/ within or without the veil. Exod 40.

Next about ye Tabernacle incamped the Priests & Levites {illeg} answering here to ye 24 Elders; that is, of each order twelve. And \about them/ at a distance beyond them were placed ye rest of ye twelve tribes in four squadrons toward ye four quarters of heaven every squadron with its own standard: {illeg} wch & these you have expreseded by the four Beasts, which \are {sic} full of/ many eyes \to/ represent a multitude of people \by their eyes/, & wch are situate in ye middle coasts <19r> of ye throne & round about the throne, that is over against the midst of every side of ye throne round about it. This form of incamping you have described in Num 1 & 2 And of \onely/ ye signes of ye standards wch are not there recorded, the Iews \But yet th {sic} Rabbies/ inform us by tradition from their Ancestors, Aben Ezra in 2 Num, saith |that in ye eastern standard was a Lyon in the western an Ox in the southern a man & in the northern an Eagle.| Our Ancestors, saith Aben Ezra in 2 Num Num, delivered that in ye standard of Reuben was the figure of a man \becaus (as he supposes) of the mandrakes/ on in ye standard of Iudah ye figure of a Lyon becaus so Iacob \so/ compared him;[5] in ye standard of Ephraim ye figure of an Ox according to his being called ye firstling of an Ox,[6] & in ye standard of Dan ye figure of an Eagle. The {sic} same hath bar Nachman here, & Chazkuni in Num 3.

And this is not a little confirmed by Ezekiel's vision of the four \four-faced (not four headed)/ Cherubins who looking saw the northward saw them each wth the face of a man in the front & wth ye face of a Lyon toward ye right hand, & wth ye face of an Ox toward ye left hand, & ye fourth face \wch/ was the face of an Eagle must therefore be Northward. And these as if there was some mystery in their position went every one streight forwards & turned not about when they went. Ezek 1.4, 9, 10. I suppose it was, as in ye Apocalyptic vision, to represent God, (whose glory appeared in ye midst of them) to be ye Lord of ye four quarters of Israel.

Having thus framed a conception of the heavenly Court, you may further consider that ye Iews in ye wilderness were not all saints but a mixture of good & bad, & therefore ye Beasts wch allude to their squadrons are capable of signifying any sort of men |  the people of any nation to wch they are applied \Beasts as they are a type drawn from the nation of nation mixed the Iews, so they may be applied to typify the people of any other nation/. As they worship God they must signify saints but when they are applied to characterise the horsmen in the seales, they may also \in that respect/ typify such societies of men as are agreable to those horsmen. Considering therefore that the horsmen are ye four first of the seven Kings according to wch (as I signified in Prop      ) the Dragon is <20r> divided into seven heads: each horsman with his Beast will represent a King wth his people, or a King with his an Army & their standard. And what more significant type of the Roman Emperors then this?

The first Seale opened.

But yet the first of these horsmen we must except from their number. ffor ye colour of his hors discovers him to be the same with that Rider in chap 19.11, who had on his Thigh a name written King of Kings & Lord of Lords. Here he goes forth conquering & ἵνα νεκήση that he might conquer, & there he appears again to finish the conquest which he had begun. And thus he is the Alpha & Omega of the Prophesy. The first fruits of his Conquests were the great spre\a/ding of ye gospel in the Apostles days, & the silencing of Oracles ye heathen Oracles: & his further success \hereafter/ you have signified by his Bow Def    . His Army & standard is represented by the first Beast wch is a Lyon towards ye East, & this proclaims him an Easten {sic} Prince & ye Lyon of ye Tribe of Iudah; & his dignity you may \further/ learn by the Crown wch is given to none but him.

This first King we have interpreted of \therefore is to be interpreted of or Saviour/ a single person: but {sic} as he is equivalent to a series of many so the other three Kings must be applied each to a series of many. ffor this the great number of Emperors to be distributed among them requires; & we have Daniel's authority for it, who although there were 9 or 10 Kings between Cyrus & ye last Darius, yet he calls them but three Kings becaus they were onely three different lines of Kings, Dan 11.2.

The second Seal opened.

The second King is introduced by the second Beast wch is an Ox situate to ye west & this whilst in ye Vision it <21r> bids St Iohn look towards it informs us that this Seal must begin with Trajan the spaniard, an Emperour out of the west. Trajan a Spaniard, saith Dion, was neither of Italy nor an Italian nor of Italy: before him no man had obteined the Empire of another nation had obteined the Empire. In ye former Seal it was in ye family of Cæsar, & to ye end of this it continues in {sic} his family

To this Horsman it was given to take peace from the earth (i.e. that it should be taken from ye earth in his reign) \from his neighbours by invading them) & that they/ & that they \(he & his neighbours or his own subjects by civil wars)/ should kill one another ἕνα ἀλλήλους σφάξωσι wch last words confirm ye explication of ye former. ffor what other sense can there be in this, that powe it was given him that men should kill one another? then that it was given him or that it was allotted to his reign that men should rage with mutual slaughters. This killing one another you have further expressed by his ensigne ye Ox wch is a Beast appointed to ye slaughter & represents his armies & other people of his kingdom, but let us see ye event. And to pass {illeg} over the wars of Trajan wth Decebalus & afterward his conquests beyond Euphrates so great that he compared himself to Alexander; let us take a view of ye broiles between the Iews & his other Subjects, as being more to ye purpose & alone sufficient to verify the Prophesy |These things therefore I understand of civile slaughters, but \yet/ the great sword wch external enemies was given him I take to be |is| an Emblem of victoriousness as the Bow was of the first rider. ***|

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*** Now for ye victoriousnes of this Rider, I need onely tell you that after the empire was almost dissolved by seditions & defections in Nero's reign & somthing repaired by Vespasian & again made to totter by Domitian: Trajan not only setled it but inlarged it exceedingly, conquering wherever he went \& heaping victories upon victories more then ever did any other Emperor since our Savior's days ⊛ inso- < insertion from higher up f 20v > [– days: ⊛ insomuch that historians reccon ye ἀκμὴ of ye Empire to have been in ye reign of this Emperor.]/ < text from lower down f 20v resumes > Symbol (4 linked loops) in text < insertion from f 21v > |Symbol (4 linked loops) in text| So Sextus Rufus in Breviario: Trajanus \saith Sextus Rufus in /saith Sextus Rufus,\/ post Augustum \saith Sextus Rufus,/ Romanæ reip. novit lacertos, Armeniam recepit a Parthis: sublato diademate Regi Armenia majoris regnum ademit: Albanis regem dedit: Iberos, Bosphorianos, Colchos, Corduenos & Marcomedos obtinuit: Anthemusiam optimam Persidis regionem, Seleuciamqꝫ & Ctesiphontem ac Babyloniam accepit & tenuit: usqꝫ Mesopotamiam & Assyriam, & quæ inter Tigridem & Euphratem sita irriguis amnibus instar Ægypti fæcunda\n/tur. So Eutropius: Romani Imperij, quod post Augustum — < text from f 20v resumes > Romani Imperij, saith Eutropius, quod post Augustum defensum magis fuerat quam nobiliter ampliatum, fines Trajanus fines longe latéqꝫ diffudit: urbes trans Rhenum in Germania reparavit: Daciam Decibalo victo subegit, Provincia trans Danubium facta in his agris quos nunc Thaiphali tenent et Victophali & Theruingi. Ea Provincia decies centena millia in circuitu tenuit Armeniam quam occupaverant Parthi recepit, Sarmato Rege occiso qui eam tenebat. Albanis regem dedit. Iberorum Regem & Sauromatarum & Bosphoranorum & Arabum et Osdroenorum & Cochorum in fidem accepit. Adiabenos, Marc\h/omodes occupavit; et Antemusium, magnam Persidis regionem, Seleuciam, et Ctesiphontem, Babylonem et Edessios vicit, ac tenuit: usqꝫ ad Indiæ fines {illeg} et mare rubrum accessit \et mare rubrum accessit, atqꝫ ibi tres Provincias fecit Symbol (5 clustered circles and a flag) in text/ < insertion from higher up f 20v > Symbol (5 clustered circles and a flag) in text [fecit Symbol (5 clustered circles and a flag) in text fecit Armeniam Assyriam et Mesopotamiam cum his gentibus quæ Ma{illeg}denam attingunt. Arabiam postea &c –] < text from lower down f 20v resumes > Arabiam postea in Provinciæ formam redegit. In *[7] mari rubro classem instituit ut per eam Indiæ fines vastaret. ✝ < insertion from f 21v > || De Indis enim, saith Dion, cogitare cœpit ac de rebus ejus gentis curiosè quærere, tum Alexandrum beatum dicere, nonnunquam tamen asserere se longiùs progressurum esse: idqꝫ scripsit ad Senatum: cum tamen ea quæ cœperat tueri non posset. Cujus rei causa Senatus præter alia multa decrevit ut triumphos quotquot vellet ageret. Nam cum Trajanus tot gentes a se superatas esse scriberet, Senatus eas neqꝫ cognoscere neqꝫ nominare satis poterat. Itaqꝫ cum alia multa tum arcum triumphalem in foro ipsius ædificari jussit. Parabant cives redeunti longius obviam procedere, sed is nunquam in urbem reversus est neqꝫ ut extrema principijs responderent efficere potuit, ea enim quæ subegerat amisit. Dum enim navigat Oceanum atqꝫ inde revelitur ea quæ ceperat omnia tumultu defecerunt præsidijs quæ apud eas gentes reliquerat, dejectis cæsisqꝫ. Atqꝫ hæc ad Trajanum dum esset in navi præferuntur – Igitur cognita defectione Lucium & Maximum contra rebelles mittit. Masimus prælio superatus obijt. Lucius præclarè se gessit, recuperavitqꝫ Nisibin, Edessam expugnavit direptamqꝫ incendit. Seleucia ab Erycio Claro & Iulio Alexandro capta & incensa est. Trajanus metuens ne Parthi quoqꝫ aliquid molirentur, regem eis dare constituit {illeg} Inde {præfer} – ijs regem Parthamaspatem designat, eiqꝫ diadema imponit. Inde profectus in Arabiam adoritur Agarenos qui et ipsi defecerant &c. His wars wth Decibalus you may see at large described in the same Dion \epitomised by Zi/; the greatnes of wch you may learn from this passage in Eutropius: Hadrianum Daciam relinquere conatum amici deterruerunt ne multi cives Romani – < text from f 20v resumes > Iactabat subinde |  De Indis enim, saith Dion, se ultra quam Alexander penetrasset progressurum, id quod Senatui per Epistolam significavit, subjungens ægre posse eas gentis quas devicisset in fide et officio continere aut a vi et injuria defendere: quanquam non cessaret quotidie Orientis populos armis agitare & debellare. Nomina præterea victarum a se gentium Senatui nuntiavit, quarum numerus tautus erat ut vix recenseri aut nominari possent. – Imo verò præ tædio bellorum & magnitudine curarum coactus aliqua ex parte gentes quas subegisset, liberas facere. Symbol (2 Xs in squares) in text The greatness of his – < insertion from lower down f 20v > Symbol (2 Xs in squares) in text The greatness of his wars wth Decibalus you may learn from this passage in Eutropius Trajanus, inquit, victo Dacia, in toto orbe Romano Hadrianum Daciam relinquere conatum amia deterruerunt ne multi cives Romani Barbaris traderentur propterea quod Trajanus, victa Dacia, ex toto orbe Romano infinitas {eo} copias transtulerat ad agros et urbes colendus. Dacia enim diuturno bello Decibali fu{illeg} Eutrop l 8. The wars of the following Emperors {illeg} they <21v> were rather for defence then conquest.

And thus much of ye great sword of this Rider. Let us now take a view of the civil slaughters in his reign, & of these |Thus did this Emperor |  Rider wield the great sword & {illeg} take peace from ye earth & at ye revolting of the conquered nations they \also/ killed one another. But yet this killing one another was more notable in| the broiles between ye Iews & his other subjects afford us a notable instance. Incredibili motu, saith Orosius, sub uno –

< text from higher up f 20v resumes >

Thus much of the conquests of this Rider \signified by the great sword./ Let us now take a view of the civil slaughters in his reign, & of these the broiles between the Iews & his other subjects afford us a notable instance. Incredibi motu (saith Orosius) sub uno tempore Iudæi —

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Incredibili, (saith Orosius) motu sub uno tempore Iudæi quasi rabie efferati per universas terrarum partes exarserunt. Nam et per totam Lybiam adversus incolas atrocissima bella gesserunt: quæ adeò tunc interfectis cultoribus desolata est ut nisi postea Hadrianus Imperator collectas illuc aliunde colonias deduxisset vacua penitus abraso habitatore mansisset. Qui circa Cyrenem habitabant (saith Dion) Andrea quodam duce, Romanos pariter atqꝫ Græcos concîdunt, vescuntur eorum carnibus, eduntqꝫ viscera; tum oblinuntur eorum sanguine et pellibus induuntur. Multos a vertice serris discidere medios, multos objicere bestijs, multos etiam certare inter se coegerunt; ita ut interierint hominum ducenta viginti millia. — Præterea in Ægypto consimilis cœdes facta est <22r> et in Cypro, Artemione duce; ubi etiam perierunt ducenta quadraginta millia. Salaminem urbem Cyri, interfectis omnibus accolis deleverunt. [Oros. Euseb.] In Alexandria autem commisso prælio victi & attriti sunt. [Oros.] Tandem et ab alijs, & maxime a Lysio quem Trajanus miserat, subacti sunt. In Mesopotamia quoqꝫ rebellantibus, jussu Imperatoris bellum illatum est. [Oros. Euseb.] Atqꝫ ìta multa millia eorum vastâ cæde deleta sunt.

This was in Trajans time, but that wch followed under Trajan \Hadrian by the rebellion of Barchocheb/ was more notable. Cum Hadrianus, saith Dion, in Vrbem Hierosolymam coloniam deduxisset, ac quo loco Dei Templum fuerat, alterum Iovi Capitolino ædificari curavisset; magnum et diuturnum bellum indè moveri cæptum, totam Iudæam commoveri, Iudæos, omnes ubiqꝫ Gentium tumultuari, multa damna occultè aperteqꝫ Romanis inferre, cumqꝫ ijs complures alias gentes lucri cupiditate conjungi atqꝫ ea de re omnem ferè orbem terrarum commotum esse. — Hos Hadrianus optimis quibusqꝫ ducibus adversus eos missis, sed (multitudine eorum et desperatione cognita) non nisi singulatim eos adoriri ausis, sero tandem oppressit fregitqꝫ; cæsis in excursionibus prælijsqꝫ non minùs quingentis et octoginta millibus. Eorum autem qui fame morbo & igne interiere tanta fuit multitudo ut numerus indagari non potuit. Tot ex Romanis quoqꝫ in eo bello periere, ut Hadrianus, cum scriberet ad Senatum, non est usus illo exordio quo uti Imperatores consueverunt, Si vos liberiqꝫ vestri valetis bene est, ego quidem et exercitus valemus.

The estimation wch ye Iews give of their own loss is no less then this, for one saith that Hadrian slew twice as many Iews in this war as came out of Egypt; & another that Hadrian afflicted them more then either Nebuchadnezzar or Titus[8] . And this falling upon Gods own people, & being ye accomplisment {sic} of ye their so much threatned dispersion into all nations, it is no could deserve no less then to be taken notice of in this Prophesy.

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Next after Hadrian reigned Antoninus Pius & Marcus Antoninus the most illustrious potent & victorious Emperors of all those that followed to ye reign of Dioclesian & \Dioclesian &/ Constantine. The Emperor Marcus together wth Iulius <22v> Cæsar, Augustus \Octavius/, Trajan & Constantine, \were by/ the Emperor Iulian his chosen out as the 5 gallantest among {illeg} ye Roman Emperors to compare wth Alexander ye great in a Dialogue \intitled Cæsaris/ where all these are introduced pleading wth one another the greatness of their actions \Cæsar, Octavius & Trajan he calls πολεμικωτέρνις bellicosiores, but yet accounts Marcus considering all things, the completest Hero./ And therefore Marcus ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ may deservedly be recconned wth Trajan for a wielder of ye great sword. Nor does Antoninus Pius fall much short of Marcus, excepting in this that he performed his wars by Delegates.

Antoninus Pius, saith Iulius Capitolinus, per Legatos suos plurima bella gessit. Nam et Britannos per Lollium Vrbicum Legatum vicit, alio muro cespititio submotis barbaris ducto: et Mauros ad pacem postulandam coegit: & Germanos et Dacos & multas gentes atqꝫ Iudæos rebellantes contudit per præsides ac legatos. In Achaia etiam et Ægypto rebelliones repressit. Alanos molientes sæpe refrenavit — Tantum sane autoritatis apud exteras gentes nemo habuit.

Imperator Marcus Antoninus multis adversum se nascentibus bellis sæpe ipse intererat, sæpe duces nobilissimos destinabat [Euseb. Chron.] Contra Germanos (Cattos scil. in Germania et Rhetia) res feliciter gessit, speciale ipse bellum Marcomannicum sed quantum nulla unquam memoria fuit tum virtute tum etiam felicitate transegit. — Gentes omnes Marcomannos in ipso transitu Danubij delevit & prædam provincialibus reddidit. Gentes omnes ab Ilyrici limite usqꝫ Galliam conspiraverant, ut Marcomanni, Narisci, Hermunduri, et Quadi, Suevi, Sarmatæ, Latringes, & Buri: hi aliáqꝫ cum Victovalis Sosibes, Sicobotes, Rhoxolani, Bastarnæ, Alani, Peucini, Costoboci. Imminebat et Parthicum bellum & Britannicum. Magno igitur labore etiam suo gentes esperrimas vicit. — Voluit Marcomanniam Provinciam voluit etiam Sarmatiam facere et fecisset nisi Avidius Cassius rebellasset in Oriente – Relicto ergo Sarmatico Marcomannicoqꝫ bello contra Cassium profectus est. – Deinde ad conficiendum bellum conversus est. — Triennio bellum postea cum Marcomannis Hermunduris Sarmatis Quadis etiam egit: et si anno uno superfuisset Provincias ex his fecisset. —– Duces autem confecerunt Parthicum bellum Statius Priscus et Avidius Cassius & Martius Verus per quadrennium ita ut Babylonem et Mediam pervenirent & Armeniam vendicarent. Iul. Capitolinus in vitis Marci et Veri. The remainder of ye Marcomannic war was succesfully prosecuted & succesfully finished by ye delegates of ye next Emperor Commodus who ends this Seal.

The third Seal opened.

< text from f 22r resumes >

The third Seal opened

The third King is introduced by the third Beast wch bein is a man situated to ye south. And this points out Septimius Severus <23r> an Emperour from ye South, of whom Eutropius saith that he being by nation an Affrican of ye Province of Tripolis & town Leptis was ye onely Emperor known either before or after to be out of Afric.

And this King is described rigorously just. ffor ye Ballance & measure signifies {sic} Iustice by Def      & ye blackness of his hors the severity thereof: wch agrees well with ye human shape of ye Beast as beeing the {sic} of ye principal parts of humanity \fountain & chief greatest of the cardinal \moral/ virtues wherin humanity consists/ Now how this was fulfilled by Severus & Alexander another Emperor soon after succeeding him, you may perceive by ye following sentences gathered out of Aurelius & Lampridius |& here joyned together.|

Severo, saith Aurelius, præclarior in republica fuit nemo, legum conditore omnium longè æquabilium. Implacabilis delictis, strenuum quemqꝫ præmijs extollebat. Nulli in dominatu suo permisit honores venundari. Ne parva quidem latrocinia impunéta patiebatur, in suos animadvertens magis, quod vitio ducum aut etiam Præfectorem fieri vix experiens intelligeret. So Spartian calls him implacabilem delictis & latronum ubiqꝫ hostem. And by all this you may perceive he was a Prince every way suitable {sic} to his Standard, but yet as to Iustice he is much out done by Alexander who from his wonderfull stricktness therein acquired also ye name of Severus. Is, saith Lampridius, leges de jure populi et fisci moderatas et infinitas sanxit, neqꝫ ullam constitutionem sacravit sine viginti Iurisperitis. Severissimus Iudex contra fures, appellans eosdem quotidianorum scelerum reos, et damnans acerrimè; ac solos hostes inimicosqꝫ reipublicæ vocans, jussit (I suppose he means thieving \or corrupt/ Iudges) in civitatibus nunquam videri, et si essent visi deportari per rectores Provinciarum. Referebat Eucolpius \pergit/ (quo ille familiarissimè usus est) illum si unquam furem judicem vidisset, paratum habuisse digitum ut illi oculum erueret. Addit Septimius, qui vitam ejus non mediocriter executus est tanti stomachi fuisse Alexandrum in eos Iudices qui furorum fama laborassent, etiamsi damnati non essent, ut si eos casu aliquo videret commotione animi stomachi choleram evomeret, toto vultu exardescerete, ut nihil possit loqui. Iussit imò & per Præconem edici ut nemo salutaret Principem qui se furem esse <24r> nosset, ne aliquando detectus capitali supplicio subderetur. Si quis militum de via in alicijus possessionem deflexisset, pro qualitate loci, aut fustibus subjiciebatur in conspectu ejus, aut virgis, aut condemnationi; aut, si hæc omnia transiret dignitas hominis, gravissimís contumelijs; cùm diceret Visne in agro tuo fieri quod alteri facis? Clamabatqꝫ sæpius, quod a quibusdam sive Iudæis sive Christianis audierat et tenebat, idqꝫ per Præconem, cum aliquem emendaret, dici jubebat Quod fieri tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris. Quam sententiam usqꝫ adeo dilexit ut et in Palatio et in publicis operibus præscribi juberet. \*/[9] Such an unparalleld instance of Iustice \as this is/ & that in a Heathen it's no wonder that ye Holy Ghost in this seal should have respect unto.

But besides their justice the Providence & Bounty \ffrugality/ of these two Emperors \joyned wth bounty/ was very remarkable. \/[10] Rei frumentariæ saith Spartianus of Severus, quam minimam repe\re/rat, ita consuluit ut excedens ipse vita septem annorum canonem populo Romano relinqueret ita ut quotidiana septuagena quinqꝫ millia modiorum expendi possent. Populo Romano diurnum oleum \gratuitum/ (primus) donavit; ejus verò tantum reliquit ut per quinquennium non solùm urbis usibus, sed et totius Italiæ, quæ oleo egeret, sufficeret \Frumenti summam, saith Herodian, primus adauxit./. And of Alexander Lampridius saith: Commeatum populi Romani sic adjuvit, ut cum frumenta Heliogabulus evertisset, vicem de propria pecunia loco suo reponeret. {illeg} — Oleum quoqꝫ quod Severus populo dederat, quodqꝫ Heliogabulus imminuerat integrum restituit, addidit et oleum luminibus Thermarum. And this affords a further & perhaps a more perfect exposition of ye voice saying: A measure of wheat for a penny & three measures of barley for a peny; & see thou hurt not the oyle & ye wine: the first part of wch expresses the selling of corn to ye people out of the Emperors Storehouses, & the \last/ part {illeg} an injunction to them not to misspend what he gave them freely

* < insertion from f 23v > * Some have thought that this seal is to be interpreted of a famin. But besides what was said of ye signification of a Ballance in Def:     I see not what agreement there can be between a famin & the human shape of ye third Beast wch is ye ensigne of this King. Nor is it so likely that ye property of this seal should be such as agrees to ye fourth seal also \one of the qualities of the fourth seale should be {needed in} this \made/ the principal subject of this/, becaus the design of these seales is to describe & distinguish successive times by incommunicable characters.

< text from f 24r resumes >

The fourth Seal opened.

The Præco to the fourth seal is the fourth Beast scituate {sic} towards the South North & this directs us to begin wth an Emperor from <25r> that coast, that is wth Maximinus the Thacian {sic} who succeeded Alexander. Of him Iulius saith Capitolinus saith, Maximinus de vico Thraciæ vicino Barbaris, Barbaro etiam patre et matre genitus.

Now this King is accompanied wth a fourfold desolation; the sword, hunger, death, & wild beasts; that is, slaughter, famin, pestilence, & captivity \invasion/: For ye Greeks use θάνατος death for ye pestilence, & ye rapine of wild is a prophetiqꝫ emblem of \invasion &/ captivity as you may see in Def     in ye notes upon Ier 15.2, 3, where there is the very same quaternary of calamities is threatned to ye Iews. Compare ye places for they notably \plainly/ illustrate one another. This is therefore the combination of calamities, & they are notably \further/ \further represented by the Eagle, a bird of prey feeding upon carcasses & notably/ aggravated by the name of this King \Death/, by the colour of his hors \a pale one/ & by his ghastly attendant \Hell/. Nor is the event inferior to the Prophesy.

Of the first of these calamities you may make estimation by ye slaughter of the great ones. ffor within ye first three & thirty yeares there were slain no less then ten legitimate Emperors & Cæsars: & within the short reign of Gallienus there start up about thirty Tyrants in divers parts of the Empire wch were slain either by one another or by their own soldiers or by ye legitimate Emperors. Guess now what slaughters there were among the soldiers & what tearing of ye people.

Of the sword.

Of the first of these calamities you may make estimation by the civil wars & slaughter of ye great ones, ffor between Maximinus & Dioclesian, (that is wthin the compas of 48 years,) of about two \five/ & twenty \thirty/ legitimate Emperors & Cæsars \{and} Maxius of a natural death & {illeg} \{illeg}/ Claudian by the Pestilence & Carus {illeg} {sight or name} tyranicall {end} {illeg} \{illeg}\{illeg}// who perished all by the sword/ there died, but one by a Natural death & one by /onely Licinian & Claudian by the Pestilence & Marcus either of ye Pestilence or some other distemper, & Carus by lightning\ lightning {sic}, & three more were slain by the publick enemy & all the rest fell by the sword of their \own/ soldiers or of one another or by their own hands out of desperation. And besides \all/ these, wthin ye twelve yeares reign of Valerian one Gallienus, there were no less then thirty 29 or 30 |others| proclaimed Emperors by ye Soldiers in divers parts of ye Empire; all wch fell by the sword, excepting {sic} or {sic} <26r> who had their lives given them by the mercy of their conquerors. \/ < insertion from f 25v > ⊛ These were the principal Tyrants some of wch might vie wth ye Emperor himself for greatness, but you shall presently hear their number made up to six hundred. And to make these times yet more bloody – < text from f 26r resumes > And to make these times yet more bloody the Emperor himself Gallienus was one of ye most cruel Beasts that ever lived. Pollio in. lib. de 30 Tyrannis, saith of him. Occiso Ingenuo qui a Mæsiacis legionibus Imperator est dictus, in omnes Mæsiacos \tam/ milites quàm cives asperrimè sæviit, nec quenquam suæ crudelitatis exortem reliquit: usqꝫ adeo asper et truculentus ut plerasqꝫ civitates vacuas a virili sexu relinqueret. * < insertion from the right margin > * There also he records a letter of Gallienus to one of his Captains wch runs thus. < insertion from f 25v > virili sexu l relinqueret. {illeg} * Extat sanè Epistola Gallieni \(pergit)/ quam ad Celerem Verianum scripsit, qua ejus nimietas crudelitatis ostenditur. Gallienus Veriano: Non mihi satisfacies si tantum armatos occideris quos et sors belli interimere potuisset. Perimendus < text from the right margin resumes > Non mihi satisfacies si tantùm armatos occideris quos et sors belli interimere potuisset; perimendus est omnis sexus virilis si et senes atqꝫ impuberes sine nost reprehensione nostra occidi possint. Occidendus est quicunqꝫ malè voluit, occidendus est quicunqꝫ malè dixit contra me — lacera, occîde concî{de:} animum meum intelligere potes, mea mente irascere, qui hæc manu mea scripsi. < text from f 26r resumes > And in ye life of Gallienus he saith: Scythis in Cappadociam pervadentibus, milites iterum de novo Imperatore faciendo cogitaverant, quos omnes Gallienus more suo occîdit. |And in ye end he adds: ffuit nimiæ crudelitatis in milites: nam et terna millia et quaterna militū {sic} /militum {sic}\ singulis diebus occîdit.| And in ye another place; Nequid mali desset Gallieni temporibus, Byzantinorum civitas, clara navalibus bellis et claustrum Ponticum per Gallieni milites ita omnis vastata est ut prorsus nemo superesset. Quorum cladi ulciscendæ, Gallienus vicissim Byzantio receptus, omnes milites inermes armatorum corona circundatos, interemit, fracto fœdere quod promiserat. This was the cruelty of this Emperor \& his soldiers/; & yet he seems to fall short of Maximinus, ye Emperor wch begins this seal, who was such a Butcher yt some called him a Cyclops, others Busiris others Sciro {sic}, some Phalaris \&/ others Typho or Gyges, as Iulius Capitolinus witnesses records \ut illum (saith/ Iulius Capitolinus) writes illum alij Cyclopem, alij Busiridem, alij Scironem, alij nonnulli Phalarin, multi Typhonem vel Gygam nominarent. Senatus eum tantùm timuit ut vota in Templis publicè privatimqꝫ, mulieres etiam cum suis liberis, facerent, ne ille unquam urbem Romam videret. Audiebant enim alios in crucem sublatos, alios animalibus huper occisis inclusos, alios feris objectos, alios fustibus elisos; atqꝫ omnia hæc sine delictu dignitatis &c — Ignobilitatis tegendæ causa omnes conscios generis sui interemit; nonnullos etiam amicos qui ei sæpe misericordiæ et pietatis causa pleraqꝫ donaverant; neqꝫ enim fuit crudelius animal in terris; &c.

< insertion from f 25v >

Now By the cruelty of these Emperors, & of some others perhaps not much inferior to these; but chiefly by ye unparalleld raging of |ye| civil wars wch must necessarily have been between so many Tyrants & Emperors & those almost all slaughtered: you may \now/ guess what havock ye sword made among ye soldiers & people.

< text from f 26r resumes >

Of the Wild Beasts

Hitherto you have heard onely of intestine slaughters, wch I suppose was ye meaning of the first calamity. But ye invasion & tearing of ye Empire by wild Beasts, that is by forreign armies, is a calamity still more notable. This began in the reign of Phi <27r> lippus Arabs, by ye incursion of ye Scythians, & continued for about thirty yeares wth very great violence, one invasion following upon ye neck of another. The \greatest/ heat of it was in ye reign of Gallienus. Gallieno (saith Eusebius[11] ) in omnem lasciviam dissoluto, Germani Ravennam usqꝫ venerunt; Alemanni vastatis Gallijs in Italiam transiere; Græcia, Macedonia, Pontus, Asiæ depopulatæ per Gothos; Quadi et Sarmatæ Pannonias occupaverunt; Germanis *[12] Hispanias obtinentibus Tarracon expugnata est; Parthi Mesopotamiam tenentes Syriam incursaverunt. By these Beasts the Empire was so universally torn & wasted, ut nulla (saith Zosimus) Romanæ ditionis Gens ab ijs libera permansétrit; omnia ferè oppida mænibus destituta, et ijsdem destitutorum maxima pars capta fuerint. * < insertion from f 26v > * The greatness of the desolations you may \further/ guess at by ye greatness of ye Roman victories in expelling the Barbarians: of wch take these two instances out of ye letters of ye Emperors Claudius & Probus reporting their own successes. The first to Iunius Brochus who then guarded Illyricū, runs thus. Claudius Brocho: Delevimus trecenta et viginti millia Gotthorum, duo millia navium mersimus. Tecta sunt flumina scutis, spatis et lanceolis omnia littera opperiuntur. Campi ossibus latent tecti, nullum iter purum est, ingens Carrago deserta est. Tantum mulierum cæpimus ut binas et ternas mulieres victor sibi miles possit adjungere. Et utinam Gallienum non esset passa respublica: Vtinam sexcentos tyrannos non pertulisset. Salvis militibus quos prælia sustulerunt: salvis legionibus quos Gallienus malè victor occîdit, quantum esset additum reipublicæ. To this letter Trebellius Pollio (who records) it) subjoins: Pugnatum est enim apud Mæsios & multa prælia fuerunt apud Martianopolim, multi naufragio perierunt: pleriqꝫ capti reges: captæ diversarum gentium nobiles feminæ — Pugnatū est in diversis regionibus, et ubiqꝫ auspicijs Claudianis victi sunt Gothi. Symbol (2 asterisks in a rectangle) in text[13] The other letter is of Probus to ye Senate \concerning his victories over ye Franks & Alemans./: Ago dijs immortalibus gratias P.C. quia vestra in me judicia comprobarunt. Subacta est omisis qua lenditur latè Germania. Novem reges gentium diversarum ad meos pedes imò ad vestros supplices, stratiqꝫ jacuerunt. Omnes jam barbari vobis arant, vobis jam serunt, et contra interiores Gentes militant. Supplicationes igitur vestro more decernite. Nam et quadringenta millia hostium cæsa sunt, & sececim millia armatorum nobis oblata & septuaginta urbes nobilissimæ captivatate hostium vindicatæ, et omnes penitus Galliæ liberatæ – {illeg} pascuntur ad nostrā alimoniam gentium pecora diversarum – frumento barbarico plena sunt horrea. &c – nos omnia eorum possidemus. Vopiscus who records this letter adds Posthaec Illyricum petijt This letter is recorded by Vopiscus who adds that \Probius/ after this he supprest ye Sarmatæ & other nations in Illiricum, the Goths \Vandals & Gepidæ/ in Thrace, & ye Parthians & others in ye East. The victories of Aurelian also who reigned between these two Emperors, were very great. Antequam factus est Imperator Aurelianus (saith Carion in Chron.) pugnavit cum Francis ad Moguntiam ubi triginta Millia Francorum trucidata esse scribitur. Postquam autem successit Claudio, terribilis expeditio Marcomannorum & Suevorum retraxit eum in Italiam qui jam Mediolanum ceperant et terrorem urbi Romæ similem Cimbrico incusserant. Munito igitur limine Imperij, properans in Italiam, apud Placentiam delevit Marcomannos, & Suevos, sed magna clade Romani exercitus priùs accepta.

|Hispania 12 annis fere sub Barbaris {laborav{illeg}it regnante}| < text from f 27r resumes > The greatness of the desolations you may guess at by ye numbers of ye desolators wch were {sic} so great that of ye Goths & Heruli Claudius ye Emperor slew about {illeg} three hundred thousand & sunk two thousand of their ships: {illeg} & yet they ceased not to infest ye Empire. And afterwards ye Emperor Probus having beat ye Alemans & Franks out of Germany & Gallia, wrote thus to the Senate: Subacta est omnis quam latè tendit Germania. Novem Reges Gentium diversarum ad meos pedes, imò ad vestros supplices stratiqꝫ jacuerunt. Omnes jam Barbari vobis arant vobis serunt et contra interiores gentes militant. Supplicationes igitur vestro more decernite. Nam et quadringenta millia hostium cæsa sunt, & sedecim millia armatorum nobis oblata, & septuaginta Vrbes nobilissimæ captivitate hostiū vindicatæ, & omnes penitus Galliæ liberatæ. And perhaps ye Marcomans \expelled by Aurelian/ & |\ye/| Parthians & other Barbarians were not less numerous then these.

Of the Famin & Pestilence

Now amidst so much depopulation & \continual/ harasing of ye people how could it otherwise happen then that the fields should be forsaken & tillage neglected, & ye \old/ store of provisions wasted? And might from hence \we might/ presume that there was a Famin though it had not been recorded. [14] But yet that there was one Dionysius Alexandrinus, who lived then, testifies in his Epistle to ye Brethren; where also he describes ye Plague wch immediately <28r> succeeded it. Post hæc, saith he, (id est post Persecutionem quæ præcesset famem adeoqꝫ sub Decio fuit) et bellum et fames secuta sunt quæ una cum ethncis pertubimus —– At ubi cum ipsi nos tum ipsi respira us. After this, saith he, (that is after ye Persecution wch \was/ preceded ye famin {illeg} being under Decius) there followed both war & famin wch we suffered together wth ye heathens.But when {illeg} both we & they had breathed a little, that Plague invaded us, wch was more terrible then any terror & more lamentable then any calamity, but to us an exercise & triall inferior to none of the rest. So St Cyprian in his Apology to Demetrianus. Since you say, (saith he) that many complain that it is to be imputed to us that wars do arise more frequently, that ye Plague & Famin does rage, & that showers & rain have been long withheld, we may \can/ not be silent any longer &c. And \as/ for ye Plague, that is sufficiently \there is nothing more/ notorious. Zonaras & others delivers \(& others are not silent)/ that under ye Emperors Gallus & Volusian, it began from Æthiopia & went through all ye Roman Provinces, exhausting them wonderfully for fifteen years together. Nec alia unquam major lues mihi lecta (saith Lipsius de Constant 2.23) spatio temporum sive terrarum.

Of both these together St Cyprian makes mention in his Apology to Demetrianus. Since you \say/ (saith he) that many complain that it is to be imputed to us that wars do arise more frequently, that ye Plague & Famin does rage, & that showers & rain have been long withheld, we cannot be silent any longers {sic} &c. So Dionysius Alexandrinus in his Epistle to ye brethren[15] After this, saith he, (that is after ye persecution under Decius) there followed both war & famin wch we suffered together wth ye heathens. – But when both we & they had breathed a little, that Plague invaded us wch was more terrible then any terror & more lamentable then any calamity, but to us an exercise & tryall {sic} inferior to none of ye rest.

I have hitherto taken notice \only/ of the times before Dioclesian because in them the concours of Calamities was greatest. But yet in the times of this Emperor also untill the


Thus you see how punctually this age suits wth this seale. And now if you now take a view of all ye ages from the foundation of ye Empire to this present time, you will not meet wth any other concours of all these calamities so universall & stupendious; & therefore by ye      Rule none but this can be ye age intended by this the most dismal Seal.

I have hitherto taken notise only {sic} of ye times before Dioclesian, because in them the concours of Calamities was greatest; but yet in ye time of this Emperor untill ye beginning of ye g persecution they were considerably great th\r/ough new invasions & Seditions springing up in severall places, insomuch that Dioclesian finding ye presence of an Emperor necessary in more places then one, was forced d[16] first to associate Maximianus & afterwards they two to associate a[17] two more. And these four were almost continually imployed in war. Intra viginti {sic} duos annos ab initio Dioclesiani ad initium Constantini magni (saith Carion[18] ) in toto genere humano horrendam lanienam adversus cives et hostes & inter sese (i.e. inter se et tyrannos) exercuerunt Imperatores \(i.e. legitimi et tyrannici simul)/. But yet by this multication {sic} of wars they at length not onely expelled ye Barbarians & setled ye Empire but very much b[19] inlarged it before ye great persecution began.

And from this differing extent of the dition of ye Empire we have another character of these times. ffor by the fourth part of the Earth whereon the plagues of this seal are inflicted, & by the third part of the stars of heaven wch ye Dragon drew with his tail while the woman cried travailing in birth ch 12.4) (that is, by ye fourth part of ye known habitable world whereon the third part of the princes of ye world wch ye empire drew into subjection wth its armies during the persecution of ye fift seal) we are to understand ye extent of ye Empire in respect of the whole habitable world known to men in those ages: namely that it was but ye fourth part thereof during the calamities of ye fourth seal, but from that time so much inlarged as to be ye third part thereof in ye timeof the great persecution. And such is the event. [ffor {illeg} \towards/ ye <30r> beginning of the Barbarian invasions Armenia & Mesopotamia was lost to the Persians & Dacia beyond the Danube to ye Goths[21] all wch ye Romans though not wthout some variety of fortune had possessed from the time of Trajan, but after this storm began to blow over, Carus first recovered Mesopotamia,[22] & then] [23] |For| Galerius Maximianus in yt very year wherein the \symptomes of the ensuing before the/ persecution began, [setled all Mesopotamia & Armenia & to them] \began confirmed to ye Empire Mesopotamia & Armenia wch were then in dispute &/ added \to the Empire/ all Assyria & five \other/ new Provinces of Persia extending to ye heart of that spacious country. \/[24] Galerius totam Assyriam expugnata Ctesiphonte cœpit et quinqꝫ Provincias transtigritanas quæ statim redeunte ad nos Trajano defecerant, subegit, et imperio adjunxit – Et ictum est fœdus ut Persæ ab Armenijs Mesopotamia Assyria et quinqꝫ novis Provincijs abstinerent. Pomponius Lætus in Vita Diocles. Ab ortu usqꝫ ad Indos propagati Imperij fines. Ibid. Galerius Maximianus pulso Narseo castra ejus diripuit, uxores sorores liberos cœpit, infinitam extrinsecus Persarum nobilitatem, gazam persicam copiosissimam. Ipsum in ultimas regionis solitudines egit. Eutrop l. 9. ** < insertion from f 29v > ** What was ye extent of these 5 provinces I cannot learn: but not to indulge too much to ye large expressions of Historians, if we suppose them but equall to Armenia & Mesopotamia, or not so much, yet ye whole may amount to ye 4th part of ye Empire; at least if some further allowance be made for ye restitution of ye limits in other places: & therefore supposing the whole Empire in this largest extent

** What was ye just extent of these five Provinces I cannot say, but I imagin them to be that large tract of ground wch lies on ye North of Adiabene or Assyria between Armenia & ye river Choaspes, & yt by Indi are only meant ye Adiabenians, for ye Romans accounted yt an Indian region (Niceph. Hist. Eccl. l 9. c 18.) & ye \great/ arm of Tigris wch compasses it on ye north & east \&/ is called *[25] Indus Cydnus Gindnus & Gihon. Now supposing although these be put ye limits of his conquests yetye whole will amount to ye 4th parte of ye Empire; at least if some further allowance be made for ye restitution of ye limits in other places: & therefore supposing ye whole Empire in this largest extent < text from f 30r resumes > Now all these regions \(if wth Assyria we take the 5 next Provinces beyond Tigris, namely {Susiana}, Media, Hyrcinia, Parthia, & Persis,)/ seem by the Map to be about ye fourth part of ye \whole/ Empire \at least if some further allowance be made for ye restitution of the limits in other places/, & therefore supposing ye whole Empire in this largest extent to be about ye third part of the habitable world then known \to ye old Romans/, it will be but about ye fourth part thereof during the calamities of the fourth seal.

This I take to be a very singular character of these times, becaus I find not any other time since ye age of St Iohn to wch it can be applied. ffor there was no other time since the conquests of Trajan in wch ye limits of the Empire were on a sudden inlarged in so great a proportion.

The fift seale begins wth the tenth Persecution: that is in March A.D. 303 \that is wth the year 303/.

Since there are no more horsmen we are not any longer to be guided by the succession of Emperors but must limit the three remaining seales by the succession of such other things as are <31> exprest in them, so as to begin every seal where the things therein begin to be fulfilled, & end it where they end, or where those of ye next begin, wthout regarding whither that period be the beginning or end of ye reign of any Emperor.

Now I have shewn how Dioclesian & his colleagues by their conquests at length put a full end to ye plages {sic} of ye fourth seal, making ye Empire then more glorious & formidable then perhaps it ever was before \unless in Trajans reign/. And immediately after this foll\ow/ed ye tenth persecution. For Eusebius in his Chronicle records it thus.

Ann: Olymp: 270.1. Veturius Magister militiæ Christianos milites persequitur, paulatim ex illo \jam/ tempore persecutione adversum nos incipiente. This is but ye præludium after 40 years respite.

An. Ol. 270.2. Galerius Maximianus superato Narseo et uxoribus et liberis sororibusqꝫ ejus captis, a Dioclesiano ingenti honore suscipitur. Dioclesianusqꝫ et Maximianus Augusti insigni pompa Romæ triumpharunt, antecedentibus currum eorum Narsei conjuge sororibus liberis & omni præda qua Parthos spoliaverant.

Ann Oly

Decima Persecutio

An. Ol. 270.3. Decimo nono anno Dioclesiani Mense Martio in diebus Paschæ,b[26] Ecclesiæ subversæ sunt.

An. Ol. 270.4. Secundo \anno/ Pesecutionis {sic} anno Dioclesianus Nicomediæ Maximianus Mediolani purpuram deposuerunt. &c

Wherefore since this persecution, wch as I shewed in Prop     Arg     is ye subject of ye fift seal, begins where the plagues of ye fourth seale end, that common period must be ye common period of ye fourth & fift seal.

This limitation is also manifest by ye inlargement of the Empire at this time from a fourth part to a third part of ye habitable world then known.

The sixt seale begins at ye victory of Constantine over Maxentius. A.D. 312.

ffor this c[27] victory put an end to ye a[28] ten years persecution b & was ye first & most fatall blow to heathenism, being <32r> that victory wherein Constantine, {illeg} newly converted, had that singular incouragement from heaven by a vision of ye cross wth this inscription ἐν τουτω νικα. Constantinus \saith Eusebius/ ubi Maxentium superaverat{illeg}, conspirante secum Licinio, {sciendū} {illeg} legem statuunt in qua deum Christianorum plenissimis laudibus prosequuntur, et ipsum sibi autorem totius virtutis atqꝫ operis profitentur, ipsumqꝫ de tyranno præstitisse victoriam, et ideo ab universis huic venerationem cultumqꝫ deferendum. Hanc legem etiam ad Maximinum qui tunc orientis partibus dominabatur, emittunt. At ille ingentibus Imperatorum rebus gestis perterritus, tametsi quæ scribebantur contraria sibi & aliena mentis suæ proposito viderentur, tamen quoniam resistere non audebat, \statuit/ velut ex suo arbitrio atqꝫ autoritate legem pro Christianis similis sententiæ promulgare: in qua asseveraret majoribus quidem suis prioribus Augustis visum fuisse Christianorum gentem tanquam deorum cultui adversam, penitus esse delendam: se quoqꝫ aliquamdiu ratum simili {illeg} debere uti sententia. Sed quoniam eo magis gens ista propagetur et crescat quo maximè putatur inhiberi, velle se potius ut siquidem blandis quis ad deorum cultum persuasionibus acquiescat, recipiatur: nullus verò cogatur invitus sed habeat in arbitrio suo quisqꝫ velit ritu colere deum: neqꝫ pro hoc commotionem ullam {sic} vel perturbationem provincialibus inferendam. |Eccl. Hist. l 9. c 9. Interpr. Ruff.| Thus you see by this one victory an universal peace was restored to ye church. And from hence foreward Christianity triumphed over the {sic} church Paganism. ffor about ten years after when Licinius began to fall off from the Christians & make new troubles in the Church Constantine a[29] overcame him also, & after eight years more (that is in ye b[30] 25t yeare of his reign) he caused the heathen worship to cease \throwing down their Idols,/ demolishing many \some/ of their Temples, & shutting up all ye rest: wch {the Author} Eusebius thus describes. Symbol (circle surmounted by a cross surmounted by a circle) in text < insertion from f 31v > Symbol (circle surmounted by a cross surmounted by a circle) in text describes. Quorundam delubrorum vestibula ejus mandato in quoqꝫ civitate nudata, portæqꝫ dirutæ. Aliorum tectum cum laquearibus, tegulis ablatis deturbatum. Aliorum insignia monumenta ex ære fabricata in foro Constantinopoleos omnibus palam proposita ut intuentium oculis pro turpi spectaculo subjicerentur. Hic Pythius, illic Sminthius, in ipso Circo Tripodes Delphici, Helconides Musæ in palatio. Quinetiam eadem ipse {civitas} Constantinopolis tota simulachris quæ erant apud quasqꝫ gentis Dijs consecrata & ex ære artificiosè elaborata passim referta fuit. Euseb. in vita Constantini \lib 3. cap 52/. Afterwards he proceeds to describes ye demolishing of two of ye most famous temples, & then adds. Cum itaqꝫ that of Venus in Phoœnicia & that of Æsculapius in Cilicia; & then adds: Cùm itáqꝫ Gentiles Delubrorum suorum & statuarum ubiqꝫ vastitatem reipsa intuerentur: alij ad salutare Dei verbum se totos conferre, alij licet non illud ipsum agerent, patriam tamen et avitam inscitiam improbare & quos olim deos existimaverant risu et ludibrio insectari cœperunt. cap 55. And of ye Temples not overthrown he further adds. Omninò omnibus Imperio subjectis Gentibus {sic} & Legionibus, Idololatriæ fores clausæ erant, repressumqꝫ quodvis Idolis sacrificandi genus lib 4. cap 23. The same writes Sozomenes transcribing these passages of Eusebius. |And so Ierome in Chron: Pacatiano et Hilariano Coss: Edicto, inquit, Constantini Gentilium Templa subversa sunt. And Eunapius in Ædesio: Constantinus τὰ των ἱερων ἐπιφανέστατα κατέστρεφε{illeg} fana toto orbe celeberrima evertebat. Whence you may perceive ye error of Theodorit|

I suppose I need not here insist upon ye application

Besides all this Constantine took away ye revenues for maintaining ye heathen worship, & his sons, especially Constantius, prosecuted Heathenism much more then he, as their successor Iulian & ye Orator Libanius \another Heathen & Chron: Alexandr./ inform us. Ⓧ < insertion from f 32v > Ⓧ Eodem anno (Constantini 20mo) Constantinus Imperator totius Imperij Romani solus, omnia ubiqꝫ Idola dejecit, & pecunias omnes omnesqꝫ opes illis detractas ad Ecclesias Christi ornandas & Christianos transtulit. (Chron. Alexandr.) Vbiqꝫ rerum — < text from f 31v resumes > Vibqꝫ rerum omnium [regnante scil: Constantio] inerat fœda perturbatio. Paterna liberi templa demoliebantur ab ipso quidam patre, ante contempta ac donarijs spoliata: quæ cùm alij pleriqꝫ tum majores illius præcipue dedicaverant. — Iuvenis autem [Iu {sic} <32v> [Iulianus scilicet qui de seipso per Parabolam loquitur] cum innumera illa mala vidisset quæ propinquis suis & patruelibus illata fuerant, nihil propius fuerat quàm ut calamitatum magnitudine perculsus in inferos sese præcipitem daret. &c. {illeg} /Iulianus\ Imp. Orat 7 ad Heraclium. Constantius est atqꝫ illius regnum qui acceptas a patre malorum scintillas, ad incendium magnum provexit opus: ille enim opulentiâ Deos spoliavit; hic etiam templa funditus evertit, & omni lege sacra abrogata, dedit se quibus scimus. Libanius \in/ Orat. Apolog. < text from f 32r resumes > <33r> I suppose I need not here insist upon ye application of ye sixt seale to these actions: namely how ye Sun's becoming black signifies ye casting out of the Dragon, that old serpent the God of ye heathens; or how ye Moon's being turned into blood signifies ye slaughter \ceasing/ of his Pontifex maximus ye \race of Heathen Emperors/ Emperors, or (if you had rather so interpret it) ye slaughter \ceasing or metaphorical death/ of ye heathen church if I may so call those of that religion. And much less need I repeat ye application \interpretation/ of ye starrs falling, ye heavens departing, the hiding of men in dens & rocks, & ye great shaking &c; all wch are a lively description of ye overthrow of this Kingdom of Idolatries.

The seventh Seale began {sic} at ye peace made wth ye Goths A.{sic}. 380.

Because the sixt seale is a description of the absolute \perpetual/ abolishing of ye heathen reli worship, \as is manifest by the Dragons remaining cast down for the future/ it cannot end before that worship be for ever abolished |generall & perpetuall abolishing of the Heathen worship wthin ye Empire as is manifest by ye Dragons remaining cast down for ye future: it cannot end so long as there is a generall relaps. And therefore since| And therefore since {sic} Iulian ye Apostate \intirely restored that worship/ causing all ye temples to be opened again wch Constantine had shut up, it cannot end before his death: no nor before ye death of Valentinian & Valens. For although Iovian shut up ye Temples again, & Valentinian & Valens also at ye beginning of their reign confirmed ye abrogation of that worship by a new edict: yet Valentinian, by ye persuasion of Prætextatus a[31] who was a very zealous heathen, soon after reversed it by a contrary edict, & from thence foreward tolerated all religions. Quia legum promulgationes (saith Zosimus in lib 4) instituere decreverat; exorsus ab ipso lare (quod aiunt) nocturna sacra fieri prohibuit: qua lege coercere volebat ea quæ sceleratè designarentur. Sed cum Prætextatus, qui pro Consule |  Proconsule Græciam administrabat vir omni virtute præstans hanc legem diceret vitam injucundam et acerbam Græcis parituram si futurum esset ut mysteria sanctissima, quæ genus humanum <34r> continerent, prohiberentur: peragi ea rite, ut \vi/ legis suæ cessante, permisit; ita tamen, ut omnia secundum patrias consuetudines quales ab initio fuissent, perficerentur. To the same purpose there is found an \extant also this/ other Edict of Valentinian: a[32] Aruspicinam ego nulla nullum cum maleficiorum causis habere consortium judico, neqꝫ ipsam aut aliquam præterea concessam a majoribus religionem genus esse arbitror criminis: Testes sunt leges a me in exordio Imperij mei datæ, quibus unicuiqꝫ quod animo imbibisset, colendi libera facultas tributa est. Nec aruspicinam rerephendimus, sed nocenter exerceri vetanus. Dat 4 Kal. Iunij. Trevir. Gratiano A. 2. & Probo Coss. b[33] He suffered also ye Altar of Victory to stand in yeCapitol, & the Senators there to perform their gentile rites. c[34] He indowed their Priests also wth priveleges & honours & so much indulged the heathen religion that Symmachus pleading for it to his Son Valentinian ye 2d, said thus in ye conclusion: Eum religionum statum petimus qui Divo parenti culminis vestri servavit Imperium, qui fortunato Princip legitimos suffecit hæredes. Spectat senior ille divus ex arce siderea lachrymas Sacerdotum, & se culpatum putat more violato quem libenter ipse servabat.[35] Other Authors speak \of him/ to ye same purpose, but this is enough to show that he tolerated Gentilism perhaps no less than Iulian. And so Valens in ye Eastern parts although he had a greater earnestness for religion then his brother & therefore was less likely to tolerate heathenism, \at least in the latter part of his reign,/ yet its probable his brother's actions might have some influence upon his dominions. Theodoret accuses him for this toleration & excuses Valentinian, but I suspect he transposed their names out of partiality: ffor Sozomenes saith[36] \that in/ Constantinople (ye seat of Valens) after ye reign of Constantine, there were neither Altars nor pagan Temples, nor sacrifices made unless for a short time in ye reign of Iulian wch was streight extinct. And its known that Valens persecuted ye Heathen Philosophers severely for some treasonable practises that some of them committed being weary of his reign. However whither Valens tolerated Heathenism or not, it's enough that Valentinian did \it/ in his part of the Empire. And I find not yt his sons after him, Gratian & Valentinian 2, restrained it untill ye reign of Theodosius, but <35r> rather ye contrary. ffor Baronius \in his Annals/[37] shows by some old monuments of Rome dated in ye first & second years of their reign that they also tolerated it. But soon after Theodosius began his reign it was universally restrained by the joynt indeavour of him & Gratian. < insertion from f 33v > And the same did Valens in ye eastern parts, ffor Theodorit: lib 5 cap 21 writes thus of him: Constantinus Gentilium templa a[38] nequaquam destruxerat sed occludi tantum præceperat. Ejus quoqꝫ filij paternis institerunt vestigijs. At Iulianus impietatem renovavit. Iovianus denuò prohibuit Valentinianus deinde major b[39] ijsdem usus legibus Europam gebernavit Valens vero alijs quidem omnibus permisit colere ut vellent, ijsqꝫ quos colerent observantiam exhibere: solis orthodoxis bellum inferens. Itaqꝫ quamdiu ille Imperium tenuit, et in aris incendebantur thura: & libamenta ac sacrificia simulachris suis offerebant Pagani, & publicas epulas in for celebrabant. Et Bacchi sachris initiati cum caprinis pellibus cursitabant, canes discerpentes, furentesqꝫ & bacchantes & alia peragentes quibus magistri ipsorum festus dies indicatur. Quæ omnia cùm fieri reperisset fidelissimus Imperator Theodosius, funditus sustulit, & perpetua oblivione texit. The like practises of ye heathens permitted by Valens when he resided for some time at Antioch, he describes also in lib 4 cap 24. |And in| |Baro|Before yenius his Annals Ann 377 sect 1 you may see more of this Emperor to ye same purpose. |Cedrenus also writes Septimo sui anno Valens Græcis licentiam dedit sacrificandi & festos dies agendi.|

Before ye end of these Emperors therefore —

And the same did Valens in ye eastern parts. ffor Theodoret \(l 4. c 24)/ writes thus of him: Valens \In Antiochia Valens plurimo tempore commoratus/ omnibus licentiam dedit Gentilibus atqꝫ Iudæis, necnon hæreticis. Nam et gentiles festivitates agebant dæmonibus ministrantes & post Iulianum a Ioviano Idololatriæ vanitates extinctas, florere rursus iste permisit: et Iovis cultum atqꝫ Dionysij, sacraqꝫ Cereris jam non in occulto tanquam sub pio Imperatore celebrabant, sed per mediam plateam bacchantes ubiqꝫ currebant. Hist. Trip. l 8. c 3. You may see more of this Emperor to ye same purpose in Baronius his Annals An 377 sec 1. Nor do I find that Gratian & Valentinian 2 ye sons & successors of Valentinian 1 restrained this worship untill ye reign of Theodosius but rather –

Before ye end of these Emperors therefore we cannot account ye sixt Seal accomplished, but in ye beginning of ye next Emperors Gratian & Theodosius we may. For Gratian (who began A.C. 375) set himself to restrain ye heathen worship from ye beginning of his reign as is manifest by ye demolishing of Idols even at Rome it self by Gracchus in ye time of his Vrbane Prefecture a[40] A.C. 376 & 377 wch Ierome in Epist. 7 thus mentions: Ante annos paucos propinquus vester Gracchus nobilitatem patriciam sonans nomine, cùm Præfecturam gereret urbanam, nonne specum Mithræ & omnia portentosa simulachra, quibus Corax, Niphus <34v> Miles, Leo, Perses, Helios, Bromius pater initiantur, subvertit, fregit, excussit; & his quasi obsidibus \ante/ præmissis, impetravit baptismum Christi. Solitudinem patitur et in Vrbe Gentilitas. Dij quondam Nationum cum bubonibus & noctuis in solis culminibus remanserunt. Vexilla militum Crucis insignia sunt. So Prudentius adversus Symmachum lib 1.

Iam quid Plebicolas percurram nomine Gracchos {illeg}

Iure potestatis fultos, & in arce Senatus

Præcipuos, simulachra Deûm jussisse revelli,

Cumqꝫ suis pariter lictoribus omnipotenti

Suppliciter Christo se consecrasse regendos?

And as Gratian did in ye west, so did Theodosius soon after in ye east. For in ye 3d year of his reign he put forth his Edict. Siquis se vetitis – |Chron. Alexandr. its written Indat. 7. Ausonio et Olybrio Coss. Theodosius Imperator| reddidit Templa Catholicis ubiqꝫ repurgata – Fana vero Paganorum ab usqꝫ fundamentis evertit. Constantinus clausit tantum, Theodosius hic etiam diruit. And Theodosius in ye 3d year of his reign put forth this Edict: Siquis se vetitis — < text from f 35r resumes > ffor in ye 4th|3d| year of his reign he put forth this Edict. [41] Siquis se vetitis sacrificijs diuturnis nocturnisqꝫ velut vesanus et sacrilegus incertorum consultorum immerserit, fanumqꝫ sibi aut templum ad hujusmodi sceleris excusationem assumendum crediderit vel puteverit adeundum; proscriptione se noverit subjugandum; cum nos justa institutione moneamus castis Deum precibus excolendum non diris carminibus profanandum. Dat 13 Kal. Ian. Constantinop. Eucherio & Syagrio Coss. \**/[42] < insertion from f 34v > ** And the next year there was another edict superscribed: Imppp. Gratianus Valentinianus & Theodosius AAA, Palladio Duci Osdroenæ; wch concludes thus — ne illic \(sc. in templis)/ prohibitorum usus sacrificiorum hujus occasione aditus permissus esse credatur. Dat. prid. Kal. Decebmb. Constantinop. Antonio et Syagrio Coss. These were in the years 381 & 382 but ye words vetita sacrificia imply one or more former edicts of ye same kind; & Zosimus \(lib 4)/ describing ye actions of Theodosius in ye last year of ye triennial Gothic war (A.C. 380) subjoynes{illeg}: Deum quoqꝫ simulachra per omnes urbes & agros oppugnabat: adeoqꝫ periculum cunctis – < text from f 35r resumes > These {sic} were {sic} in ye yeare|s| 381{sic} \& 382./ This was in ye yea but ye words vetita sacrificia præsuppose \imply/ a former edict, wch we may suppose to have ben most probably in ye year before \at the end of the Gothic war/, because then these two Emperors having newly made an end of their wars & established their Empire in peace, first set them selves to regulate matters of religion as we shall have occasion to show hereafter. |Or rather we may suppose it to have been ⊛| < insertion from f 34v > ⊛ a little before ye end of that war becaus Zosimus (lib 4) describing the actions of Theodosius during \in ye last year of/ that war adds: Deum quoqꝫ Simulachra per omnes urbes et agros oppugnabat: adeoqꝫ periculum cunctis imminebat qui esse Deos putabant vel in cœlum omninò suspiciebant & quæ in eo conpiciuntur adorabant. Dumqꝫ hæc Theodosius ageret Gratianus Imperator ad Legiones Illyrici Prætorem mittit Vitalianum, &c: wch \This/ mission of Vitalian was that wch ended ye Gothic war; as you shall hear prsently, & therefore this acting of Theodosius happened in ye year 380, & we may most probably suppose yt it commence \began/ in ye time of his sicknes at Thessalonica \when he was baptized & {illeg} himsel began to concern himself about religion/, for till then he was so much taken up in Gothic war that he had little or no time to turn himself to any other business. |Nor was he baptised before that time nor so much as determined in his religion.|

The year 380 we may therefore account ye last year of ye heathen worship tollerated & consequently ye end of ye sixt seal. ffor that worship was never to any considerable degree restored again, but from thence foreward lost all hopes of reviving. For now & not till now a[43] ye revenues for ye Sacrifices & ye stipends of ye Priests were all taken away & b[44] Gratian, (& after his example I suppose Theodosius also) rejected ye very title of Pontifex Maximus wch it was ye custome of ye heathen Priests to present ye Emperors wth in ye beginning of their reign, & all former Emperors, even Constantine ye great & his Son Constantius had accepted of & retained. And though there were c[45] Embassies —

< text from f 35r resumes >

The {sic} \year 380/ we may therefore account ye last year of ye heathen worship & consequently ye end of ye sixt seale. |ffor that worship was| never restored again, but from hence forward \by degrees/ lost all hopes of reviving. ffor about this time or soon after, a[46] the revenues for the Sacrifices & ye stipends of ye Priests were all taken away, & b[47] Gratian (who was slain by Maximus in ye year 383) rejected ye very title of Prontifex {sic} Maximus wch ye Emperors had retained till that time. And though there were c[48] Embassies from ye Senate to ye Emperors {illeg} insurrections by Maximianus & Eugenius \for the Altar of Victory, & that petition (after two denyals granted \was granted by Maximus for a year & after two denyals)/ by Eugenius for two years/ yet all could not recover their abolished worship: \neither were \Maximus r[49] / Eugenius & \or s[50] Orosius/ heathens as some have thought, nor his reign of above two years continuance/ The Temples indeed were not yet unviersally demolished {illeg} untill the year d[51] ye 4th year of ye reign of Arcatius & Honorius & some time after \or rather not then, ye most of them being converted to ye use of Christians —–/. But its enough that they were all shut up \or almost all shut up & so their use taken away from/ about ye year 380: ffor I reccon ye \not the demolishing of the \mere/ wood & stone after ye worship was ceased, but ye last universal/ ceasing of ye worship to be ye accomplishment of ye casting out ye Dragon out of heaven & consequently the conclusion of the sixt Seal. |For the better understanding of wch| < insertion from the right margin > I desire you would consider ye import of the last words of this seale wch run thus: {And the kings of the} <35v> earth & the great men & the rich men & the chief Captains & ye mighty men & every bond man & every free man hid themselves in ye Dens & in ye Rocks of ye Mountains & said to ye Mountains & rocks: Fall on us & hide us &c. [That is; All ye Idols of every sort \& condition/ hid themselves wthin the cavities & walls of their Temples & said to ye walls; fall on us & hide us.] In wch \this/ parable ye passive Idols for ye elegancy of ye figure are represented active by transferring ye actions of men to them. Restore \Detract/ therefore ye actions to men yt ye Idols \from them that they/ may remain passive, & then the sense will be this; that men hid or shut up all ye Idols of every sort & condition in {illeg} temples their Temples & said let the walls fall on them |yt ye Idols \of every sort & condition/ were hid wthin ye walls cavities & walls of their Temples & it was said to the walls, fall on them: that is ye Idol the cavities & walls of their Temples & it was said to the walls Temples were shut up, & the sentence past that they should {illeg} be demolished thrown down.| Wherefore since it is not here said that they did fall but only that their fall was wished or prounounced \or wished/: {illeg} we must end this seale wth ye last universall shutting up of the Temples & leave ye consequent demolishing of them to ye next times of ye next; interpreting ye \precedent/ falling of ye stars & shaking \removing/ of ye mountains & Islands \out of their places/ & ye departure of ye heavens, to be meant of Constantine's \& his son's/ throwing down Idols wth their Temples \& taking away their/ Altars [whither high like mountains or low like Islands] & of his demolishing some temp the whole fabric of some \many/ Temples & ye porches & roofs & other ornaments of others {illeg} in every City; & this hiding of men in mountains \Dens/ & Rocks of mountains to be meant chiefly of that final shutting up of ye Temples by Gratian & Theodosius wch was ye preparation to their throwing down by Theodosius & his sons.

< text from f 35r resumes >

This is one character of the end of ye sixt Seal & <36r> consequently of S the beginning of ye seventh. Another we have from the [beginning of the half howers silence & of the \half howers silence, that is peace, &/ holding {of} ye four winds wch were to hurt ye earth & ye sea: that is of ye restraining of those wars wch were already begun, & when the restraint was taken of should break forth again to hurt the nations signified by ye earth & ye sea. ffor ye silence in heaven \holding of the winds/ presupposes a noise \winds/ (that is wars) before it began |they were held|, & therefore ye holding of ye winds must be a restraint of that war for a time. We are therefore to begin |for how could that be held or restrained wch never was in being. We are therefore, since these winds were to be loosed again to hurt ye earth & sea, to begin| the seventh seale at ye restraint of those wars wch after a while brake forth again to ye great hurt of ye Empire.

Now I shewed above how Dioclesian expelled all ye Barbarians & reduced ye empire to a very splendid & formidable condition before ye fift seal. In this glory it continued during ye reign of Constantine \but in the reign of/ & his sons < insertion from f 35v > Some wars Constantius had wth ye Persians & Alemans, but \not great &/ rather with advantage & glory then danger to ye Empire, insomuch that his empire rather exceeded then came short of his ffathers: as you may learn out of Gregory Nazianzen's 1st Oration agt Iuli adversus Iulianum writen immediately after Iulian's death where he thus pleads \expostulates/ wth Constantius for making Iulian Emperor. Quodnam hoc consilium suscepisti qui omnes non tuæ solum sed etiam superioris memoriæ Imperatores animi solertia et acumine longe antecellebas? Qui barbaras nationes per gyrum repurgabas, tyrannosqꝫ intestinos ditioni tuæ partim sermonibus partim armis subjiciebas, & quidem utrumqꝫ ita dextrè et egregiè, quasi ab altero nihil molestiæ tibi exhiberetur: cujus cum magna et eximia trophæa armis et prælio quæsita, tum majora et illustriora sine ulla cruoris profusione parta: ad quem legationes et supplicationes undecunqꝫ confluebant: cui nationes omnes partim jam dicto audientes erant, partim jamjam futuræ erant; ut in eadem causa essent omnes ij quorum expugnatio in {spe} {sic} posita erat, ac si jam domiti atqꝫ in potestatem redacti essent: &c. Et sub initio Orationis: Audi hæc, inquit, etiam Constantij magni anima, siquis mortuis sensus est, omnesqꝫ eorum qui Imperium ante ipsum tenuerunt, piæ Christiqꝫ amantes animæ, verùm illa [sc. Constantij] præ cæteris, quoniam cùm simul cum Christi hæreditate crevisset eamqꝫ pro viribus auxisset, temporisqꝫ diuturnitate confirmasset, adeo ut omnes qui unquam imperio {potiti} fuerant splendore gloriâqꝫ superarit, — ignoratione [sc. in Creando Iuliano Imperatore] lapsus est.


Hoc modo res Romanorum floruêre sub Constantio, sed successoris ejus Iuliani præcipitantia in \Imperium/ bello Persico Imperium primò minutum fuit, & mox innumeris bellis ingruentibus vehementer concussum ad usqꝫ imperium Theodosij & tantum non subversum: ita ut hunc primum fuisse gradum ad ruinam Imperij [52] Medus noster statuerit ({illeg} statuerit, & nemo certe negaverit \non viderit/. Sed bella audiamus, incipiente ea \eorum {exordium} ea/ intio Imperij Valentiniani et Valentis sic cooorta sunt /sic coorta esse sic\ \exordium sic tradit Ammianus/. Hoc tempore, inquit Ammianus, < text from f 36r resumes > yet not wthout some although succesles attempts of ye Barbarians, but in ye \first &/ second year of Valentinian & Valens it began again to be threatned by a notable storm \untill toward the latter part of the reign of Constantius. But then the Persians on the one hand & the Alemans first & on the other began \again/ to trouble the Empire, And before these could be well quieted there brake forth new storms in the beginning of the reign of Valentinian./ Hoc tempore, saith Ammianus,[53] velut per universum orbem Romanum bellicum canentibus buccinis, excitæ gentes sævissimæ limites sibi proximos persultabant: Gallias Retiasqꝫ simul Alemanni populabantur, Sarmatæ Pannonias et Quadi: Picti Saxones et Scoti et Attacotti Britannos ærumnis vexavere continuis: Austoriani Mauricæqꝫ aliæ gentes Africam solito acrius incursabant; Thracias diripiebant prædatorij globi Gotthorum: Persarum Rex manus Armenijs injectabat. And whilst Valentinian & his brother were buisied in repulsing these enemies,[54] the Hunns from beyond the Lake Mæotis breaking {sic} through ye \intermediate/ regions of ye Alans [wch were \seated/ upon ye river Tanais between them & the Goths;] & forcing many of that people along wth them; they invade ye Goths [a great & ancient nation seated beyond ye Danube on ye north of Thrace,] & expell them out of their <37r> seats: who fleeing from them in two parts to ye side of ye Danube, ye one part supplicated Valens to receive them into his Dominions & protection, promising obedience. But being admitted into Thrace, ye next year through famin & oppression they were provoked to rebell & spoile ye country & under ye conduct of Fritigern put to flight ye Roman forces wch came to suppress them. In ye mean time ye other part also passed ye Danube wthout leave under ye conduct of Alatheus & Saphraces, & sided {sic} ye other Goths against ye Romans, many of ye Hunns & Alans also being invited to joyne wth them.

When Valens heard of these troubles he made peace wth ye Persians & led his army against this new enemy but was a[55] overthrown by them neare Hadrianople wth a b[56] very great slaughter scarce ye third part of his Army escaping & himself being burnt in a Cottage whether he fled for safety. And after this they a raged up & down Thrace & Mœsia & ye neighbouring Provinces a {illeg} from ye very walls of Constantinople to ye roots of ye Iulian Alps; harassing & spoiling all places & captivating or killing many of ye inhabitants. This was in ye year 378: But ye next year Theodosius being made Emperor instead of Valens, set upon them & repulsed them in severall battels wth very great slaughter. But then falling sick at Thessalonica, ye Barbarians {sic} again brake into ye neighbouring regions depopulating all places as before: wch Gratian hearing of c[57] sent Baudo, Arbogastes & Vitalian against them, whereof Baudo & Arbogastes expelled those wch had invaded Macedon & Thessaly, & Vitalian represt Fritigern in Achaia & Epire & Alatheus & Saphraces in Pannonia & \Theodosius also after his recovery appearing again in the feild. Thus after divers victories ye war was finished/ towards ye end of ye d[58] year 380 made peace wth them in ye name of ye Emperours \the Emperor yn making peace with the Barbarians/, \& upon conditions/ granting them Thrace to inhabit as before.

This I have described |ye| more particularly becaus it was ye irruption wch historians account to have been ye caus of ye dissolution of ye Empire. Sub mortem Valentiniani in Orientis regno Gothorum Gens sedibus suis pulsa per omnes se Thracias infudit armisqꝫ urbes et agros vastare feraliter <38r> cœpit: et Valens ab hostibus circumventus in prælio quo ex bello trepidus confugerat exustus est: quæ pugna initium mali Romano Imperio tunc et deinceps fuit. Ruffin: in calce Eusebij l 11. c 13. Hunnos Gothi transito Danubio fugientes a Valente sine ulla fœderis pactione suscepti sunt, qui tribuit eis terras Thraciarū ad habitandum, arbitratus præparatum solatium ab ejs habere contra omnes barbaros: hac pro re milites de cætero negligebantbat, et eos qui dudum contra hostes elaboraverant Imperator despiciebat. – Hoc ergo fuit initium ut in illo tempore Romana Respublica calamitatibus subderetur. Barbari namqꝫ cum Thracias tenuissent, licenter Romanorum vastabant Provincias &c. P. Diaconus Hist. Miscel. l 12. c14. |Sic et Platina cladem et interitum Valentis referens: Hæc, inquit,clades Romani Imperij ac totius Italiæ exitium fuit. Platin. in vit. Syricij Et Medus Anglus in Apostasia novissimorū temporum \l. 3 c. 14/, de gradibus ruinæ Occidentalis Imperij locutus facit hanc bellorum congeriem, quâ imperium toto regno Valentiniani et Valentis laboravit, esse primum gradum, et expugnationem urbis Romæ per Alaricum (de quâ {post} secundum|

The war \of the Goths/ Idatius in his ffastus consulares describes thus. Valente 5 & Valentiniano Coss. (i.e. A.{sic}. 376) victi et expulsi sunt Gothi a gente Hunnorum & suscepti a Romanis. Proximo anno rebellarunt, annoqꝫ tertio 5 Id. August. Valens vincitur a Gothis & toto anno per diœcesim Thraciarum & Scythiæ & Mœsiæ Gothi habitarunt, simul et eas prædaverunt, deinde usqꝫ ad portas urbis Constantinopolitanæ venerunt. Tunc Ausonio et Olybrio Coss: (A.C. 379) Theodosius fit Augustus 14 Kal. Feb. Ipsoqꝫ anno multa bella Romani cum Gothis commiscuerunt. Deinde victoriæ nunciatæ sunt adversus Gothos Alanos atqꝫ Hunnos 15 Kal. Decemb. Proximo anno (A.C. 380) Gratiano 5 & Theodosio Aug. Coss. victoriæ nunciatæ sunt amborum {illeg} Augustorum. Et ipso anno ingressus est Theodosius Constantinopolin 18 Kal. Decemb. {Post die} Deinde Antonio et Syagrio Coss (A.C. 382) universa gens Gothorum cum Rege in Romaniam se d[59] tradiderunt, 5 Non: Octob. [Nempe biennio post initam pacem.] Idatij To ye same purpose speake Ierome, Prosper, Marcelline & Victor, lamenting ye war of Valens & expressing how ye|T|heodosius overcame ye Goths Huns & Alans in many & great Victories. \/ < insertion from f 37v > ✝ Also Gregory Nazianzen who lived then in Constantinople, speaking of Theodosius's return thither from these wars, thus hints his victories.

*[60] En Imperator advenit nobis repens

Terra ex Macedna, Marte domitis Barbaris,

Stimularat ingens quos manus & ingens furor

But Gregory ye Presbyter in ye life of Gregory Nazianzen describes these victories more fully. Cùm autem, inquit, bellum illud quod cum Occidentalibus Barbaris gestum fuerat, sopitum atqꝫ Imperatori \{in}/ ex animi sententia confectum fuisset, ab ijsqꝫ ille, quas eorum adacia merebatur pœnas expetisset, captivosqꝫ cœpisset, & victis tributa imposuisset; ad Augustam urbem adfuit triumphis elatus & gestiens. Ac tum pontificem Gregorium honorificè excipiens – Ecclesiam & Thronum Episcopalem ei tradidit. Zosimus when he had newly – < text from f 38r resumes > And Zosimus when he had newly described ye same war, adds: Eodem tempore (scilicet quo Gothi a Vitalione reprimerentur) Theodosio quidam a[61] alij quoqꝫ prosperi casus accidere. Nam Scyros & Carpodacos permistos Hunnis ultus est & prælio superatos Istrum trajicere suasqꝫ <39r> sedes repetere compulit. Hinc igitur militibus animorum fiducia redire, paululumqꝫ videri de rebus adversis superiorum temporum respirare Princeps, & agricolis exercendarum operarum suarum jumentis ac pecoribus liberi pastus copia fieri, ac Theodosius quidem Imperator in hunc modum acceptis detrimentis mederi visus est. Zos. l 4. |To ye same purpose writes Claudian de 4to Consulatu Honorij. **|

< insertion from f 38v >

** Nam cum Barbaries penitus commota gementem

Irrueret Rhodopen, & mixto turbine gentes;

Cùm deserta suas in nos transfuderat arctos,

Danubij totæ vomerent cùm prælia ripæ,

Gum Geticis ingens premeretur Mœsia plaustris,

Flavaqꝫ Bistonios operirent agmina campos:

Omnibus afflictis & vel labentibus ictu,

Vel prope casuris, unus tot funera contra

Restitit, extinxitqꝫ faces, agrisqꝫ colonos

Reddidit, & leti rapuit de faucibus urbes.

Nulla relicta foret Romani nominis umbra

Ni pater

This was ye change which Theodosius on a sudden wronght in ye Empire wch was so great yt Claudian in ye next words subjoynes

Nulla relicta foret Romani nominis umbra

< text from f 39r resumes >

Nulla relicta foret Romani nominis umbra

Ni pater ille tuus jamjam ruitura subisset

Pondera, turbatamqꝫ ratem, certâqꝫ levasset

Naufragium commune manu &c.

So Orosius:[62] Cùm Gratianus afflictum ac penè collapsum reipublicæ statum videret, eadem provisione qua quondam legerat Nerva Hispanum virum Trajanum per quem respublica reparata est, legit et ipse Theodosium æquè Hispanum virum et restituendæ reip. necessitate apud Syrmium purpuram induit. Orientisqꝫ et Thraciæ simul præfecit Imperio. – Itaqꝫ Theodosius Alanos Hunnos et Gothos incunctanter aggressus et magnis multisqꝫ prælijs vicit. Vrbem Constantinopolim victor intravit et ne parvam ipsam Romani exercitus manum assiduè bellando deterreret, fœdus cum Athanarico rege Gothorum percussit. Athanaricus autem continuò ad Contantinopolin venit, diem obijt. Vniversæ Gothorum gentes Rege defuncto, aspicientes virtutem benignitatemqꝫ Theodosij Romano sese Imperio dediderunt. < insertion from inline > Zosimus {illeg} further adds: Theodosius, tantam sepulturæ Athanarici regis Athanarici magni ficentiam adhibibat, ut — Scythæ non amplis amplius Romanos infestarent, bonitatem Principis admiradi {sic}: Quotquot autem cum Rege vita defuncto venerant, custodiendæ ripæ fluminis intenti, diu quo minus Romani vexarentur incursionibus, impedirent. Zos l 4.

{illeg} Of ye Persians also Orosius in his next words writes thus: In ijsdem – < text from f 39r resumes > In ijsdem etiam diebus, Persæ qui Iuliano interfecto alijsqꝫ Imperatoribus sæpe victis, nunc etiam Valente in fugam acto, recentissimæ victoriæ satietatem cruda insultatione ructabant ultro Constantinopolim ad Theodosium misere Legatos pacemqꝫ supplices poposcerunt. Ictumqꝫ tunc fœdus est quo universus Oricus usqꝫ ad nunc tranquillissimè fruitur. This Orosius wrote in ye year 417 as is manifest by his last chapter: |whence it appears yt ye Empire was quiet from ye Persians during ye reign of Theodosius & for a good while after.|

Whilst these things were doing in ye Eastern parts, Gratian <40r> (who lately succeeded his father Valentinian) was imploied in defending Gallia from ye incursion of ye Alemans. Of these he slew about thirty thousand in battel wth their King A.C. 377,[63] & made them supplicate for peace. But then hastning eastward wth his Army wth intention to have assisted Valens against ye Goths: in his absence ye Alemans make a new irruption. Whereupon creating Theodosius Emperor & sending him against ye Goths, he returned back into Gallia & spent ye two next years in war wth ye Alemans, wch he concluded victoriously about ye same time that peace was made wth ye Goths. Gratiano 5 & Theodosio Aug. Coss. (i.e. A.C. 380) victoriæ nunciatæ sunt amborum Augustorum. Idatij Fast. Sub hoc tempore Gratianus, Alemannis Galatas (Gallos scilicet) occidentales adhuc infestantibus, ad paternam Imperij sortem reversus est quam ipsi fratriqꝫ ipsius gubernandam reliquerat: cùm priùs Illyricos et Orientis Imperium Theodosio commisisset. Res autem illi ex voto contra Alemannos ut et Theodosio contra Istrum acconentes Barbaros confecta est. Illos quidem bello subegit hos in amicitiam pouli Romani supplices recepit: a quibus acceptis obsidibus firmata pace Thessalonicam venit [ubi scilicet Theodosius tunc scilicet Theodosius tunc ægrotans commoratus erat] Sozom l 7. c 4. This was so difficult a war, Vt Valentinianus, saith Ammian,[64] versando sententias multiformes anxia sollicitudine stringebatur reputans multa & circumpspiciens quibus commentis Alemannorum & Macriani regis frangeret fastus sine fine vel modo rem Romanam inquietis motibus confundentis. Being thus at his wits end he first[65] sollicited ye Burgundians to his aid, & then[66] attempted to take away ye life of Macrianus by treachery & afterwards plotted to raise civil wars among ye Alemans by setting up another king among them against Macrianus: all wch practises were far fom ye custome of ye Romans. But yet {sic} at length his son Gratian as was now said brought things to a happy issue by conquering ye enemy.

For the history of ye wars wth ye Scots in Brittain, wth ye <41r> Moors & Austorians in Afric & Cyrenaica,[67] wth ye Isauri in Asia & wth ye Sarmatæ & Quadi in Pannonia (all wch were concluded before ye year 380,) I refer you to Ammianus Marcellin. And besides these you may see in Iornandes mention made of an incursion of ye Vandals out of Pannonia into Gallia: [wch Vandals as ye same Iornandes relates had been received into Pannonia by Constantine, & lived there in perfect obedience to ye Roman laws like other subjects for about 40 years before this commotion. And now they were soon repulsed by Gratian & forced to return to their obedience again in Pannonia |against whome Gratian went from Rome thither \forth/ from Rome & repulsed them| This was when Theodosius lay sick at Thessalonica.

To these I may add also a commotion threatned by ye Burgundians a[68] who in ye year 370 being invited by Valentinian against ye Alemans & disobliged by breach of covenant, went back in anger & after three years returned again d[69] wth about eighty thousand to ye side of ye Rhene wth intention to have invaded ye Empire. But Valentinian b[70] sending Gratian against them, their incursion was stayed for ye present. Yet they returned not home but seated themselves by ye river untill ye appointed time. b[71] Ierome expresses ye action thus. Anno 374 Burgundionum octoginta fermè millia, quot nunquam ante ad Rhenum descenderunt. And this I thought fit to mention here becaus though not an actual war yet it is a preparation to those wars yt are hereafter to break forth, & therefore may be reccond among ye winds that are at present checked.

I have now shown you how ye winds rose after ye death of Constantine & blew more & more upon ye Empire from every quarter till they indangered its overturning, but then were checked every where by ye Angels & so ye Empire reduced again to an universal tranquility: wch commencing at \neare the end of/ ye year 380 shows that we must date ye seventh seale from thence. And this being established you shall hear in ye next Position how ye winds are again let loos in order to blow upon ye empire till they consume it. Only I shal here for a confirmation of all that has been said add one more testimony, by wch you will further see not only how violent ye winds were before they were held but also wth what a strong hand they were held afterward. The passage is out of Pacatus his Panegyric wch he spake to ye Emperor Theodosius himself a little <42r> f[72] Moors & Aus\t/orians in Afric & Cyrenaica, wth ye Isauri in Asia & wth ye Sarmatæ & Quadi in Pannonia (all wch were concluded before ye year 380) I refer you to ye hist Ammian Marcellus And besides these you may see in Iornandes mention made of an incursion of ye Vandals out of Pannonia into Gallia: wch Vandals, as ye same Iornandes relates, had been received into Pannonina by Constantine, 7 lived there in perfect obedience to ye Roman laws like other subjects for about 40 years before this commotion. And now they were soon repulsed by Gratian & forced to return to their obedience again in Pannonia. This was when Theodosius lay sick at Thessalonica.

To these I may add also a commotion threatned by ye Burgundians, a[73] who in ye year 370 being invited by Valentinian against ye Alemans & disobliged by breach of covenant, went back in anger & after three years returned again wth almost {80} eighty thousand to ye side of ye Rhene wth intention to have invaded ye Empire. But Valentinian b[74] sending Gratian against them, their incursion was stayed for ye present, Yet they returned not home, but seated themselves by ye river untill ye appointed time. Ierome at ye end of Eusebius's Chronicle expresses the action thus. Anno 374 Burgundionum octoginta fermè millia, quot nunquam ante ad Rhenum descenderunt. And this I thought fit to mention here becaus though not an actual war yet it is a preparation to those wars that are hereafter to break forth, & therefore may be recconned among ye winds yt are at present checked.

I have now shown you how ye winds rose after ye death of Constantine, & blew more & more upon ye Empire from every quarter till they indangered its overturning, but then were checked every where by ye Angels & so ye Empire reduced to an universall tranquility & silence: wch commencing at ye year 380 shows yt we must date ye seventh seale from thence. And this being established, you shall hear in ye next Proposition how ye winds are again let loos in order to blow upon ye Empire till they consume it.

There is a third argument of the beginning of this seal {wch is ye} <42v> universall change of religion in ye end of ye year 380, wch of all changes that ever were wrought on a sudden in ye Christian Religion was ye greatest \most notable/ both in regard of ye universality, its being wrought over all ye Empire, & in regard of ye nature of ye things it being ye foundation \root & root/ of all following Apostacy, & in regard of ye unnatural quick & universal propagation, it be wrought by force on a sudden over all ye Empire; whereas all other corruptions that I can at prsent think of have crept in & spread themselves by amost insensible degrees. To those that understand ye religion of ye ancient {sic} Christians this will prove a most certain demonstration of ye *[75] beginning of this seal, but I shall not here prosecute ye argument becaus I would not now ingage my self in a dispute about religion. I proceed therefore to ye contents of the Seal.


The first Trumpet begins wth ye invasions of {sic} ye eastern regions A.C. 395. The second wth ye invasion of Gallia & Spain A.C. 408 {sic}. The third wth ye invasion of Afric A.C. 427. And ye fourth wth ye wars in Italy A.C. 536.

|Of ye loosing of ye Winds|

As the four Beasts were first Seales were introduced by ye four Beasts wch stood about ye four quarters of ye throne: so these four Trumpets are introduced by ye four Angels wch stand at ye four corners of the earth. Now whereas these hold ye four winds wch were to blow in those quarters we are thereby \(as was said)/ to understand theire preserving the four quarters of ye earth in peace by restraining for a time ye four wars wch were to infest them, & therefore by ye four winds we must understand so many wars wch were to be in ye four quarters of ye earth, & those successive becaus, as I signified above, they are ye wars of ye four first Trumpets. As for ye order of their succession we may learn it from their analogy wth ye four Beasts: namely ye first an east wind, ye second a west wind, ye third a south wind, & ye fourth a north wind; for in this order ye Beasts succeed one another. And becaus ye Roman Empire is ye scene of this Prophesy, we must reccon ye center of yt Empire, that is its Metropolis Rome to be ye center of ye winds.

Of the time of ye Altar cast on ye earth, & the consequent noises. \holy Rites./

Having premised these things of ye winds, I should now proceed to describe ye wars of the Trumpets wch they signify. But first there are some other wars between them & ye half howers silence to be taken notice of. ffor ye fire of ye Altar wch ye Angel wth his Censer cast on ye earth (Def     Psal    ) & ye consequent voices & thundrings & lightnings & shaking (Def     are <44r> all expressions of war. Now this war has these four characters. ffirst it is ye war wch puts an end to ye time of silence. 2 Becaus ye wars of ye Trumpets are expressed by winds wch lie still during this war, therefore this war must be of a different kind. Suppose ye difference be that this is {civil} \of between Romans wth one another/ & ye other wth a foreign enemy \Barbarians/; for winds blowing upon an Empire are ye most proper representatives of wars made by invaders. 3 This is to be such a war as is accompanied wth ye overthrow of some dominion. ffor so ye shaking signifies by Def     . 4 It is to be in a time wch has a very great affinity wth ye time of silence, so that both those \times/ together may make one uniform revolution, excepting so far as they are discriminated by this war in ye latter part of it. And ye reason of this is becaus both together make up ye whole time expressed by ye performance of divine rites in chap 8, & by ye sealing of ye saints in chap 7.

These are ye characters of ye war wch is to precede ye Trumpets, & they lead us to ye memorable civil wars of Theodosius wth Maximus & Eugenius. ffor those put an end to ye peace signified by ye half howers silence, & were \purely/ civile, & overthrew ye Dominions of Maximus & Eugenius, & together wth ye time of silence made up that singular & pretty uniform period of time during ye reign of Theodosius wch ended wth ye division of ye Empire & new irruptions of ye Barbarians.

Now these wars I reccon to begin about May or Iune A.C. 388, for between that & ye year 380 I cannot meet wth so much as one battel fought wthin ye Empire. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ There was indeed something to do between Gratian & ye Alemans after ye year 380, but whether ye Alemans invaded ye Romans again or ye Romans ye Alemans, or whether they had actuall wars or were only in a posture of war I find not set down in any historian. Had there ben any considerable battel, its probable some historian or other would have spake of it. But since historians are so silent it argues that there was nothing <45r> done of moment. And if there were actuall wars yet its most probable that they were transferred out of ye Empire into Alemannia becaus ye Alemans were conquered before & afterwards left so very much humbled as Claudian describes them.[76]

Besides this Gratian \indeed/ in ye year 383 when Maximus first rebelled led his army against him, but having formerly disobliged his soldiers a[77] they fell of from him to Maximus, insomuch that after ye armies had been only five days wthin sight of one another, he fled out of despair wthout giving battel & in his flight was b[78] slain \singly/ at Leiden by ye treachery of Andragatius: & Maximus succeeded in his part of ye Empire residing at Trevirs, & ruling over Gallia Spain & Brittain by ye consent of Theodosius & Valentinian.

* < insertion from f 44v > * There was also something to do wth ye Alemans, for they were not so far conquered by Gratian as \wholly/ to submit but kept themselves in a posture ready for further action, wch made Gratian watch them continaully with his sword in his hand. What further attempts they made in ye time of Gratian I know not: I read not of any. But soon after his death, taking advantage I suppose of his diversion {sic} by Maximus, the a[79] Iugunthians (one b[80] sort of the Alemans) made an inrode into Rhætia, but were soon reduced, not by ye Roman Legions but by ye Huns whom Valentinian \thereupon/ hired to invade Alemannia. And this proved such a firm restraint to this wind for ye future that it did not so much as breath any more upon ye Empire untill ye generall irruptions hereafter to be described. And as for ye prsent inrode though that may be compared to a blast of wind,yet it being only upon ye skirts of ye Empire & in so small a portion thereof & so short a time & proceeding only to pillaging ye country wthout any battel wthin ye Empire consequent thereupon that I read of, & in a word so inconsiderable yt \although done in a time of universal peace yet/ historians are wont \used/ to pass it by in silence, none \no Authors/ yt I know mentioning it expresly besides Ambrose in Epist 27: it may in comparison of ye wars before & after be accounted as a very gentle blast or breathing to a fierce wind, & to loud voices & thundring a soft murmering or whispering such as you may imagin to be made by ye prayers of ye saints in this time of silence. The end of this time of silence it cannot be becaus this time is to end in thundrings & lightnings & a shaking, that is in battels & ye overthrow of some dominion.

< text from f 45r resumes >

After this there came in ye year 386 a great hand of Theuringians under ye conduct of Odotheus from remote northern regions to ye side of ye Danube, but Theodosius hearing beforehand of their coming lead his army against them \met them there/, & getting intelligence of their council about passing ye river, c[81] set upon them unawares in their passage wth such ships as he had in readiness & destroyed most of them upon ye river. This indeed was a battel, but not wthin ye Empire, nor did ye enemy otherwise then captivated come wthin ye bounds of it to disturb its tranquility: & therefore we are not to look upon this as an interruption of ye time of silence. We may rather esteem it a wind checked in tis first indeavour then suffered to blow.

The next year Maximus being desirous to inlarge his dominion into Italy; whilst he pretended peace led his army secretly {illeg}over the Alps: & Valentinian surprised by ye suddenness of ye action left his dominions to ye invader, & fled by sea to Theodosius. Whereupon Theodosius prepared for war & ye next year advancing towards Italy d[82] [83] first met wth Maximus at Sciscia \in Pannonia/ & in a set battel beat him there, & then pursuing <46r> after his victory over Maximus A.C. 388. Ille, inquit, felicitatis publicæ auspex dies qui te primus inauguravit Imperio, – Iacebat innumerabilibus malis ægra vel potiùs dixerim exanimata Respublica barbaris nationibus Romano nomini velut quodam diluvio superfusis. Sed par causa replicare causas & placatum ulcus offendere. Nam cum per se vivax sit recordatio calamitatum tum mihi metus hanc gaudiorum præsentium lucem tristium commemoratione fuscare. And a little after he thus introduces ye Commonwealth perswading Theodosius upon a demur he made at ye \Gratian's/ offer, to accept of ye Imperial dignity. Parum ne me Theodosi hactenus distulere fata ut insuper tentes moras augere fatorum? an nescis rem tuam per momenta consumi? Nescis me tibi tuisqꝫ decrescere? Quidquid aufert Alanus id olim desiderebit Arcadius. Perdidi infortunata Pannonias: Lugeo funus Illyrici: specto excidium Galliarum. Principum senior in tanta bella non sufficit: alter etsi futurus sit aliquando fortissimus adhuc tamen parvus est. Tu dubitas excipere collapsam et ut nihil differas serò reparandam? &c. And afterward describing ye flourishing state of ye Empire wch followed upon his victories, adds. Miremur ne in urbibus tuis & a populis tuis te videri, quem fere nulla in a[84] solo suo natio externa non vidit, idqꝫ ita crebro ut pene tam notus sit barbaris vultus iste quàm nobis: nec frustra cùm æstates omnes foris hiemes domi ducens civibus hostibusqꝫ pari sorte anni spatia diviseris: et siqui forte sunt Barbarorum qui nondum virtutis tuæ fulmen exceperint, nominis terrore perculsi & velut afflati quiescant. Tua enim Imperator auspicia non hæ tantum gentes tremunt quas ab orbe nostro sylvarum intervalla vel flumina montesve distinguunt: sed quas æternis ardoribus inaccessas {illeg} aut continua hieme separatas aut interfusis æquoribus abjunctas natura disterminat. Non Oceano Indus, non frigore Bosphoranus, non Arabs medio sole securus est. Et quo vix peroenerat nomen ante Romanum, accedit Imperium. Dicamne ergo receptos ad servitium Gothos, castris tuis militem, terris sufficere cultorem? Dicam a rebellibus Saracenis pœnas polluti fœderis expetitas? Dicam interdictum Scythis Tanaim? & imbelles arcus esse fugientis Albani? Quæcunqꝫ natio Barbarorum robore, ferocia, numero gravis unquam nobis fuit, aut boni consulit, aut quiescit, aut læta <47r> tur, quasi amica si serviat. Persis ipsa Reip. nostra retro æmula et multis Romanorum Ducum famosa funeribus, quicquid unquam in Principes nostros inclementius fecit excusat obsequio. Deniqꝫ ipse ille Rex ejus, dedignatus antea confiteri hominem jam fatetur timorem, & in his te colit templis in quibus colitur, tum legatione mittenda, gemmis sericoqꝫ præbendo, ad hoc triumphalibus belluis in tua esseda suggerendis, &c. Nec tamen Imp. existimes {illeg} cuncta me ad aurium gratiam locuturum: triumphis tuis Gallicis (stupeas licebit) irascimur. Dum in remota terrarum vincendo procedis, dum ultra terminos rerum metasqꝫ naturæ regna Orientis extendis, dum ad illos primæ lucis indigenas; invenit *[85] Tyrannus ad sclera secretum. &c. Afterward speaking of ye expedition against Maximus, he signifies ye subjection of ye Huns & Alans that had invaded ye Empire as well as of ye Goths. Ibat, inquit, sub ducibus vexillisqꝫ Romanis hostis aliquando Romanus, & signa contra quæ steterat sequebatur: urbesqꝫ Pannoniæ, quas inimica dudum populatione vacuerat miles impleverat. Gothus ille et Hunnus et Alanus respondebat ad nomen & alternabat excubias & notari infrequens {sic} ferebat, &c.

There is a third argument of the beginning of this seale. ffor in Posit      we shewed that this Seale was to contein |  be ye times of ye great Apostacy, ye Beast ascending out of ye bottomles pit in \towards/ ye end of ye former seal & in ye beginning of this overspreading ye world wth yt infernal religion wch he brought up wth \him/ so yt those whose names were not written in ye book of life should then begin every where to worship ye B him & his Image. And thus it happend at this time: ffor in Constantius's reign ye Church being reduced to peace & the whole Empire united under one Emperour & one religion, after his & Iulian's death ye western Empire (wch I|a|s I shew elswhere is ye Beast) revived & by degrees receded from yt religion it was of under Constantius & by ye working of ye Pope & his agents brought up \became of/ a new one. \/ < insertion from the right margin > one. Not that wch ye councel of Nice set up, but \under colour of that/ an new one wch Athanasius first broached in ye reign of Iovian A.C 363, & ye Pope embracing made more deformed by translating it out of Greek into Latin. When this new doctrine was broached, ye Nicene innovation was gone ye way of former heresies, & those few professors of it that remained were divided (saith Nazienzen) into six hundred opinions, there being no end of error division & confusion amongst those that are once out of the way. And ye Nicene building being thus rased giving occasion occasion to <47v> Athanasius to lay a new foundation wch yewestern Bps made hast to build upon. < text from f 47r resumes > In ye meane time ye east wch was two third parts of ye whole contiued {sic} untainted, \all but Egypt/ & those of ye west also wch persevered injoyed their liberty till ye year 380. But then ye Emperors Gratian & Theodosius taking upon them ye patronage of ye western Apostacy set themselves in ye end of yt year to spread it over ye world by their edicts, & ye next year turned out all Bishops \& Priests/ in ye whole Empire yt would not embrace it. Arriani pulsi Gratiano 5 & Theodosio 1 Coss: <48r> anno ex quo ecclesias occupaverant quadragesimo Sozom. l 7 c 5. Idem \habet/ Socr l     c      A.C 380 Gratiano 5 & Theod. Coss. Theodosius magnus postquam de scythis et Getis triumphavit, expulsis continuò ab Orthodoxorum Ecclesijs Arrianis qui jam ferè per 40 annos eas sub Arrianis Imperatoribus tenuerant, nostris Catholicis orthodoxis restituit Imperator mense Decembris. Marcellin: Chron. Anno quinto {sic} *[86] Theodosij, Arriani qui totum pene Orientem atqꝫ Occidentem commaculaverant, edicto glorios principis Ecclesijs spoliantur quæ Catholicis deputatæ sunt. Prosper apud Euseb. l 1.

In ye beginning of this year Theodosius lying sick at Thessalonica & beginning then to take religion into consideration, the emperors put forth this edict. [87] Impppp. Gratian. Valentin. & Theodos. AAA. ad populum urbis Constantinopolitanæ. Cunctos populos quos clementiæ nostræ regit temperamentum in tali volumus religione versari, quam divinum Petrum Apostolum tradidisse Romanis, religio usqꝫ nunc ab ipso insinuata declarat, quamqꝫ Pontificem Damasum sequi claret et Petrum Alexandriæ Episcopum. Hoc est ut {sic} Patris & filij & Spiritus sancti unam Deitatem sub parili majestate & sub pia Trinitate credamus. — Dat 3 Kal. Mart. Thessalonicæ Gratiano 5 & Theod: 1 Coss. But this not being backt wth ye Emperors presence had no effect. But in \till/ ye end of ye year. And then {sic} Theodosius coming to Constantinople beg first turned out Demophilus ye Bishop of that City; to wch action a & put in Gregory Nazienzen to wch action, as ye beginning of ye change \in wch/ ye above cited places of Marcellin Socr. Sozom. & Prosper refer. |And| then {sic} to cause ye like to be done in other places he put out another {sic} edict, wch begins thus. [88] \Imppp Gratian. Valentin. & Theodos. AAA. Eutropio P.F.P./ Nullus hæreticis mysteriorum locus nulla ad exercendium animi obstinatioris dementiam pateat occasio. And then naming ye parties to be expeld (in wch he joyns corpora viva mortuis) & describing his own faith of ye triunity, adds. Qui verò ijsdem (viz: fidei de triunitate articulis) non inserviunt – ab omnium summoti ecclesiarum limine penitus arceantur: cum omnes hæreticos illicitas agere intra oppida congregationes vetemus. Ac siquid erectio factiosa tentaverit ab ipsis etiam urbium mœnibus exterminato furore propelli jubemus ut cunctis orthodoxis episcopis qui Nicænam fidem tenent Catholicæ Ecclesiæ toto orbe reddantur. Dat 4 Id. Ian. C.P. Eucherio et Syagrio Coss. Hoc est Ian 9. A.C. 381. But to <49r> bring this change about there were wanting these two things, ecclesiastical Iudges to examin who should be turned out & to ordain others in their room & a Councel to put a colour upon these proceedings least they should be though {sic} tyrannicall arbitrary & besides ye Ecclesiastical custom, & to put a colour also upon their doctrins, for as yet ye doctrines of ye trinity & Hypostatical union{sic} ye equality of ye \divine/ persons \& triunity/, & of a soule in or Saviour besides ye λογος or Son & of ye|his| Hypostatical union {illeg} \wth that soule/ instead of a true incarnation in ye body, & yt ye Soul \only/ and {sic} not ye Son suffered for us on the cross, & became subject to {illeg} \{illeg}/ human ye infirmities but in & suffered for us on ye cross, these doctrins being {sic} but newly broached by ye Homoüsians had been ratified by only by {illeg} provincial counsels of ye western Bishops. The Emperor therefore by their advice & instigation \forthwith/ indicts a Counsel of his r[89] own Bishops only, and in r May they convene at Constantinople. This is yt commonly called second general Counsel: in wch when they had decreed \ratified/ their doctrins, anathematized dissenters, s[90] decreed them to be deposed, |&| appointed & authorized Bps of ye principal cities to oversee \determin/ & dispose of ye Bishoprics of ye other cities round about them, the Emperors in pursuance of their decrees put forth \put their decrees in execution by/ this edict \put forth a[91] when ye Counsel was dissolved & ye Bps returning to their seats/. [92] Imppp. Gratian. Valentin. & Theod. AAA. ad Auxonium Proc. Asiæ. Episcopis tradi omnes Ecclesias mox jubemus qui unius Majestatis atqꝫ virtutis Patrem & ffilium & Spiritum Sanctum confitentur, ejusdem gloriæ claritatis unius; nihil dissonum profana divisione facientes sed Trinitatis ordinem, Personarum assertionem & divinitiatis unitatem. Quos constabit communione Nectarij Episcopi Constantinopolitanæ, |*|[93] Timothei nec non intra Ægyptum Alexandriæ urbis Episcopis esse sociatos: Quos etiam in Orientis partibus Pelagio Episcopo Laodicensi, & Diodoro Episcopo Tarcensi: *[94] In Asia nec non Proconsulari atqꝫ Asiana Diœcesi Amphilocio Episcopo Iconiensi & Optimo Episcopo Antiocheno: In Pontica Diœcesi Helladio Episcopo Cæsariensi & Otreio Militeno & Gregorio Nyseno: Terennio Episcopo {illeg} Scythiæ, Marman̄o Episcopo Marcianopo communicare constiterit: Hos ad obtinendas Ecclesias Catholicas ex communione et consortio probabilium Sacerdotum oportebit admitti. Omnes autem qui ab eorum quos commemoratio specialis expressit fidei communione dissentiunt ut manifestos hæreticos ab ecclesijs expelli neqꝫ his penitus posthac obtinendarum Eccle <50r> siarum Pontificium facultatemqꝫ permitti ut veræ ac Nicænæ fidei sacerdocia casta permaneant nec post evidentem præcepti nostri formam malignæ locus detur astutiæ. Dat. 3 Kal Aug. Heracleæ, Eucherio et Syagrio Coss.[95] By this Edict the within named Bishops \wch were ye Patriarchs under whom this counsel had then divided ye Church hitherto free, into Ecclesiastical Kingdoms or Provinces Patriarchates./ quickly turned out ye all ye {illeg} true clergy & delivered ye Churches to ye upstarts: ffor b[96] ye next year A.C. 382 some of ye new Bishops convening at Constantinople wrote thus to ye Pope. [97] Etsi videamur persecutionis asperitate penitus liberati & Ecclesias diu ab Hæreticis occupatas modò recuperasse, tamen lupi nobis multum facessunt molestiæ: atqꝫ licet ab ovilibus abacti sint, in sylvis tamen greges diripere, conventus contrarios nobis audacter opponere, populi seditiones concitare non cessant. The year 381 is therefore wthout all controversy that in wch ye this strange religion of ye west first wch has reigned ever since first overspread ye world, & \so/ ye earth wth them that dwell therein began to worship ye Beast & his Image, yt is ye church of ye western Empire & the {sic} {illeg} {illeg}\affore/said Constantinopolitan Counsel its representative \for that counsel is ye Image/ as I shall explain in another place.

Besides all this I may reccon this ye year in wch ye worship of Saints & reliques & other abominable superstitions & Monkery ye mother of all them all overspread ye world. ffor ye Clergy wch they oppressed was stifly against all these, but ye Clergy wch they introduced, brought in every where together wth themselves all these abominations into ye Churches. Thus did ye Emperors begin to fulfill that of Daniel: After him [Antiochus Epiphanes] arms [ye Roman Empire] shal stand up, & they shall pollute ye sanctuary of strength & change ye daily worship. |And yt of St Iohn. The Dragon persecuted ye Woman wch brought forth ye Manchild & to ye woman were given two wings of a great eagle that she might fly into ye wilderness.|

This yeare therefore in all respects was ye first of ye general Apostacy & consequently ye beginning of this seale: wch having determined, I shall now explain ye contents of it \& first/ so far as they precede ye Trumpets.

The holding of ye winds.

At Theodosius's death ye Barbarians brake were again let loose like a storm into ye Empire, but till then I think it will easily be granted me that ye winds were held: ffor as he restored tranquility to ye Empire in ye beginning of his reign & continued it by his yearly expeditions into ye Barbarian territories, so he left it at in perfect tranquillity at his death. <51r> Theodosius composita tranquillataqꝫ republica apud Mediolanum constitutus diem obijt: Oros l 5. c 35. Omnibus inimicis Theodosius superatis in pace rebus humanis Mediolanum excessit: Iornandes de Regn. success. Theodosius filijs Imperium nullis seditionibus turbatum (ἀστασίαστον βασιλείαν) transmisit. Philostorg l 11. c 2. |In pace, rebus humanis, annum agens quinquagesimum apud Mediolanum excessit; utramqꝫ Rempublicam utriqꝫ, id est Arcadio et Honorio quietam relinquens. S. {Aurel}. Victor.|

Symbol (cross surmounting a circle containing a cross with the S arm missing) in text < insertion from f 50v > Symbol (cross surmounting a circle containin a cross with the S arm missing) in text But yet this is not so to be understood as if there were no indeavours to commotion in his reign: ffor ye Angels are represented not only giving the winds a check \at first/ but holding them continually while ye saints are sealing, & this implies yt ye winds had a continuall indeavour to blow but were always actively & forcibly restrained, that is, yt ye Barbarians should not cease to endeavour to invade ye emire but yet be always curbed. And thus it happend: for as you heard out of Pacatus yt Theodosius curbed ye Saracens & made yearly expeditions into ye barbarian territories, so in ye West ye Alemans were not so far conquered by Gratian but that ye Iugunthians (one sort of ye Alemans) upon his death \diversion by Maximus/ made an inrode into Rhætia < text from f 51r resumes > Some attempts there were to commotion in his reign, but inconsiderable & succesles. The a[98] Iuguntians (one b[99] sort of ye Alemans) \upon Gratian's death/ made an inrode into Rhætia but were soon reduced, not by ye Roman Legions but by the Huns whom Valentinian thereupon hired to invade Alemannia. But this was so inconsiderable that although done in a time of universal peace yet historians pass it by in silence, no author yt I know mentioning it expresly besides Ambrose in Epist 27. After this there came A.C. 386 a great hand of Thuringians under ye conduct of Odotheus from remote northern regions to ye side of ye Danube. But Theodosius met them there & wth such ships as he had in readiness c[100] set upon them unawares in tehir passage over ye river, & suffered them not otherwise then captivated, to come wthin ye bounds of ye Empire to disturb its tranquility. Then ye Franks A.C. 388 while Maximus was ingaged wth Theodosius made an inrode into Gallia, but were expelld by Theodosius Capitains so soon as Maximus was beaten. The worst of this action was that some of ye Romans pursuing them over the Rhene were there circumvented & cut off: but this happend wthout ye Empire. Besides these Pacatus hints something of ye Saracens & others: but all these were either wthout ye Empire or at the most |Thus were ye winds upon every occasion ready to break forth & checkt in every attempt \endeavour/, & if any of them (as ye Fra\n/ks & Alemans) happend to transgres their limits yet it was so inconsiderably & wth so sudden a check that they were at most| but gentle short & particular breathings in comparison of fierce lasting & general winds. They were but endeavours to blow checkt in ye beginning, & \were requisite to/ fulfill ye prophesy that ye Angels should hold them till ye saints were sealed: for that holding |ym| implies that they had a continuall indeavour to blow, but were always actively & forcibly restrained.

Besides these \attempts/ there were wthin ye Empire actual & notable wars between of Maximus & Theodosius Eugenius wth Theodosius, but these were not against ye Empire to wast & destroy it but only for ye Imperial dignity, & therefore have different representation to be presently explained.

Of the sealing & numbring ye saints.

The sealing & numbring ye saints in this time that ye winds are <52r> held signifies that it was a time of tryall & examination of ye Church to distinguish those that were worthy to be sealed from ye rest: a {illeg} time in wch ye saints had need be of God's seal, his singular care & protection of them in ye right way: a time of separation between ye good & bad, ye one to worship God ye other to worship ye beast & his Image; ye one sealed & numbred for God's servants ye other left to receive ye mark & number of ye Beast. To seale is \to/ discriminate by a mark, & therefore sealing is a plain emblem of discrimination; & so is numbring too. ffor as when a shepherd would mark & count ye best sheep of his flock he must separate them from ye rest, so here this sealing & numbring ye saints must be an emblem of a separation then made in ye church between them & ye unfaithfull. Now this was fulfilled by ye violence of ye Emperors aided by ye delusions of ye Monks. By But ye context puts ye matter out of doubt: Hurt not ye earth neith nor ye sea nor ye trees till we have sealed ye servants of or God. That is hurt not ye nations represented by ye earth Sea & Trees till we have discriminated ye servants of or God that they may not be hurt wth ye rest: Now this discrimination ye \was/ by ye falling away of ye rest caused by thorough \the unfaithful & that was caused by/ ye violence of ye Emperors assisted by ye working of ye Monks. By ye violence of ye Emperors ye Church was dissolved as to its outward form & ye Monkish Clergy brought into their room & Monkery every where incouraged & Hypocrites drawn to that side party. And by ye overspreading of Monkery, ye Monks got ye opportunity to delude through their feigned stories, lying miracles, garrulity, & formality of godlines, those {all} those that had conscience wthout knowledge. By these meanes the faithfull were so thind before ye death of Theodosius yt ye residue (poor afflicted souls!) were fain to comfort one another wth this saying. Multi vocati, pauci electi. And these means wrought so fast yt Socrates writes [101] Merobaude 2, et Saturnio Coss: mense Iunio. Hæreticorum Antistites ab Imperatore cum mærore dimissi, scriptis ad suos litteris eos consolati sunt; monentes ne ob id molestia afficerentur quod multi ab ipsorum partibus deficientes ad consubstantialis fidem accederent: Quippe multos quidem vocatos paucos autem electos. This was in ye 3d year of ye persectuion A.C. 383. What think you then was done before ye end of Theodosius's reign, ye tryal growing greater & greater by ye severity of ye Emperor & ye multitude of ye Churches adversaries daily increasing. But yet God turned it to their good; for ye severity of ye Emperor being <53r> such yt they were not suffered to meet any where to worship God wthout confiscation of ye place where they met, nor any of their Clergy to dispute preach or ordain or give ye sacrament or do any thing yt belonged to ye office of a Clergyman upon {penalty} \wthout/ heavy mulcts: the devoutest of them who loved ye service of God more then ye world fled ye Empire to get enjoy yt liberty in other places wch they could not have in other pla at home & so scaped ye ensuing storms & those yt stayed behind fared \& indeed \Yea, and/ as many as had zeale enough to go to any religious exercises \or {bilt} {illeg} their faith/ were driven out of all cities & towns (as you shal hear) & {illeg} interdicted all society & commerce in ye Empire to shift for themselves among themselves in fields & desarts, & so forced to repair to ye next barbarian territories for sustenance & habitations. And those that stayed behind (if any good stayed) could not but fare/ ye better for this; for ye Gospel could not but be further propagated among ye Barbarians by those yt fled & ye affections of ye Barbarians stirred up to favour & patronise those of their own religion & use ye persecutors more sharply. That ye Visigoths {illeg} who began ye ensuing invasion favoured them is beyond dispute. That ye Ostrogoths too wch soon after overran Thrace & Asia favoured them, is plain by this that their leader Gainas a[102] interceded for a Church for them in Constantinople & upon denyal began yt grassat war. That ye great Army of Radagaisus, though their leader was a heathen, favoured them is thus recorded by Prosper. [103] Anno 10mo Honorij Radagaisus Rex Gothorum Italiæ limitem vastaturus transgreditur. Ex hoc Arriani qui \Romano/ procul fuerant orbe fugati, Barbararum nationū ad quas se contulere, præsidio erigi cœpere. By wch passage it appears also that not only that {sic} \this/ Army but ye barbarous nations in general were their Patrons & refuge. And in a word, these invasions wch caused extream desolation & anguish to ye persecutors were so much to ye advantage of ye persecuted |& that they were at this time (not {a few of} {sic} \them)/ fled out of ye Empire to those {sic} Barb nations where they lived securely while their persecutors lay under the torment of invasions. But yet so soon as ye Barbarians fixed in ye Empire they came in again & flourished so much| that Prosper tells us [104] Anno primo Martiani (i.e. A.C. 449) 450) Hac tempestate valde miserabilis reip. status apparuit, quum ne una quidem sit absqꝫ barbaro cultore Provincia: & infanda Arianorum Hæresis quæ se nationibus barbaris miscuit catholi{illeg}cæ nomen fidei toto orbe diffusa præsumat. You see therefore how God when he thought fit to punish ye world for their wickedness exempted his Church, purged them, awakened their devotions; & turned ye punishment of {illeg} ye rest to their preservation & advantage. The Christian world \by its prosperity/ under Constantine & his successors was grown so full of hypocrites & so cold in devotion that {she} \the Empire/ deserved {illeg} ye plague of those wars wch preceded ye rei happened \God inflicted on it/ in ye reign of Valentinian & Valens Gratian: but then least all should be punished promiscuously, ye winds were held for a season that ye saints might be examined by persecution to \establish them &/ increase their reward in heaven \separate them from/ & secure them (in good measure at least \on earth from the corruption of their manners wch began to be tain{ted} by ye convers{ation} of ye wicked &/ from ye storms wch were to hurt ye rest of ye world \for their wickednes/ so soon as these were sealed. \numbred out, discriminated/ & secured. by the divine seale. The winds need not have ben held at all could <53v> the sealing have been done while they blew, & therefore ye sealing must be something wch required their holding, that is times of peace to do it in, & such is a persecution; for this ye Emperors could have had no leisure to prosecute in times of war, nor durst have then attempted it for fear of putting ye Empire into more confusion. And indeed this Seale adequately conteining ye great Apostacy what els should we look for in ye beginning of it but a persecution to overthrow ye Church & set up ye Apostacy in its stead.


This I think is a full explication of ye Angels holding ye winds th till ye saints that they should not hurt ye earth & sea till ye saints were sealed. But yet it is to be noted that though this sealing was performed in ye reign of Theodosius, yet not only ye saints that lived when the discrimination was made, but their posterity also, so long as ye discrimination continues are to be numbred amongst ye sealed because all together make but one & ye same church wch was then as it were \sealed or/ by a seale discriminated from ye Apostacy & has ever since continued so.

But it may be inquired: If this discrimination & protection be ye full meaning of sealing & numbring why are ye names of ye Tribes recounted.? \what need of that superfluity?/ would it not have sufficed to have said in generall that their number was 144000 of each tribe 120)00? And further, why are ye Tribes reccond in such an order of their birth or habitation as is no where els in scripture to be met with: sons of |ye| Mistresses & handmaids confusedly intermixed; no regard had to ye order of their birth {illeg}or habitation; And & besides, Dan & Ephraim omitted & for them \Levi &/ Ioseph {illeg} inserted? There must be therefore some mystery both in ye names & their order: & ye mystery I take to be in ye signification of ye words wch I take to be together make up ye following sentence.

Iudah – – Confitetur [{illeg}
Reuben – –intuendo filiumffidelium
Gad – – –Cœtus benedictus benedictuscultus
Aser – – –Luctantur cum benedictus
Nephthalim –obliviscentibus Luctantur [cum]
Manasses – –obedientiam obliviscentibusLucta
Simeon – – –Adhærentibus obedientiam.
Levi – – – –mercedem Adhærentibus [\scil./ unitati] fidei]
Issachar – – –habitaculi [sc. {æterni}] mercedem
Zabulon – –habitaculi [sc. æterni]Præmium.
Ioseph – – – –adjiciet
Benjaminfilius dextræ

This is so plain & apposite that it needs no comment.

Of the time of holy rites.

This same time wherein ye winds cease & ye saints are sealed is in chap ye next chapter celebrated by ye performance of holy rites according to ye Iewish manner whose custome it was for ye people to keep silence & pray wthout while ye Priest offerd incense in ye temple. But these rites are here prophetical types, for ye silence <55r> signifies stillness & quietness of ye Empire from wars: Heaven in wch this silence is signifies ye Imperial Court or Throne. The Prayers of ye Saints ascending up wth ye incense before God: such a state of ye Church in wch her members send up their prayers to God wth extraordinary fervency & frequency, as it were but one act of devotion continued through all that time represented by ye performance of holy rites: & this is {sic} much as to say, a state of extreme affliction. And lastly \a[105] fire cast on Earth & ensuing voices/ b[106] voices & thundrings & lightnings & shaking signify yt after half an hower ye silence sho that is ye noises & commotions into wch at ye end of \by wch/ ye half howers silence should have an end, signify a violent war, & not any kind of war but war in heaven, that is in ye Imperial court \Throne/, or between those that are in ye Court or \Roman Court/ Throne or Court: |& such a war too as should be quick & vehement like thunder & lightning & end wth ye overthrow of some dominion, for e[107] σεισμὸς signifies such a shaking as overthrows what is shaken.|

Now the time of Silence I reccon to end {illeg} at ye re continue to ye wars between Theodosius & Maximinus. Gratian indeed Maximus indeed began to designe his rebellion a[108] in ye year 381, & A.C. 383 when Maximus advanced out of Britain Gratian led his army against him: but having formerly disobliged his soldiers b[109] thy fell off from him to Maximus, insomuch that after ye armies had been only five days wthin sight of one another he fled out of despair wthout giving battel, & in his flight was c[110] slain singly at Leiden by ye treachery of Andragathius, & Maximus succeeded at in his part of ye Empire residing at Trevirs, & ruling over Gallia Spain & Britain by ye consent of Theodosius & Valentinian. Afterwards A.C. 387 Maximus being desirous to inlarge his dominion into Italy, whilst he pretended peace led his army secretly over the Alps, & Valentinian surprised by the suddenness of ye action left his dominions to ye invader wthout making resistance & fled by sea to Theodosius: whereupon Theodosius prepared for war. Hitherto things were transacted wthout actual wars that is silently, but ye next now brake out into voices & Thunders & lightnings & a shaking. ffor ye next year Theodosius advancing toward Maximus, d[111] first met him at Sciscia in Pannonia & in a set battel beat him there. Then pursuing him met & beat his B\r/other Marcelline at Petavio{illeg} in Noricum in another battel. After wch he went to Aquileia whither Maximus was fled & besieged him there, & sent Arbogastes into Gallia against his son whom he had created Cæsar & left at Trevirs; & wthin a while both of them were slain, ye soldiers of Maximus delivering him <56r> bound to Theodosius, & ye Franks & Saxons (who at this time made the above mentioned inrode into Gallia concurring to ye ruin of his son. Of these wars Ambrose \(in lib 5 Epist 29) speaking/ takes occasion from \of/ a bad act of Maximus to {illeg} make \takes occasion thence to add/ this short mention Ille igitur statim a Francis & a Saxonum Gente in a[112] Sicilia, Siciæ Petavione ubiqꝫ deniqꝫ terrarum victus est. And Ierom (in Epist. 3) calls Valentinian's part of ye Empire recovered by this war, Recuperatum multo sanguine Imperium. But ye greatnes of ye war you may easily guess by this, that the whole forces of both Empires were ingaged, Theodosius not contenting himself wth ye forces by wch he conquered ye Barbabrians but adding \to ym/ ye forces of ye Goths Huns & Alans wch he had conquered. And ye war wth Eugenius was like this, only b[113] more bloody

Thus you see ye silence ended in great wars in \ye Roman/ heaven, wch overthrew the dominion of two potent Emperors: but there remains \to be considered/ the duration of ye silence to be considered, why it is represented by half an hower. Now for determining this if we take a prophetic day for a year, the t \an/ hower will be {illeg} \{14} 15/ naturall days, but \half/ this is too short a time to be distinguished or considered as an intermission of wars, & therefore we must repeat ye figure & take these 15 days & a half for philosophic days that is for fiteen years. & a halfe And to this ye event answers: for I suppose this seal began wth \at/ ye change of religion wch Theodosius began to work in December A.C. or as Socrates writes in November 26 A.C. 380. And ye actual war between Theodosius & Maximus began about yeend of Iune A.C. 388, Theodosius in his March through Macedonia towards Maximus passing by ye towns Stobi & Scupi in ye d[114] middest of Iune, & after ye battels at Siscia & Petavion & ye siege of Aquileia slaying Maximus e[115] Aug 27 following. Count now ye time from ye end of November A.C. 380 to ye \end of Iune or/ beginning of Iuly A.C. 388. & you will find it, ὡς ἡμιώριον, about seven years & a half.

If you ask why these 712 years were not called a week or seven days & a half, putting days for years according to ye tenour of ye Prophesy, but by a reiteration of ye figure contracted to half an hower, I answer 'twas done for ye property of ye type, half an hower being a fit length of time for ye divine service of prayer & incense.

As to ye prayers of the Saints offered in the time of these rites, those are easily to be collected from ye persecutions they were under at this time. Yet for ye better conception of them I shall give <57r> you an instance of them in their beginning by wch you may guess at ye rest. Gregory Nazianzen writing his own life in meter & therein telling how Theodosius came to Constantinople &, turned out ye old Bishop Demophilus & ordered part of his soldiers to keep the Church while another part brought Gregory thither, he thus proceeds in ye narration

Iam tempus aderat, militum et vis maxima

Templum obtinebat, bellicos enses gerens.

Faciebat omnis impetum contra tumens

Populus, arena ut, nix vel, aut fluctibus maris

Vtens et ira, precibus et blandis simul,

Iratus in nos, Principi supplex. Erant

Plenæ viæ, dromiqꝫ, pleni omnes loci,

Plenæ domusqꝫ tum viris tum fæminis

Ætate quassis, parvulis, spectantibus:

Gemitus, dolores, lachrymæ, clamor gravis,

Imago capti bellico insultu oppidi.

Ego vero fortis ille dux ac strenuus

(Ægro tametsi corpore essem ac debili)

Inter ducem medius et inter milites

Ibam bona spe fultus, & sursam videns

In æde donec collocor.

Afterward he proceeds to describe how as he was going to take possession of ye Church, ye day became suddenly wch was splendid before, became suddenly dark like night till between prayers & sermon: wch struck his party wth secret grief during ye darkness & made ye others triumph at ye miracle.

Quidnam ergo miri contigit? narra liber:

Ignota ne sit posteris hæc gratia.

Diluxerat ante: jam nox at urbem totam presserat,

Subeunte Phœbi circulum nube horrida:

Aliena certe tempori quæ res erat.

Nil namqꝫ fœsti sic amant cœtus, dies

Vt claritate præditos. Hinc hostibus

Mens læta tanquam grata non esset Deo

Res cœpta:{illeg} nobis abditus contra dolor.

Princeps ut autem, nosqꝫ, cancellos sacros

Intravimus, cunctiqꝫ summi numinis

Cœpere laudes canere, voce et maxima

Tensisqꝫ palmis ipsius opem exposcere:

Tantum repente splenduit Solis jubar

Iussu Tonantis nube prærupta, illico


Vt ante tristis ac velut mærens, domus

ffulgare visus omnium perstringeret

Imaginemqꝫ veteris arcæ sumerent

Omnes, egebat quam Dei ingens claritas.

Spectata quæ res cum piam plebem metu

Solvisset, altis vocibus me postulant

Hoc præter, ut (si tiempori nil deforet)

Primum hoc Principis munus foret: i.e. habita Oratione. Panegyr.

By the people's being \so much/ dazzled at ye returning light that they in ye Church took ye splendor for a miracle, you may guess how exceeding great ye darknes was before, & in how cleare a day it happened. But it's well ye Trinitarians had so little Philosophy as not to consider how much ye weak light of a Candle only dazzels those that come out of darkness, & so to take ye returning light for an miracle: ffor otherwise we should scarce have known that God signalized ye beginning \first hower/ of ye Churches eclips or flight into ye wilderness (wch is ye first hower \very beginning/ of this seale) wth so extraordinary & significant a miracle not unlike that at ye death of his Son.

But to return to ye prayers of ye Saints: You heard how Gregory compared them for their sighs {sic} teares groanes & crying to a city broken up in war by an enemy. This was ye face of ye city at his installment, but wth what inward greif they bare it afterward, he tells you thus.

— Civitas autem licet

Æde occupata prstinam ferociam

Liquisset, imo pectore gemebat tamen,

Gigasqꝫ ut ille pressus Ætneis rogis,

Ructabat imis partibus fumum gravem


By ye greatness of their agony you may guess at the more then ordinary fervour & constancy of their \secret/ prayers. Nor was it a wonder this change should afflict them so seing they looked upon ye invaders as ye setters up of three n Gods instead of ye true one considering how much they abhorred \abominated/ ye religion of ye invaders for they looked upon them as ye setters up of three Gods instead of ye true only true one coequal trinity a[116] as a doctrin of many Gods, as indeed it is in reality |in reality especially according to ye right meaning of ye word God {illeg} \language/ of the Greeks.|

Now if at ye spoiling them of their Churches only they were thus afflicted, what think you was their grief afterward when their worship even in private houses was interdicted, the {illeg} \places/ where they met confiscated & their Clergy wch were found to do any thing that belonged to their functions \or so much as dispute about religion/ punished wth banishment & othe heavy mulcts. <59r> Theodosius Imp. (saith Sozomen[117] ) lege lata præcepit ne hæretici collectas agerent neve de fide docerent, neve Episcopos aut alios ordinarent: utqꝫ alij quidem urbibus & agris pellerentur: alij verò notarentur infamia, nec jus æquum civitatis cum reliquis civibus possiderent. Et graves quidem pœnas legibus suis ascripsit. Sozomen endeavours to mitigate ye business by adding that ye Emperor scarce put these laws in execution; but its natural for persecutors to deny in ye next age what they did in ye age before, & Baronius himself corrects him for this as too plain a lye.

Of ye Emperor's laws one of ye first was this

Imppp. Grat. Valent. & Theod. ad Clicherium Com. Orientis.

[118] Nullum Eunomianorum & Arianorum vel ex dogmate Aëtij in civitatibus vel agris fabricandarum ecclesiarum copiam habere præcipimus. Quod si temere ab aliquo id præsumptum sit, domus eadem ubi hæc constructa fuerint quæ construi prohibentur, fundus etiam vel privata possessio protinus fisci nostri viribus viribus vindicetur: atqꝫ omnia loca fiscalia statim fiant quæ sacrilega hujus dogmatis vel sedem receperint vel ministros. Dat. 14 Kal. Aug. CP. Eucherio & Syagrio Coss [381]

Certainly for ye Emperor thus to confiscate places built {as} for Gods service was (besides ye persecution) as gross sacrilege as ever Henry ye 8th committed in England: But to proceed. |How this law {illeg} (besides the persecution) can be excused from gross sacrilege I know not.| After two years more, they being hitherto permitted to meet in private houses, ye Emperor \became/ further exasperated against them by ye perswasion of Amphilochius Bp of Iconium, \&/ put forth this edict.

Imppp. Grat. Valent. & Theod. AAA. Posthumiano PF. P.

[119] Omnes omninò quoscunqꝫ diversarum hæresum error exagitat (id est, Eunomiani, Ariani, Macedoniani, Pneumatomachi &c) nullis circulis coeant, nullam colligant multitudinem, nullum ad se populum trahant, nec ad imaginem ecclesiarum parietes privatos ostendant. Nihil vel publicè vel privatim quod Catholicæ sanctitati officere possit, exerceant. Ac siquis extiterit qui tam evidenter vetita transcendat, permisssa omnibus facultate, quos rectæ observantiæ cultus & pulchritudo delectat, communi omnium bonorum conspiratione pellatur. Dat. 8 Kal. <60r> Aug. CP. Merobaude 2 & Saturnino Coss. [383].

And this was pesently backt wth another edict more severe.

Imppp. Grat. Valent. & Theod. Posthumiano P F. P.

[120] Vitiorum institutio, Deo atqꝫ hominibus exosa, Eunomiana scilicet, Arriana, Macedoniana, Apollinariana cætararumqꝫ sectarum quas veræ religionis venerabili cultu Catholicæ observantiæ fides sincera condemnat, neqꝫ publicis neqꝫ privatis aditionibus, intra urbium atqꝫ agrorum ac villarum loca, aut colligendarum congregationum, aut constituendarum Ecclesiarum copiam præsumat, nec celebritatem perfidiæ suæ vel solemnitatem diræ communionis exerceat. Neqꝫ ullas creandorum sacerdotum usurpet atqꝫ habeat ordinationes. Eædem quoqꝫ domus seu in urbibus seu in agris, in quibus passim professorum ac ministrorum talium colligentur, fisci nostri dominio juriqꝫ subdantur: Ita ut hi qui vel doctrinam vel mysteria conventionum talium exercere consueverunt perquisiti ab omnibus urbibus ac locis propositæ legis \vigore/ constricti expellantur a cætibus & ad proprias unde oriundi sunt terras redire jubeantur: ne quis eorum aut commeandi ad quælibet alia loca aut evagandi ad urbes habeat potestatem. Quod si negligentius ea quæ serenitas nostra constituit impleantur, Officia provincialium Iudicum & Principales urbium in quibus coitio vetitæ congregationis reperta monstrabitur, sententiæ damnationiqꝫ subdantur. Dat 3 Non. Sept. CP. Merobaude 2 & Saturnino Coss. [383.]

How this & ye other edict for confiscating places dedicated to God or otherwise |publick & private| dedicated to God's service I know not can be excused from gross & open sacrilege I know not. And as for persecution I think these \& the following/ Edicts easily shew yt ye|this| Emperor wth his \ecclesiastical/ Counsellours were as much better skild in ye art of persecuting as then was Iulian ye Apostate as he was then ye other Heathen Emperors.

The next year there was another edict[121] for \seeking out by a strickt inquisition &/ expelling all their Clergy wthout exception or favour from Constantinople. But ye chief fury was in ye year 388 when Theodosius was upon his expedition against Maximus, as if he thought thereby to merit good success. |about two years after they had a little favour procured by Valentinian wch lasted almost two years \more/, & then Theodosius upon his expedition against Maximus as if he thought to merit good success thereby set himself again to oppress them wth more severity Valentinian also joyning wth him: & then they put forth these edicts.|

Imppp.Valentin. Theod. & Arcad. AAA Cynegio P F. P.

[122] Apollinarios cæterosqꝫ dversarum {sic} hæresum sectatores ab omnibus locis jubemus inhiberi, a mœnibus urbium, a congressu honestorum, a communione sanctorum: instituendorum Clericorum non habeant potestatem: colligendarum congregationum vel in publicis vel in privatis ecclesijs careant potestate facultate: nulla ijs Episcorum faciendorum præbeatur auctoritas: ipsi quoqꝫ Episcopi nomine destituto appellationem hujus <61r> dignitatis amittant: Adeant loca quæ hos potissimùm quasi valle quodammodo ab humana communione secludant. Hinc etiam illud rectimus, ut supra memoratis omnibus adeundi atqꝫ interpellandi Serenitatem nostram aditus denegetur. Dat 6 Id Mart. Thessal. Theodosio A 2 & Cynegio Coss. [388.]

Imppp. Valentin. Theod. & Arcad AAA Trifolio PF. P.

[123] Omnes diversarum perfidarumqꝫ sectarum, quos in deum miseræ vesania conspirationis exercet, nullum usquam sinantur habere conventū, non inire tractatus, non cœtus agere secretos, non nefariæ prævaricationis altaria, manus impiæ officijs impudenter adtollere {sic}, & mysteriorum simulationem ad injuriam veræ religionis aptare: Quod ut congruum sortiatur effectum, in specula Sublimitas tua fidelissimos quosqꝫ constituat, qui & cohibere hos possint & deprehensos offerre judicijs: severissimum, secundum præteritas sanctiones & Dei supplicium daturos & legibus. Dat 18 Kal Iul. Stobis, Theod. A. 2 & Cynegio Coss.

The {illeg} sanctions wherein ye penalties here referred to were exprest, are lost; unless ye former be one wherein they were \was/ appointed banisment from \{illeg}/ humane communion. In that wch follows ye punishment was arbitrary.

Imppp. Valentin. Theod. & Arcad. AAA. Tatiano PF. P.

[124] Nulli egresso ad publicum, vel disputandi de religione, vel tractandi, consilij aliquid deferendi patescat occasio. Et siquis posthac ausu gravi atqꝫ damnabili contra hujusmodi legem veniendum esse crediderit, vel insistere motu pestiferæ perseverationis, audebit, competenti pœna & digno supplicio coerceatur. Dat 16 Kal Iul. Stobis Theod A 2 & Cynegio Coss. [388]

But afterward Banishment was appointed for this.

Imppp. Val. Th. & Arc. AAA. Potamio PF. Augustali

[125] Deportatione dignus est, qui nec generali lege admonitus, nec competenti sententia emendatus & fidem Catholicam turbat & populum. Dat 15 Kal. Aug. CP. Arcad A. 2 & Rufino Coss. [392.]

And for ye former {illeg} a mulct of 10 pouns or beating wth clubs & banishment.

Imppp. Val. Th. & Arc. AAA. Tatiano PF. P.

[126] In hæreticis erroribus, quoscunqꝫ constiterit vel ordinasse Clericos vel suscepisse officium clericorum denis libris auri viritim multandos esse censemus: Locum sanè in quo vetita temptantur si conniventia {sic} domini patuerit, fisci nostri viribus aggregari. Quod si possessorem (quippe clariculum gestum) ignorasse constiterit, conductorem ejus fundi si ingenuus est decem auri libras fisco nostro inferre præcipimus: si servili fæce descendens paupertate sui pœnam damni ac vilitate contemnit, cæsus fustibus deportatione damnabitur. Tum illud specialiter præcavemus ut si villa dominica fuerit, seu cujuslibet publici juris & conductor & <62br> procurator licentiam dederit colligendi, denis libris auri proposita condemnatione multe\n/tur. Verum si quos talibus. repertos obsecundare mysterijs, ac sibi usurpare nomina clericorum jam nunc proditum fuerit, denas libras uri exigi singulos & inferre præcipimus. Dat. 17 Kal. Iul. CP. Arcad 2 & Rufino Coss. [392.] |How heavy a mulct this was you may understand by this that a soldiers wages were then but a peny a day Where note that you are not ✝ to| < insertion from f 61v > ✝ to think this mulct was 10 pounds of or money, but must compute it after ye Roman account recconning a denarius or drachm of silver worth about 7d ob of or money, & 96 denarij (or according to ye Attics an 100) for a pound & one pound of gold worth 10 of Silver; that is ye ten pounds of Gold equal to 300lb of or money, but yet in those days of far greater value.

< text from f 62br resumes >

In another a[127] edict dated A.C. 389 ye Eunomians were made uncapable of giving or receiving any thing by legacy but all such estates to be confiscated, & b[128] that they should be interdicted ye use & benefit of ye Law & have nothing common wth others. And divers other severe edicts there were: for c[129] Arcadius in an Edict put out two months after {sic} his father's death calls his father's laws against Hæretics innumerable |  innumeras. But those wch have been produced (especially seing there were for their full execution d[130] inquisitors set up to find out hæretics, & e[131] mulcts appointed for Iudges wch favoured ye accused,) are enough to shew ye extreme affliction of ye Church & by consequence their \fervent/ prayers to God, & \also/ (to repeat what I shewed above) \their discrimination & depuration from Hypocrites &/ the flight of ye most of them to ye Barbarians. for their presrvation from ye ensuing storm of wars \& those more/ especially in ye time of ye preparation to ye war against Maximus when ye persecution wch had been a little mitigated brake out again wth more violence then before. Also ye discrimination of ye Saints & purgation of the Church from Hypocrites & her flight to ye Barbarians for her preservation (of wch I spake above) is hence more fully manifested.

|The Introduction to ye Vialls of Wrath. Chap: 15.|

The introduction to ye Trumpets being thus explained, I should now proceed to explain ye Trumpets themselves: but because they & ye Vials of wrath are collateral & both together make up one complete prophesy, ye one supplying what is sometimes wanting in ye other I shall consider them joyntly & therefore desire you here to consider the analogy of their introductions, that is of ye sealing ye saints & offering their prayers on ye Altar, wth the victory & song of those that stand on ye Sea of Glass mingled wth fire. The glas I suppose is an emblemof their purity: the fire of their a[132] war wth ye Beast or persecution \by him/ their getting the Victory over ye Beast & over his Image & over his mark & over the number of his name, that \of/ ye world's beginning now to worship & receive these things, & that it was a very difficult matter to get ye victory over them seing those that could do it are here accounted Saints: & lastly \their song is a declaration of the religion for wch they were persecuted; for/ because {sic} worshippers of ye Beast were to deny ye father to be yeone only Lord God Almighty & make ye Lamb & holy Ghost his equals, ye saints are here represented singing this son {sic} of prais & glory to ye Lord God Almighty, & ye song is called ye Song of <63> the Lamb to shew that tis his ffather & not a triform God wch ye Sts sing \this/ glory to & yt his ffather is his Lord God Almighty as well as ors \& worshipped by him as well as by us/ & so rightly believed to be greater then he. {illeg} Lastly whereas these things are put immediately before ye Vials, ffurther whereas in this song ye victors celebrate ye justnes of God's ways & ye manifestation of his judgments, & after this vision of ye Victors singing this song immediately follows ye powring forth ye Vials of God's wrath; it shews that these Vials are God's judgments upon the Churches enemies so soon as they had apostatized from her & \apostatized from her/ made war upon her & by oppressing her overspread ye world, & also yt ye main struggling of ye Church wth these here adversaries was to precede ye Vials, but yet not so but that there should be some in all following ages so long as ye Beast reigns wch should get ye victory over him, though not so many by far as at this first grapple. Lastly in that it is added yt one of ye four Beasts \(yt is one of the four ensignes a[133] of \denoting/ ye Roman Empire)/ gave ye seven Angels these seven Vials of God's wrath; by this Beast you may understand ye Eagle, that being ye \proper {sic}/ ensigne of ye Roman Empire wch by \persecuting & overthrowing ye Church & overspreading all by/ this its wicked apostacy, provoked God's wrath & as it were put into ye hands of his ministers these seven judgments to be \immediately/ powred forth upon ye world. so soon as ye worshippers of ye Beast had overthrown ye Church & overrun all. \And thus much of the times \of this seal/ wch precede the Trumpets./

*** Of the trumpets in general.

< insertion from f 62v >

*** Of ye times of ye Trumpets in general.

*** < insertion from higher up f 62v > *** Position    
The \times of ye/ Trumpets began {sic} at ye death of Theodosius ye great. A.C. 395.

< text from lower down f 62v resumes >

The times of the Trumpets have these two principal conditions, their great wickedness & their heavy punishment: their wickednes in that they are the times of ye a[134] eighth or last head wch is eminently \specially/ called ye beast wch was & is not; their punishment in that they are a series of seven great plagues b[135] courses of war in ye Empire to succeed one upon the neck of another, wch for their greatness are called ye seven last plagues wherein ye wrath of God is fulfilled. And according to both these states they begin immediately after ye death of Theodosius. As they are a state of war they are to begin wth ye wind wch blows next after ye calmness wherewth this seale began, that is ye first great & lasting invasions of ye Empire wch break {sic} forth after ye year 380 & these began wthin a month or two after Theodosius's death, but I shall reserve ye discourse of these for ye next position. As they are ye state of ye beasts eighth head or wicked reign their beginning has a double character, being evidenced both from ye religious & from ye temporal state of ye Empire: from ye temporal state — [see below {illeg} Symbol (dot surrounded by two concentric circles surmounted by a cross) in text

< text from p 63 resumes >

The first Trumpet began {sic} wth ye invasions of ye eastern regions A.C. 395. The second wth ye invasion of ye western A.C. 408. The third wth ye invasion of Afric A.C. 427. And ye fourth wth ye wars in Italy A.C. 536.

Of these four Trumpets in general.

As the four first seales were introduced by ye four Beasts wch stood about ye four quarters of ye throne, so these four Trumpets are introduced by ye 4 Angels wch stand at ye four corners of ye earth. Now whereas these hold ye four winds wch were to blow in those quarters, we are thereby (as was said) to understand their preserving ye four quarters of ye earth in peace by restraining for a time ye four winds wars wch were to infest them, & therefore by the four winds we must understand <64r> so many wars wch were to be in ye 4 quarters of ye earth, & those successive becaus, as I shewed \signified/ above, they are ye wars of ye first four Trumpets. As for ye order of their succession we may learn it from their analogy wth ye four Beasts: namely the first an east wind, ye second a west wind, ye third a south wind & ye fourth a north wind; for in this order ye Beasts succeeded one another. And becaus ye Roman Empire is ye scene of this Prophesy we must reccon ye center of ye Empire, that is it's Metropolis Rome, to be at ye center of ye winds.

Thus is determined ye seat of ye wars, but for ye fuller understanding of them we are further to know what is meant by ye earth & Sea wch ye winds blow upon & hurt. Now by these a[136] I shewed above we are to understand two sorts of people, & b[137] I intimated that ye winds wch hurt blow upon & hurt them are wars \between them/ whereby they are mutually hurt; & therefore seeing ye wars (as you shall heare) {prove} were between ye Romans & Barbarians invading them, one of these must be ye Earth & ye other the sea; namely ye Romans ye sea & ye Barbarians ye earth; ffor ye people of ye Empire are signified by ye watry element as by ye c[138] waters wch ye Dragon cast out of his mouth, by ye d[139] many w{illeg}aters where ye whore sitteth, & by ye e[140] sea out of wch ye ten horned beast arose; & ye Earth is that people wch f[141] takes part wth ye woman against ye Dragon at length swallowing up ye waters wch ye Dragon cast out of his mouth after her, & consequently is at enmity wth ye Dragon, that is, wth ye Roman Empire. Conceive therefore that ye compas or dition of ye Empire wth its people is this political sea, & that ye nations round about it are ye earth wch bounds & comprehends it as ye natural earth does an inland sea; for this similitude I suppose was ye ground of ye figure.

There is one circumstance more to be here observed wch is ye putting ye Sea between ye Earth & |ye| trees whereas ye tree wch appurtein to it. But this is to show that ye winds are to blow on them all together, it being ye method of ye holy ghost to signify the synchronism of things by interweaving them, as I shewed above by divers instances. Had they not been here interwoven we might have thought that ye earth only was to <65r> be hurt in ye first Trumpet & ye Sea only in ye second, but this interweaving acquaints us that both are hurt together from ye beginning, ye sea in ye first Trumpet as well as ye earth, only ye Earth after ye manner expressed there, & ye earth in ye second Trumpet as well as ye sea, only ye sea after the manner expressed there: & so of in ye 3d & 4th Trumpet where ye \their/ hurting is exprest by smiting other ꝑts of ye world. And thus much of these Trumpets in general.

The first Trumpet.

The wars of ye first Trumpet have \therefore/ these \qualities/ four characters 1 They are to begin wth ye reign of ye Beast's eighth head. Posit. 5.§3. 2 They are to be ye wind wch blows next after ye calmness wherewth ye seventh seale began that is ye first notable invasion wch breaks forth after ye year 380. 3 \1 They are to begin presently after Theodosius death/ 2 They are to be an eastern wind, that is a war in ye regions eastward of Rome. \{sic} This war is to be pernicious both to ye \earth & sea yt/ Barbarians & to ye Romans for ye winds {begin}/ {&} 4 In this war there is to be one or more great battels wth loss to that side signified by ye Barbarians \the Barbarians are to suffer ye greatest loss by most by battels/ for by ffig     ye hail & fire mingled wth blood signify great battels, & their being cast on ye earth denotes ye overthrow of that side. signified by ye Earth, that is of ye Barbarians. These are the characters of this {sic} Trumpet, & the three first of them direct us plainly to ye wars wch brake out immediately after Theodosius's death.

The first is a double one, drawing evidence |Symbol (dot surrounded by two concentric circles surmounted by a cross) in text| both from the religious & from the temporal state of the Empire: from the temporal state in that ye beast's reign was to begin at ye division of ye Empire, & this division is sufficiently known to have been accomplished at ye death of Theodosius: from ye religious state in yt it was to begin when ye beast was fully ascended out of ye so soon as his worshippers had overthrown ye Church & overspread ye whole Roman world. In his seventh head he made war upon ye church, & so soon as he had vanquished her, became her successor in ye eighth, ye reign of that head being dated from her {illeg}nit He rose in ye sixt head or seale & made war upon ye Church in ye seventh & having conquered her reigned in ye eighth: for his reign is to be dated not from his first rise or beginning to make war but from his conquest of ye state wch he was to succeed, & ye holy ghost has plainly signified yt ye eight {sic} head is ye time of this his reign by saying: The Beast wch was & is not he is ye eighth. The time there <66r> fore yt ye Church was vanquished being known we have ye beginning of ye eighth head & consequently of ye Trumpets. And this time I compute thus.

In ye beginning of ye conflict \A.C. 381/ though the Churches were taken from them yet they still enjoyed their Bishops & Clergy & public worship in other places \wch they/ prepared & adorned like churches for that end. After two years Theodosius began to proceed further against them, but wthin a while relented \a little/ by means of Valentinian who sided wth them & by an edict made it death for any that should dare to disturb their Assemblies. Hitherto therefore ye victory was undecided But then Valentinian being expeld ye west by Maximus, Theodosius drew him to his party opinion & began (A.C. 388) to persecute afresh. \/ < insertion from f 65v > ✝ & yt in ye west as well as in ye east for he drew Valentinian to his opinion & after ye conquest of Maximus staid three years in ye west wth him, & in ye year 391 this a[142] edict was dated from Rome. Hæreticorum polluta contagia pelli urbibus b,[143] vicis proturbari, ac nullis penitus jubemus patere conventibus: ne quoquam sacrilega cohors talium hominum colligatur. Nulla eorum perversitati vel publica conventicula vel latiora erroribus secreta tribuantur. Dat 14 Kal Iun. Romæ, Taliano & Symmachio Coss. < text from f 66r resumes > This was a second step \& a very great one/ to her vanquishment but her numbers & resolution were too great to be easily conquered, & therefore ye Emperor (A.C. 392) in his expedition against Eugenius doubled his severity by many fresh edicts & severer punishments, such as could not but soon destroy her outward form of government & make her cease to ye have ye face of \{illeg}/ a church. ffor to name no other laws, this alone how wast possible for ye Church to continue in any visible form of government or discipline after yt sanction came forth whereby every \one that/ owned ye name of a clergiman or did any thing that betrayed him to be of that profession, wherever he was found, payed (toties quoties) ten Roman pounds of Gold, wch is \about/ 300lb of or money, & every place was confiscated where ye ordination of a clergiman or any thing sacred was done wch ye Emperor interdicted, & d[144] ye Iudges too were quickend to put this & ye rest of ye laws in strict execution? I shall reccon therefore yt ye period of ye Roman \visible/ church when Eugenius (under whom she had some respite) was conquered & ye laws of Theosius {sic} took place in ye whole Empire; & this was in ye very end of his reign, for he conquerd & slew Eugenius e[145] Sept 6 A.C. 394 & died e[146] Ian 17 following

\Symbol (line of 6 adjacent circles followed on the right by 4 circles in a diamond formation) in text/ < insertion from f 65v > Symbol (line of 5 adjacent circles followed on the right by 4 circles in a diamond formation) in text I mean not yt ye Church then ceased out of ye world but only from among ye Romans, being at this time (as to her state of visibility) translated thence to ye Barbarians: for her clergy being so severely fined, some persons beat wth clubs & banisht, some sorts made out-laws, all that disputed openly for their religion banisht, & all that were at any time found convening in religious Assemblies driven out of ye cities & Villages to shift for themselves among themselves as unworthy of human society: how could it be but that they must have now quitted the Empire & fled to barbarous nations as many as had zeale & sincerity enough to profess their religion. a[147] Baronius quoting some passages out of Salvian to shew into how stupendious a degree of wickednes ye Roman church was then degenerated, adds this to ye rest. Sed non prætermittendum est quod firmiter asseverat, adeo excrevisse magistratuū iniquitatem in Romano Imperio ut optabiles visi sunt barbari venientes imò et complures eos prævenerint ad ipsos confugiendo: Nam (in lib 5) ait Interea vastantur pauperes, viduæ gemunt orphani proculcantur, in tantū ut multi eorum & non obscuris natalibus orti & liberaliter instituti ad hostes fugiant ne persecutionis publicæ afflictione moriantur, quærentes scilicet apud Barbaros Romanam humanitatem qui apud Romanos Barbaram immanitatem ferre non possunt. – Itaqꝫ passim vel ad Gothos vel ad Bagandas vel ad alios ubiqꝫ dominantes Barbaros migrant & commigrasse non pænitet. Malunt enim sub specie captivitatis vivere liberi quàm sub specie libertatis esse captivi. Itaqꝫ nomen civium Romanorum aliquando non solum magno æstimatum sed magno emptum, nunc ultro repudiatur ac fugitur: nec vile tantum, sed etiam abominabile pene habetur. Et quod \esse/ majus testimonium Romanæ ini <66v> quitatis potest, quam quod pleriqꝫ et honesti & nobiles, & quibus Romanus status summo et splendori esse debuit et honori, ad hoc tamen Romanæ iniquitatis compulsi crudelitate compulsi sunt ut nolint esse Romani? Hæc et alia plura Salvianus, qui et parvo negotio, inquit Baronius, palam fecit & definit, longè præstantioribus moribus enituisse his temporibus \Barbaros/ quam Romanos. The times wch Salvian here speaks of were those wch immediately succeeded ye death of Theodosius, but Zosimus further tells us that Theodosius also, while he lived himself {illeg} in \yt/ profuse prodigality & luxury by wch he contracted ye dropsy he died of, opprest his subjects by intellorable {sic} exactions above what any had done before him, & therefore we may reccon Theodosius's reign ye beginning of these times of oppression Now if ye burthen of ye great ones was so heavy upon their whole people own people as to cause many of them to fly to ye barbarians, what think you would they not do against those whom they hated wth a perfect hatred & thought it religion to oppress? How was't possible for them to stay whom ye whole bent of such a tyrannical Empire was to expell? Yea Prosper in ye above cited place tells us that de facto it was so. Barbaris, inquit Radagaiso, inquit, Italiæ limitem transgresso, Arriani qui Romano procul fuerant orbe {sic} fugati, Barbararum nationum ad quas se contulere, præsidio erigi cœpere.

As for ye time of this transmigration I suppose I it began by degrees from ye year 388, & that many (those especially who had not so much zeal as to expose themselves by a public confession) staid till after Theodosius death & by degrees closed wth ye Barbarians at their coming. But ye chief period was ye last four months of Theodosius when he first extended together wth his dominion those irresistible laws over ye whole empire wch caused this transmigration {sic} & {illeg} made those that stayed behind cease to have ye use or appearance of a clergy & consequently ye face of a church. This was ye Churches lowest ebb, for immediately \presently/ after his death she began to be raised again by ye Barbarian invasions. Before this time she was but little diffused among ye barbarians & had her main body among ye Romans, but after this her visible body was among ye Barbarians & only some scattered members wthout ye outward face of a Church among the Romans; & if she happened obteind at any time liberty of worship among ye Romans (as it happend |a|[148] at Constantinople when Gainas who had an army of Barbarians, became Master of ye hors & foot to {illeg} Arcadius) this was only for a time by ye influence of ye Barbarians, & not by ye free clemency of ye Emperors, for they persisted in their father's rigour inforcing his laws by new edicts & making severer of their own to extinguish continually as much as they could, what was apt to be revived by ye Barbarian invasions.

< text from f 66r resumes >

D. Augustine tell's us [149] that one of ye heathen Oracles gave out yt the Christian religion should (by vertue forsooth of Peter's incantation) should last three hundred & sixty five years & so soon as that time was run out be at an end. On this prediction many of ye gentiles relied (as ye same D. Augustine relates & would not be gotten to turn Christians till ye time was run out, but then finding their hopes frustrate increased <67r> the Church considerably by their access. The Devil therefore plaid a cunning game keeping ye Heathens from conversion whilst Christianity retaind its purity, & making them flock to it so soon as Christians were degenerated below heathens: the first by their false hope, ye last by an imagind disappointment, & both through misinterpretation. They expected that ye very name of Christianity should be rooted out by such heathens as themselves were, but ye Oracle certainly intended nothing less. ffor ye Devil {sic} could not but know (if not otherwise yet) by ye sacred prophesies yt ye Church was to fall by an Apostacy of her members & not otherwise; & yet not totally to perish but only to disappear to ye world, as was to be learnt by ye woman's going into ye wilderness & by or Saviour's words yt ye gates of hel should not prevail against her. He knew also yt these Apostates were called Idolaters Rev 9.20, Blasphemers & spiritual fornicators ch 13 & 17 & Gentiles ch 11.2, & consequently that they should be such in reality though Christians in shew, & by their representation in Daniel & ye Apocalyps & their religion's being called ye mystery of iniquity & Antichristianism, & their being cast into hell (as many of 'em as deserve {sic} it) before ye rest of ye world Rev 20.10, 15, he knew that they were to be above all others ye most wicked wretched sort of people. And this was grownd enough for him to say that ye Christian religion should cease (suppose in ye Roman world to wch he spake,) & for us to be assured yt he meant nothing els but ye fall of it by ye great Apostacy. Count now 365 years from ye beginnng of Christianity yt is from or Saviour's Baptism Ian 6 A.C. 30 & you will fall upon Ian 6 A.C. 395 the end of Theodosius's reign.

Thus you have ye consent of Prophesies both sacred & prophane to assigne to this nick of time ye end of ye Church & beginning of ye Beast's wicked reign, & ye consent of ye event also to confirm these prophesies. But I know they who stand accused hereby will \still/ contend they are ye orthodox Church & ye Barbarians hereticks, & therefore the Oracle was a lye & my application of these things to them rash & uncharitable. To convince these men of their Heresies would be a vain attempt, it being ye nature of hereticks to <68r> be inconsiderate & therefore confident & obstinate. What I write of that kind I write not to them, but to make such as already know their backsliding understand how these Prophesies are fulfilled in them. Yet for ye sake of these men I shall add something to shame 'em at least if not convince 'em \but chiefly becaus it is my designe to treate here of the state of religion in the times of ye Trumpets/: They'l contend ye Trinity Triunity is no denying ye father & ye son, ye Hypostatical union & impassibility of ye Son no denying that Iesus Christ came in ye flesh & suffered for us, the worshipping of saints & reliques no Idolatry; but what will they say of whoredom, murder, \stealing/ lying, perjury, perfidy, {illeg} drunkenness, gluttony, oppression, pride, voluptuousness, blasphemies, strifes. Any of these are enough to damn a man as well as Antichristianity & Idolatry, & therefore make a man as much a fals Christian & a Church of such Christians as much a fals Church: & if ye generation I speak of were not notoriously guilty of these crimes, if they were not more guilty then Heathens themselves yea then the Barbarian Heathens, if they they were not apparently ye most wicked kingdom, the worst sort of men that ever reigned upon the face of ye earth till that same time, then let ye Oracle be a lye & my accusation rash & uncharitable. My Author is Salvian one of their own Bishops who after above 40 years observation wrote \with a weeping heart/ a tract to convince them those of his own religion ye Roman world that they were ye most dissolute depraved sort of men, that their profession of Christianity was no advantage to 'em \as they gloried but/ but on ye contrary a great \yt they cloathd themselves in the title of Christians, & were the wors for being of yt profession, it being an/ aggravation of their impieties lapsed state & that they were generally \even/ so {illeg} \exceeding/ bad that their wickednes provoked the divine vengeance to execute upon them those severe judgments of ye Barbarian invasions wch you shall hear described in ye Trumpets. {illeg} But to waken your attention to this Author I shall ‡ < insertion from f 67v > first give you a passage out of Ierom written \a little after Theodosius's death/ when Salvian was but a youth & ye Roman world but in ye heat of it's declining to wickedness; \& another out of Isidorus Peleusiota written about ye same time,/ & then I shall add ye judgment of ye great Cardinal Baronius, a man unwilling to confess any thing to ye scandal of his Church wch he can decline. That of Ierom is only this general confession. Scribere, inquit, disposui ab adventu Salvatoris usqꝫ ad nostram ætatem id est ab Apostolis usqꝫ ad nostri temporis fæcem, quomodo & per quos Christi Ecclesia nata sit & adulta, persecutoribus crevit, martyriis coronata sit. Et postquam ad Christianos Principes venit, potentia quidem et divitijs major, sed virtutibus minor facta sit &c {illeg} Hieron. Epist 52 De vita Malchi captivi monachi Bergius verò de hæc ætate sic loquitur. Quam soluta esset – \That of Isidorus:/ Pacis quidem nomen ubiqꝫ est; res autem nusquam. Verum ecclesia fæminæ cuidam quæ ex antiqua felicitate excidit, ac signa tantum habet similis est. Ornamentorum enim suorū thecas & arculas habet opibus autem spoliata est. Isid. Pelus. lib. 3 Epist 408. Baronius verò de hac ætate sic loquitur. Quàm soluta esset — — < text from f 68r resumes > wthall give you ye judgment of ye great Cardinal Baronius, a man unwilling to confess any thing to ye scandal of his Church that he can decline. Qu

Quam soluta esset, inquit Baronius,[150] in Gallijs magna ex parte Ecclesiastica disciplina, corruptisqꝫ moribus, exundantibus ubiqꝫ vitijs, eædem provinciæ meruerint tradi Barbaris devastandæ, Salvianus Massiliensis Episcopus pluribus docet: Vivebat ipse temporibus his ob oculos habens quæ ab oculis excuterent jugiter lachrymas; novus planè sui temporis Hieremias. And in another place.[151] Imperium magna Dei vindicta \Magna quidem dei vindicta contigit hoc seculo, universum fere Romanum Imperium/ {debe} {sic} Barbaris incursandum deprædandum ac cæde hominum devastandum: cujus quidem divini judicij pondus etsi grave videri possit, si tamen ubiqꝫ <69r> delinquentium scelera in alteram libræ lancem conjicias nihil est quod mireris sed potius cum Propheta occinas: Iustus es Domine et rectum judicium tuum. Hæc autem ut apertè percipias provoco te ad octo libros hoc argumento hoc ipso tempore, hac etiam ex causa a \{illeg}/ Salviano Episcopo Massiliensi conscriptos: a quo imprimis sicut generatim ita ista summatim accipe. Ipsa a[152] , inquit, Dei Ecclesia quæ in omnibus debet esse placatrix Dei quid est aliud quàm exacerbatrix Dei? Aut præter paucissimos quosdam qui mala confugiunt, quid est aliud omnis cœtus Christianorum quam sentina vitiorum? Quotum enim quemqꝫ invenies in Ecclesia aut non ebriosum, aut non helluonem aut adulterum aut fornicatorem aut raptorem aut ganeonem, aut latronem, aut homicidam? et quod his omnibus pejus est præter hac, cuncta sine fine. Interrogo enim Christianorum omnium conscientiam: ex his vel flagitijs vel sceleribus quæ nunc diximus quotusquisqꝫ hominum non aliquid \est/ eorum? est at quotusquisqꝫ non totum? ffacilius quippe invenies qui totum sit quàm qui nihil. Et quod diximus, nihil, nimis fortasse gravius videatur esse censuræ, plus multò dicam. Facilius invenias reos {illeg} malorum omnium quàm non omnium; facilius majorum criminum quam minorum, id est, facilius qui et majora crimina cum minoribus quam qui minora tantum sine majoribus perpetravit. In hanc enim probrositatem morum prope omnis Ecclesiæ plebs redacta est ut in cuncto populo Christiano genus quoddam sanctitatis sit minus esse vitiosum. – Thus far Baronius. But Salvian proceeds – In templa autem (pergit Salvianus) vel potius in Altaria atqꝫ in sacraria Dei passim omnes sordidi ac flagitiosi sine ulla penitus reverentia sacri honoris irrumpunt. Non quia non omnes ad exorandum Deum currere non debeant sed quia ingreditur ad placandum non debet egredi ad exacerbandum. Novum siquidem monstri genus est: eadem pene omnes jugiter faciunt quæ fecisse se plangunt. Et qui intrant ecclesiasticam domum ut mala aliqua defleant, exeunt, et quid dico exeunt–? in ipsis pene hoc orationibus suis ac supplicationibus moliuntur. Aliud quippe ora hominum aliud corda agunt. Et dum verbis præterita mala plangunt sensu futuræ meditantur: ac sic Oratio eorum rixa est magis criminum quam exoratrix: ut vere illa in ejs scripturæ maledictio compleatur; [153] ut de oratione ipsa exeant condemnati & oratio eorum fiat in peccatum. Deniqꝫ si vult quispiam hominum scire quid in templo hujusmodi homines cogitaverint, videat quid sequatur. Siquidem consummatis so <70r> lemnibus sacris, statim ad consuetudinaria omnes studia discurrunt alij scilicet ut furentur, alij ut inebrientur, alij ut fornicentur, alij ut latrocinentur: ut evidenter appareat hoc eos esse meditatos dum intra templum sunt quod postquam egressi fuerint exequuntur. Sed videlicet hæc mala et omnem vitiorum probrositatem quam supra dixi, ad servos fortasse quidam et ad abjectissimos quosqꝫ homines referendam putant: cæterùm nomen ingenuum hac flagitiorum non pollui. Quid autem aliud est cunctorum negotiantum vita quàm fraus atqꝫ perjurium? Quid aliud curalium,quam iniquitas? quid aliud officialium quàm calumnia? Quid aliud omnium militantium quam rapina? Sed putas forsan \quod/ hoc etiam de personis istiusmodi ferri possit. Hic est enim inquis eorum actus quæ et professio, ac per hoc nihil mirum est si agunt quod profitentur. Quasi verò aut agere ullum Deus res malas velit aut profiteri. – Sed omnis inquis nobilitas ab his sceleribus immunis est. Parum est id quidem: quia non aliud videtur nobilitas in omni mundo quam unus homo in grandi populo. – Sed quis est vel dives omninò vel nobilis aut innocentiam servans aut a cunctis sceleribus manus abstinens? quanquam superfluè a cunctis dixerim utinam vel a maximis: quia volunt sibi id forte majores quasi privilegium vendicare ut jure suo crimina vel minora committant. Itaqꝫ de peccatis facilioribus nihil dico. Videamus si vel a duobus illis quasi capitalibus malis ullus immunis est, id est ab homicidio vel a stupro. Quis enim est aut humano sanguine non cruentus aut cænosa impuritate non sordidus? unium quidem ex his ad pœnam æternam sufficit, sed prope nullus divitum non utrumqꝫ commisit. Sed cogitat forte aliquis de hoc numero Ego jam ista non facio. Laudo si non facis, sed tamen forte ante fecisti, & non est nunquam omninò fecisse, facere cessasse. Quod si ita esset, quid proderat tamen unum a scelere desistere & multos in scelere permanere? non sufficit ad placandum Deum quod unus peccata deserit quem universitas totius humani generis offendit. Loquens Deus de populo peccatore, sic dicit. [154] Si fuerint tres viri in medio ejus, Noe et Daniel et Iob, non liberabunt filios et filias ipsi soli salvi erunt. Neminem reor tam impudentem fore qui se his talibus viris audeat se comparare. Ac per hoc sublata est omnis spes falsæ opinionis qua credamus innumeram perditorum hominum mulititudinem suffragio paucorum bonorum a præsentibus malis posse defendi. Cum enim nullus illis quos supra <71r> diximus parsit, quæ esse spes ullis potest quod liberari, et extranei et innumeri et mali a paucissimis bonis possint? Cùm illi familiarissimi Deo sancti ne hoc quidem a Domino promeruerint ut in filijs suis vel sua membra salvarent: & rectè. Nam licet omnes admodum filij membra parentum esse {illeg} videantur, non putandi sunt tamen membra eorum a quibus affectu cœperint discrepare: quia morum degenerantium pravitate pereunt in talibus beneficia naturæ. Quo fit ut etiam nos qui nos christianos esse dicimus perdamus vim tanti nominis vitio pravitatis. Omninò nihil prodest nomen sanctum habere sine moribus. Vnde cùm pene nullam Christianorum omnium partem, pene nullum ecclesiarum omnium angulum non plenum omni offensione et omni letalium peccatorum labe videamus, quid est quod in quo nobis de Christiano nomine blandiamur? Cum utiqꝫ hoc ipso magis per nomen sacratissimum rei simus qui a sancto nomine discrepamus. Nam et ideò plus sub religionis titulo Deum ludimus, quia positi in religione peccamus. This in ye 3d book. In ye 4th becaus ye great ones used \were ready/ to complain of their servants for lying stealing gluttony & running away, he expostulates wth them & shows them to be ye worser sort of people, & among other things has these. [155] ~ ~ Homicidia in servis rara sunt terrore et metu mortis, in divitibus assidua spe ac fiducia impunitatis – illi cum occidunt servulos suos jus putant esse non crimen. Nec hoc solum, sed eodem privilegio {illeg} etiam in exercendo impudicitiæ cæno abutuntur. Quotus enim quisqꝫ est divitum quem non libidinis furor rapiat in præceps? cui non domus ac familia sua scortum sit? et qui non in quamcunqꝫ personam cupiditatis improbæ calor traxerit mentis sequatur insania? De concubinis quippiam dici forsitan injustum esse videatur, quia hoc in comparatione supradictorum flagitiorum quasi genus est castitatis uxoribus paucis esse contentum et intra certum conjugum numerum frenos libidinum continere. Conjugum dixi quia ad tantam res impudentiam venit, ut ancillas suas multi uxores putent, atqꝫ utinam sicut putantur esse quasi conjuges ita solæ haberentur uxores. Illud magis tetrum ac detestabile quod quidam matrimonia honorata sortiti alias sibi rursum servilis status conjuges sumunt deformantes sancti connubij honorem per degeneris connubij vilitatem. – Ab his sceleribus prope omnis servorum numerus immunis est. Nunquid enim <72r> multarum aliquis ex servis turbas concubinarum habet? nunquid multarum uxorum labe polluitur: ut canum vel suum more tantas putet conjuges {illeg}suas esse quantas poterit libidini subjugare? Sed respondebis quod facere servis ista non liceat: Nam profectò facerent si liceret. Credo, sed quæ fieri non video quasi facta habere non possum. Malos esse servos ac detestabiles satis certum est: sed hoc utiqꝫ ingenui ac nobiles magis execreandi si in statu honestiore pejores sunt. He proceeds to accuse ye great ones also for their {illeg} vast oppressions taking from themselves ye old impositions & laying new ones uponye people |  denuendo sibi vetera vectigalia et istis addendo nova. \Symbol (cluster of 5 circles) in text/ < insertion from f 71v > people Symbol (cluster of 5 circles) in text \Vpon this he insists much/ But because I cite him to this purpose in other places I shall \rather/ here give you ye words of another Author. Quod tam facilè \ait Aventinus/ [156] Romanæ Provinciæ Cæsaribus, licet ambobus Christianis eripiebantur a Germanis ethnicis tres potissimùm refert causas Sidonius Apollinaris Avernorum Episcopus & Gener Augustorum qui sensit has calamitates (quippe eo tempore vixit:) ignaviam Cæsarum, magnitudinem tributorum, avaritiam ac superbiam Præsidum et Episcoporum. Sed Sidonij verba referam. [157] Romana Respublica in extrema hæc miseriarum defluxit quod studiosos sui nunquam remuneretur. Natio ac tribus fæneratorum non solum inciviliter Romanas vires administrant verum etiam funditus a fundamento eruunt. Nobilium virorum militariumqꝫ præter spem atqꝫ opinionem adversæ partes bellicoso non tam facta quam præmia desunt. Parum quoqꝫ in commune consulunt Episcopi quibus tranctanda a Principe committuntur. Cum in Consilium veniunt non tam curæ publicæ mederi quàm privatis student fortunis. Præsides præfecti Provinciarum Romanos opprimunt; fidis reipublicæ insultant, cum hostibus paciscuntur. Illis tamen Codicilli a Quæstoribus, ab Imperatoribus patricius honor defertur. Nullæ reipublicæ opes, nulla præsidia, nullæ opes Romani Principis. Ego atqꝫ cætera Nobilitas <72v> cogimur aut patriam dimittere aut capillos. < text from f 72r resumes > The whole Roman Christian world also, nobles & plebeians, some very few persons excepted he \Salvian/ charges wth other great crimes, as [their intollerably partial censoriousnes,] their blasphemies, their swearing, their greedy following worldly peasures {sic} their having ye wicked most in honour, & despising those they had \once once/ in honour if \when/ they begin to have any shew of religiousnes \& wch is most of all, that stupendious abomination of Sodomy he expresses to have been too publick./Symbol (cross with S arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text

< insertion from f 71v >

Symbol (cross with S arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text Of their open contemning all shew of piety he says. Iam verò illud quale, quam sanctum, quòd siquis ex nobilibus converti ad Deum cœperit statim honorem nobilitatis amittit: aut quantus in Christiano populo honor Christi est ubi religio ignobilem facit? Statim enim ut quis melior esse tentaverit deterioris abjectione calcatur: ac per hoc omnes quodammodo mali esse coguntur ne viles habeantur. Et ideo non sine causa Apostolus clamat: Seculum totum in malo positum est: [158] Et verum est. Merito enim totum in malo esse dicitur ubi boni {sic} locum habere non possunt. Siquidem ita totum iniqitatibus {sic} plenum est ut aut mali sint qui sunt: aut qui boni sunt multorum persecutione crucientur. Itaqꝫ sicut diximus si honoratior quispiam religioni se applicuerit, illico honoratus esse desistit. Vbi enim quis mutaverit vestem, mutat protinus dignitatem. Si fuerit sublimis fit despicabilis. Si fuerit splendidissimus fit vilissimus si fuerit totus honoris fit totus injuriæ. Et mirantur mundani quidam infideles si offensam Dei aut iracundiam perferunt ubi Deum in sanctis omnibus persequuntur. Perversa enim sunt et in diversum cuncta mutata.

< text from f 72r resumes >

[Of their partiality he says: Hinc ergo cognosci potest quam iniqui et pravi sumus: alijs severissimi sumus, nobis indulgentissimi: alijs asperi nobis remissi. In eodem crimine punimus alios, nos absolvimus. Intollerabiles prorsus et contumaciæ & præsumptionis: nec agnoscere volumus in nobis reatum & audemus de alijs usurpare judicium. Quid esse injustius nobis, aut quid perversius potest? Id ipsum scelus in nobis probabile esse ducimus quod in alijs severissimè vindicamus. Et ideo non sine causa ad nos Apostolus clamat: Propter quod inexcusabilis es ô homo omnis qui judicas. In quo enim alium judicas, teipsum judicas. Eadem enim agis quæ judicas. lib 4.]

Of their blasphemies he says. [159] Peccatis veteribus nova addimus: nec solum nova sed quædam paganica ac prodigiosa, et in Ecclesijs Dei ante non visa, jactantes scilicet profanas in Deum voces & contumelias, blasphemantes, dicents Deum non intendentem, Deum negligentem, Deum non gubernantem, & per hoc et immisericordem et impræstabilem, inhumanum asperum durum. – O cæcam impudentiam! ô sacrilegam temeritatem! Non sufficit enim nobis quod peccatis innumerabilibus involuti, rei in omnibus Deo sumus, nisi et accusatores Dei simus. Et quæ rogo hominum spes erit qui ipsum accusat judicem judicandus? Si ergo, inquiunt, respicit res humanas <73r> Deus, si curat, si diligit, si gubernata; cur nos infirmiores omnibus gentibus, et miseriores esse permittit? Cur vinci a Barbaris patimur? Cur juri hostium subjugari? Brevissime, ut jam dixi, ideò nos perferre hæc mala patitur quia meremur ut ista patiamur. Respiciamus enim ad turpitudines &c

Of their swearing & forswearing: [160] Quis est, inquit, omninò secularium hominum præter paucos qui non semper Christi nomen in ore habeat ut pejeret? Vnde etiam pervulgatum hoc ferè {illeg} & apud nobiles & apud ignobiles sacramentum est, per Christum: per Christum, quia \hoc/ facio. {illeg} \Per Christum quia nihil aliud dicturus sum./ Et quid plura? In id penitus deducta res est ut sicut de Paganis Barbaris prius diximus, Christi nomen non videatur jam sacramentum esse sed sermo. Nam intantum apud plurimos nomen hoc parvi penditur ut nunquam minùs cogitent quippiam facere quam cum se jurant per Christum esse facturos. Et cum scriptum sit, non nominabis nomen Domini Dei tui in vanum, in id reverentia Christi decidit ut inter cæteras seculi vanitates nihil jam pene vanius quàm Christi nomen esse videatur. Deniqꝫ multi non otiosas tantummodo res et aniles, sed etiam scelera quædam se jurant per Christi nomen esse facturos. Hic enim loquendi usus est talibus: Per Christum quia tollo illud: Per Christum quia cædo illum: Per Christum quia occido illum. Ad hoc res cecidit ut cum per Christi nomen juraverint, putent se scelera etiam religiosè esse facturos. &c

Of their voluptuousness: Dum in Theatris ait et Circis ludimus, deperimus, secundum illud: [161] Stultos per risum operatur Scelus. Per turpitudines [162] In Theatris, ait, et concupiscentijs animus & auditu aures & aspectu oculi polluntur. Quæ quidem omnia tam flagitiosa sunt ut etiam explicare ea quispiam atqꝫ eloqui salvo pudore non valeat. Quis enim integro verecundiæ statu dicere queat illas rerum turpium imitationes, illas vocum et verborum obscenitates illas motuum turpitudines, illas gestuum fœditates? quæ quanti sint criminis vel hinc intelligi potest quod et relationem sui interdicunt. — Alia quoqꝫ omnia mala agentes polluunt, non videntes vel audientes. Siquidem etsi blasphemum quempiam audias, sacrilegio non pollueris quia mente dissentis. Et si intervenias latrocinio non inquinaris actu qui abhorres animo. Solæ spectaculorum impuritates sunt quæ unum admo <74r> dum faciunt et agentium & aspicientium crimen. Nam dum spectantes hæc comprobant ac libenter vident, omnes {illeg}ea visu atqꝫ assensu agunt, ut verè in eos Apostolicum id peculiariter eadat: [163] quia digni sunt morte non solum qui faciunt ea sed etiam qui consentiunt facientibus. Itaqꝫ in illis imaginibus fornicationum omnis omninò plebs animo fornicatur, & qui forte ad spectaculum puri veniunt, de theatro adulteri revertuntur. Non enim tunc tantummodo quando redeunt, sed etiam quando veniunt fornicantur: nam hoc ipso quod aliquis rem obscænam cupit dum ad immunda properat immundus est. Quæ cum ita sint ecce qualia aut omnes aut pene omnes Romani agunt {sic}. Et cum hæc ita sint, qui talia agimus negligi nos a divinitate causamur, relinqui nos a Domino nostro dicimus cum ipsi dominum relinquamus. Fingamus enim quod respicere nos Dominus noster velit, etiam non merentes videamus si potest. Ecce innumera Christianorum millia in spectaculis quotidie rerum turpium commorantur. Potest ergo \illos/ Deus respicere qui tales sunt? Potest eos respicere qui bacchantur in circis, qui mechantur in Theatris? — An forte in morem veterum Paganorum, Theatrorum et Circorum nos Deum habere arbitramur? Faciebant enim hæc illi quondam quia has Idolorum suorum delicias esse credebant. Nos quomodo hæc facimus qui odisse Deum nostrum hæ certi sumus? Si in conscientia nostra hoc est, quod Deus horret, quod execratur, quod sicut in his sit pastos Diaboli ita offensio Dei: quomodo nos in Ecclesia Dei colere Deum dicimus qui in obscænitate ludorum semper Diabolo deservimus, & hæc gnari, ac scientes, de consilio et industria?

And again. Dum in Theatris et Circis ludimus, deperimus secundum illud: [164] Stultus per risum operatur scelus. Per turpitudines criminosas æterna illic salus Christianæ plebis extinguitur, per sacrilegas superstitiones majestas divina violatur. Dubium non enim est non est quod lædunt Deum, utpote Idolis consecratæ. Colitur namqꝫ et honoratur Minerva in Gymnasijs, Venus in Theatris, Neptunus in Circis, Mars in arenis, Mercurius in Palæstris, et ideo pro qualitate auctorum cultus est superstitionum. Quicquid immundiciarum est hoc exercetur in Theatris; quicquid luxuriarum in Palæstris; quicquid immoderationis in Circis; quicquid furoris in Caveis. Alibi est impudentiæ, alibi <75r> lascivia, alibi intemperantiæ, alibi insania: Vbiqꝫ dæmon; imò per singula ludicrorum loca, universa dæmonum monstra: præsident enim sedibus suo cultui dedicatis.

And again. Nos Ecclesijs Dei ludicra anteponimus, nos altaria spernimus et Theatra honoramus. Omnia deniqꝫ amamus, omnia colimus, solus nobis in comparatione omnium Deus vilis est. Deniqꝫ præter alia quæ id probant indicat hoc etiam res ipsa quam dico. Siquando enim venerit, quod scilicet sæpe evenit ut eodem die et festivitas ecclesiastica et ludi publici agantur quæro ab omnium conscientia quis locus majores Christianorum virorum copias habeat, caveane ludi publici, an atrium Dei? et Templum omnes magis sectentur an theatrum? dicta evangeliorum magis diligunt an Thymelicorum? verba vitæ an verba mortis? verba Christi an verba mimi? non dubium est quin illud magis amemus quod magis anteponimus. Omni enim feralium ludicrorum die si quælibet Ecclesiæ festa fuerint, non solum ad Ecclesiam non veniunt qui Christianos se esse dicunt, sed siqui inscij forte {illeg} venerint, dum in ipsa ecclesia sunt, si ludos agi audiunt, ecclesiam derelinquunt. Spernitur Dei templum ut concurratur ad Theatrum. Ecclesia vacuatur, Circus impletur. Christum in Altario dimittimus ut adulterantes visu impurissimo oculos ludicrorum turpium fornicatione pascamus. |Et ideo rectissime ad nos Deus dicit [165] Propter spurcitiam exterminati estis exterminio. |

< insertion from f 74v >

Lastly their Sodomy he first instances in ye Africans & then concludes {upon} ye Romans in general. Supra omnem, inquit, monstruosi piaculi execrationem est scelus summum admittere, et pudorem sceleris non habere. Qu |instances in Carthage ye second City of ye Empire where he represents this wickednes at such a height that some men like harlots made an open profession of prostituting themselves. And this being publickly known & consented to he makes the crime of the whole Empire.| Sed forte vel id occultum quod loquimur erat, aut saltem hoc providebant Procuratores, ne publicæ passim disciplinæ oculos civitatis scelera propalata polluerent. Quod si factum utiqꝫ fuisset quamvis si multi extitissent opere ipso sordidi, non omnes tamen fuerant visu atqꝫ animo sordidati: & solet res flagitiosa quando agitur occultè, fidem facinoris non mereri. Supra omne autem monstruosi piaculi execrationem est, scelus summum admittere & pudorem sceleris non habere. Quid rogo fieri illic prodigiosus potuit? in urbe Christiana, in urbe Ecclesiastica – viri in semetipsis fæminas profitebantur & hoc sine pudoris umbraculo sine ullo verecundiæ amictu: ac quasi parum piaculi esset si malo illo malorum tantum inquinarentur autores, per publicam sceleris professionem fiebat etiam scelus integræ civitatis. Videbat, quippe hoc universa urbs et patiebatur: videbant Iudices & acquiescebant: populus videbat & applaudebat; ac sic diffuso per totam urbem dedecoris scelerisqꝫ consortio, etsi hoc commune omnibus non faciebant actus, commune omnibus faciebat assensus. Sed finis aliquando forsitan mali aut emendatio aliqua labes istis fuit. Quis credere aut etiam audire possit convertisse in muliebrem tolerantiam viros, non usum suum tantum atqꝫ naturam sed etiā vultum incessum habitum & totum penitus quicquid aut in sexu est, aut in usu viri. – Sed paucorum hoc inquis dedecus fuit. – At Apostolus: nescitis, inquit, quia modicum frumentum totam massam corrumpit. – Sicut enim una meretrix multos fornicatores facit; sic plurimam populi partem inquinat paucorum effæminatorum abominanda permixtio. Et nescio qui eorum ante Deū deteriores sint, cùm æquali in scriptis sacris sorte damnentur. Neqꝫ molles enim inquit,[166] neqꝫ masculorum concubitores regnum Dei possidebunt. Illud ergo magis inge <75v> miscendum atqꝫ lugendum est quod tale hoc scelus crimen etiam totius Reipublicæ videbatur. Et universa Romani nominis dignitas facinoris prodigiosi inurebatur infamia &c.

< text from f 75r resumes >

When Baronius had quoted some of ye foregoing passages he adds: [167] Sed hæc generatim ad omnes, ut diximus, spectant quæ hujus temporis inspector et scriptor vir sanctissimus posteris tradidit. Verum quod peculiariter ad Gallias pertinet quas hoc anno (412) Gothus, ante Burgundio Wandalus Francus Hunnus et reliqua barbarorum colluvies ad radices usqꝫ depasta est: quales Gallorum horum temporum mores fuerint, idem autor Galliarum accola pluribus prosecutus est: atqꝫ imprimis suorum Aquitanorum in quos primò barbaricus furor irrupit, de quibus ipse: In omnibus quippe Gallijs sicut divitijs primi fuere, sic et vitijs. Nusquam enim improbior voluptas nusquam improbior vita; nusquam corruptior disciplina. – An forte falsum est, et odiosè potius quam vere ista dicuntur? Non oratoria probatione qua uti alij in causis solent, utar, ut producam quoscunqꝫ ad probandum, aut paucos aut extraneos aut minus <76r> idoneos testes: Ipsos interrogemus a quibus acta sunt. Falsum sit quod diximus si negarint; fatentur enim et \quidem/ (quod est gravius) sic fatentur ut in ipsa confessione non doleant: idem enim nunc est animus in fatentibus qui in agentibus fuit: sicut tunc non puduit flagitia committere, sic nunc omninò non pænitet flagitia fecisse. Exceptis tantum perpaucis fermè sanctis atqꝫ insignibus viris qui (ut quidam de numero ipsorum ait) sparsis redimerunt crimina nummis. Exceptis, in quam his quos loquor, utiqꝫ etiam in illa tunc generali admodum colluvione vitiorum, recte minorum criminum reos fuisse credimus qui corrigi a divinitate meruerunt. Cæteri autem et plurimi ferme ac nobilissimi, prope idem omnes, pene unus gurges omnium gula, pene unum lupanar omnium vita. Et quid dicam de lupanaribus? minoris enim criminis lupanar puto: meretrices enim quæ illic sunt fœdus connubiale non norunt: impudicitiæ enim piaculo sunt obnoxiæ sed reatu tamen adulterij non tenentur. Adde huic quod et pauca ferme sunt lupanaria, & paucæ quæ in his vitam infelicissimam damnarere meretrices. Apud Aquitanos vero, quæ civitas in locupletissima & nobilissima sui parte non quasi lupanar fuit? quis potentum ac divitum non in luto libidinis vixit? quis non se barathro sordidæ colluvionis immersit? quis conjugij fidem reddidit? imò quantum ad passivitatem libidinis pertinet quis non conjugem in numerum ancillarum redegit, & ad hoc venerabilis connubij sacramenta dejecit, ut nulla in domo ejus vilior videretur in maritali despectione quàm quæ erat princeps matrimonij dignitate? — Quis autem Aquitanorum divitum non hoc fuit quem non sibi ancillæ impudicissimæ aut adulterum aut maritum jure dixerunt? Equi emissarij, ut scriptura ait, in fæminas facti sunt: Vnusquisqꝫ ad uxorem proximi sui inhiabat. Addit (pergit Baronius) et plura alia: {illeg} \at/ exhorrescit stylus jam ac resilit atqꝫ refugit ulterius in turpitudinum cloacam intingi.

Afterwards he proceeds to other nations & shows ye Spanish nations to be rather wors then ye Gallic, & ye African to be worst of all. \/ < insertion from f 75v > Ⓧ Quod Wandali, inquit, ad Africam transierunt non est non est {sic} divinæ severitati sed Afrorum sceleri deputandum. Gravi enim eos antequam illuc pergerent, ac longa iniquitatate {sic} traxerunt. Et ideo intelligere debemus quia pietatis divinæ fuit quod pœnam diu debitam distulit. – In Afros omnia simul improbitatum atqꝫ impuritatum genera confluxerunt. Cæteri enim homines etsi nonnullis flagitiorum vitijs obligati sunt quibusdam tamen non implicantur: etsi vinolentia non cavent malevolentia cerent: etsi libidine æstuant, rapacitate non sæviunt: multos <76v> deniqꝫ etsi accusat incontinentia corporum simplicitas commendat animorum In Afris verò pene omnibus nihil horum est quod ad utramqꝫ pertineat, id est bonum æque ac malum: quia totum admodum malum. Adeo eclusa naturæ originalis synceritate, aliam quodammodo in his naturam vitia fecerunt. — Quid piaculorum < text from f 76r resumes > Quid, inquit piaculorum est non illic semper admissum? ne de omnibus dicam, quia et enormia fere sunt et sciri & dici tanta non possunt; de sola vel maximè obscænitate impuritatum loquor <77r> et quod est gravius, sacrilegiorum. Prætermitto in aliquo rabidem cupiditatis, vitium totius generis humani. Prætereo avaritiæ inhumanitatem, proprium est Romanorum pene omnium malum. Relinquatur ebrietas, nobilibus ignobilibusqꝫ communis. Taceatur superbia et tumor, tam peculiare {illeg} hoc divitum regnum est, ut aliquid forsitan de jure suo se putent perdere si hinc sibi alius quicquam voluerit vendicare. Transeatur deniqꝫ prope omne fraudū, falsitatum, perjuriorum, nefas: nulla unquam his malis Romana civitas caruit, & specialius hoc scelus Afronem omnium fuit. Nam sicut in sentinam profundæ navis colluviones omnium sordium; sic in mores eorum quasi ex omni mundo, vitia fluxerunt. Nullam enim improbitatem scio, quæ illic non redundaverit: cum utiqꝫ etiam paganæ ac ferinæ gentes, etsi habeant specialiter mala propria, non sint tamen in his omnia execratione digna. Gothorum gens perfida sed pudica est: Alemannorum impudica sed minus perfida: Franci mendaces, sed hospitales: Saxones crudelitate efferi sed castitate mirandi. Omnes deniqꝫ gentes habent sicut peculiaria mala, ita etiam quædam bona. In Afris pene omnibus nescio quid non malum. Si accusanda est inhumanitas inhumani sunt. Si ebriositas ebriosi sunt. Si falsitas fallacissimi. Si dolus fraudulentissimi. Si cupiditas cupidissimi. Si perfidia perfidissimi. Impuritas eorum atqꝫ blasphemia his omnibus admiscenda non sunt: quia illis quæ supra diximus malis aliorum gentium vitia, his autem etiam sua ipsa vicerunt. Ac primum ut de impuritate dicamus, quis nescit Africam totam obscænis libidinum tædis semper arsisse: non ut terram ac sedem hominum sed ut Æthnam putes impudicarum fuisse flammarum. Nec volo \in hac re/ assertionibus meis credi testimonium requiratur humani generis humani. Quis non omnes omninò Afros generaliter sciat impudicos, nisi forte ad Deum conversos, id est fide ac religione mutatos. Sed hoc tam rarum est ac novum, quam rarum videri potest quemlibet {sic} Gavium \Gavionem/ non esse Gavium \Gavionem/ aut quemcunqꝫ Sævúm non esse Sævúm. Tam infrequens enim est hoc et inusitatem impudicum non esse Afrum quàm novum et inauditum Afrum non esse Afrum. Ita enim generale in eis malum impuritatis est, ut quicunqꝫ ex eis impudicus esse desierit, <78r> Afer non esse videatur. Nec discurram per singula loca singula, aut cunctas discutiam civitates, ne studiosè videar quærere atqꝫ investigare quæ dicam: una tantum universarum illic urbium principe & quasi matre contentus sum: Carthaginem dico, alteram in orbe Africano orbe quasi Romam: quæ mihi ideo in exemplum ac testimonium sola sufficit; quia universa penitus quibus in toto mundo disciplina Reipublicæ vel procuratur vel regitur, in se habuit, &c. Then after a heavy accusation he adds for all kinds riot & debauchery Then adding a heavy accusation he says Video scaturientem vitijs civitatem, alios rapacitate, alios impuritate certantes, alios vino languidos, alios cruditate distentos, hos sertis redimitos, illos unguento oblitos, cunctos vario luxus marcore perditos. Populos putares non sani status, non sui sensus; non animo incolumes, non gradu; quasi in morem bacchantium crapulæ catervatim inservientes. – Fœtebant, ut ita dixerim, cuncti urbis illius cives cæno libidinis, spurcum sibimetipsis mutuò impudicitiæ nidorem inhalantes. Sed horrori eis tamen horrida ista non erant quia idem omnes horror infecerat. Vnam enim putes illic fuisse libidinum fornicationumqꝫ sentinam, cænum quasi ex omni platearum & cloacarum labe collectam. Et quæ illic spes esse poterat, ubi præter id quod in Dominui {sic} {sic} templo erat, nihil videri penitus nisi sordidum non licebat. Quanquam {illeg} quid dicam in Dei templo? hoc quippe totum ad sacerdotes tantum & clerum pertinet, quos non discutio, quia Domini mei ministerio reverentiam servo, Cæterum quantum ad & quos ita solos puros arbitror fuisse in Altario sicut pereuntibus Sodomis solum Loth fuisse legimus in monte Cæterum quantum ad plebem pertinet, quis in illo numero tam innumero castus fuit? Castum dico? Quis non fornicarius, non adulter, & hoc sine cessatione sine termino? Rursum clamitem itaqꝫ necesse est. Quæ spes in illo populo esse poterat, ubi cum unus interdum adulter plebem Ecclesiasticum polluat, ibi inter tot millia si diligentissimè quæreres, castum vel in Ecclesia invenire vix posses. Plus multo dicam, utinam hæc essent sola quæ diximus, & contenta illic virorum impuritas fuisset solis sordidarum mulierum fornicationibus inquinari. Illud gravius et scelestius, quod illa de quibus beatus Apostolus Paulus cum summa animi lamentatione conquæritur, in Afris pene omnia fuerunt: [168] scilicet quia masculi relicto naturali usu fæminæ, exarserunt in desiderijs suis in {illeg} invicem, masculi in mas <79r> culos turpitudinem exercentes, & mercedem quam oportuit erroris sui in semetipsos recipientes. Et sicut non probaverunt Deum habere in notitia, tradidit illos in reprobum sensum, ut faciant quæ non convenit.

Hee proceeds further to tell how some men went about ye streets in weomens aparrel, known to ye City & connived at by the Magistrates. But what has been produc't is enough to cause teares & astonishment, & almost too much to be believed did not ye circumstances ascertain it And yet Baronius such are ye circumstances, that Baronius mentioning these things confesses he dealt favorably wth ye accused. [169] Cæterùm, inquit, quod ad Salvianum spectat: ne putes eum dum pravos mores Africanorum sugillat ex parvis magna componere, quasi eloquentiæ arte amplificationibus rem exaggerans, ex paucis multa vel ex minimus maxima reddere sit conatus: sed parcius dicas egisse dum his non leviora intacta penitus prætermisit &c. Then he speaks of ye strange fury of ye Donatists, & afterward adds. Sed et idem S. Augustinus paucis his diebus quibus capta a Vandalis Africa supervixit, cum cladem Barbaricam non nisi ex undante peccatorum copia ipsos pati testetur, jam in profundum illud scelerum eos pervenisse demonstrat quod a Divina Scriptura verbis illis significatur: Impius cum in profundum venerit peccatorum contemnit. Hinc illæ lachrymæ cum ista gemens: Inter tantas, inquit, [170] angustias, & in ipso fine rerum posita est universa provincia & quotidiè frequentantur spectacula. Sanguis hominum quotidiè funditur in mundo & insanientium voces crepitant in Circo. O planctus omni mæstitia acceptior! O planctus omni mæstitia affligens cor! Libet flere. Plangimus dilectissimi et nos et illos et nos, quia et nos digni sumus qui cum talibus meritò flagellemur.

In ye same discourse St Austin has \hints/ several other things very conformable to Salvian. And amongst ye rest this is remarkable that he strove to think ye best of men. ffor he tells us that there were divers who lamented ye sinful state of ye people, & \yet/ by his discours these lamenters were worldlings & consequently but Pharisaical censurers. Multi sunt, inquit, qui gemunt et dolent, ob iniquitates quæ fiunt in medio eorum, volentes resistere sed timore secularium rerum non audentes, quas adhuc vel adipisci desiderat humana fragilitas vel amittere formidat infirmitas. – Quod rem non timendam timent, omnes <80r> declinarunt, simul omnes inutiles facti sunt: quia plus æstimatur timor hominis quam timor Dei, & præferunt homines res quas acciperunt a Deo ipsi Deo. – Cum alios accusamus omnes declinavimus prorsus omnes. — Prædicamus et non facimus, auditis et facere non curatis. Merito omnes sub flagello conterimur, & doctor et factor, & auditor et contemptor. Studemus invicem reprehendere & non studemus opera nostra discutere. Detrahit proximus proximo, detrahit clericus clerico, detrahit laicus laico. Video quidem seinvicem accusantes, sed neminem video justè se excusantem. — Interroget se unaquæqꝫ anima ut videat si injuste patitur: proferatur statera justitiæ, appendetur amor mundi cum amore Dei, vide quemadmodum præponderet amor mundi. – Dominus jussit: Qui amat filium aut filiam plusquam me non est me dignus. Nec illos odire præcepit sed se non minus diligi. Verè filios diligeres si in ipso diligeres. An ideo eos videris diligere qui {illeg} eorum voluptatibus faves? audis blasphemantes et patienter fers? vides frequentare spectacula et non revocas? vides luxuriantes et non verberas? &c. And afterward. Quid dicam de tribus pueris qui cum nollent imaginem regiam adorare ignes riserunt. Quid tale dilectissimi fecimus, imò e contrario quæ mala non fecimus? Illi nec minis nec tormentis conventi, dæmonijs sacrificaverunt. An non sacrificavit qui imagines Idolorum per noctem ludentes quod Nocturnum vocant, libentissimè spectavit? Sacrificavit prorsus sacrificavit: et quod est peus, non tauri vel cujuslibet pecoris aliquam victimam, sed ipsam animam hominis pretiosam. In hoc tam nefando sacrificio non unus vel pauci accusantur, tota hoc civitas fecit quæ tota consensit: nec ab hostibus nec a barbaris sed a semetipso omnis homo in animo se intus occidit videndo, consentiendo, non prohibendo, omnes remansimus rei.Symbol (asterisk, followed by a cross with its S arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text < insertion from f 79v > rei. Symbol (asterisk, followed by a cross with its S arm missing in a circle surmounted by a cross) in text To this last reproof of St Austin a passage in Salvian is very agreeable r[171] Quia de impuritate Afrorum, ait, jam multa diximus, nunc de blasphemijs saltem pauca dicamus. Professa enim illic jugiter plurimorum paganitas fuit. {illeg} Habebant quippe intra muros patrios intestinum scelus, Cælestem illum scilicet Afrorum dæmonem dico, cui ideò ut reor veteres Pagani tam speciosum titulum dederunt ut quia in eo non erat numen vel nomen esset. Quis ergo illi idolo non initiatus, quis non a stirpe ipsa forsitan et nativitate devotus? Quis non dæmoniacorum sacrificiorum nidore plenus divinæ domus limen introijt, & cum fœtore ipsorum dæmonum Christi altare conscendit? Et non tam immanis criminis fuisset ad templum domini non venire, quàm sic venire: quia Christianus qui ad Ecclesiam non venit negligentiæ reus est: qui autem sic venit, sacrilegij. Minoris enim piaculi res est si honor Deo non deferatur quàm si irrogetur injuria. – Ecce quæ Afrorum et maximè nobilissimorum fides, quæ religio, quæ Christianitas fuit: <80v> dicebantur Christiani ad contumeliam. Christi cum Apostolus declamet: [172] Non potestis Calicem Domini bibere & Calicem Dæmoniorum. Non potestis mensæ domini participare & mensæ dæmoniorum &c < text from f 80r resumes > By \all/ this you may see what a general intoxication had seized all, even those that spake against others for sin, as well as those against whome they spake. |So yt Austin had but little ground for his good opinion of ye censurers & might perhaps have applied it wth more colour to ye Pharisee in Luke 18.10.| But to return to Salvian: he

But to return to Salvian, he not only describes ye Roman manners in \general/ & then those of their several provinces in particular, but proceeds a step higher & shews that they were so hardned & senseles that no one portion of ye Empire ever mended by God's judgments but constantly grew wors <81r> & wors. [173] Nunquid, inquit, populi civitatum qui impudici rebus prosperis fuerant asperis casti esse cœperunt? Nunquid ebrietas quæ in tranquilitate abundantia creverat hostili saltem depopulatione cessavit? Vastata est Italia tot jam cladibus ergo Italorum vitia destiterunt? Obsessa est urbs Roma et expugnata; ergo {illeg} destiterunt blasphemi ac furiosi esse Romani? Inundarunt Gallias gentes barbaræ; ergo quantum ad mores perditos spectat non eadem sunt Gallorum crimina quæ fuerunt? Transcenderunt in Hispaniæ {sic} terras populi Wandalorum, mutata quidem {sors} est sors Hispaniæ sed non mutata vitiositas. Ecquid ingressis gentibus barbaris Africam, forsitan vel metu vitia cessarunt, aut sicut corrigi ad præsens etiam nequissimi solent servorum solent modestiam saltem ac disciplinam terror extorsit? Quis æstimare hoc malum potest? Circumsonabant armis muro Cirtæ Carthagenis populi Barbarorum et ecclesia Carthaginensis insaniebat in Circis, luxuriabat in Theatris. Alij foris jugulabantur alij intus fornicabantur. — Fragor, ut ita dixerim, extra muros, et intra muros prœliorum & ludicrorum confundebatur {sic}: vox morientium voxqꝫ bacchantium, ac vix discerni forsitan poterat plebis ejulatio quæ cadebat in bello et sonus populi qui clamabat in Circo. – Sed ego loquor de longe positis, cum sciam etiam in solo patrio atqꝫ in civitatibus Gallicanis omnes fermè præcelsiores viros calamitatibus suis factos fuisse pejores. Vide siquidem eg – Lugubre est referre quæ in Treviris vidimus, senes honoratos, decrepitos Christianos, imminente admodum excidio civitatis gulæ ac lasciviæ servientes. Quid primum accusandum est? quod honorati an quod senes, an quod Christiani an quod periclitantes? Quis enim hoc fieri posse credat vel in securitate a senibus vel in discrimine a pueris vel unquam a Christianis? Iacebant in convivijs obliti honoris, obliti ætatis, obliti professionis obliti nominis sui. Principes Civitatis cibo conferti, vinolentia dissoluti, clamoribus rabidi, bacchatione furiosi. — Sed {illeg} cùm hæc ita essent, plus multo est quod dicturus sum: finem perditioni huic nec civitatum excidia fecerunt. Deniqꝫ expugnata est quater urbs Gallorum ex Treviris opulentissima. Promptum est de quo dicam. Sufficere utiqꝫ debuerat emendationi prima captivitas, ut instauratio peccatorum non instaurasset excidium. Sed quid plura? Incredibile est quod loquor, assiduitas illic calamitatum augmentum criminum <82r> fuit. Sicut enim anguinum illud monstrum ut fabulæ ferunt, quod multiplicabat occisio, ita etiam in Gallorū excellentissima urbe ijs ipsis quibus coercebantur scelera plagis crescebant, ut putares pœnam ipsorum criminum quasi matrem esse vitiorum. Et quid plura? Ad hoc quotidiè malorum pullulantium multiplicatione perventum est, ut facilius esset urbem illam sine habitatore quam ullum pene habitatorem esse sine crimine. Igitur hoc in illa. Quid in alia non longe sed ejusdem prope magnificentiæ civitate? nonne eadem {illeg} et rerum ruina pariter et morum? Nam præter cætera cum duobus illic præcipuis ac generalibus malis avaritia et ebrietate omnia concidissent, ad hoc postremò rabida vini aviditate perventum est, ut principes urbis ipsius ne tunc quidem de convivijs surgerant cum jam hostis urbem intraret. — Vidi ego illic res lachrymabiles, nihil scilicet inter pueros differre at senes. Vna erat scurrilitas, una levitas, simul omnia luxus, potationes, perditiones, cuncta omnes pariter agebant: ludebant, inebriabantur, enecabantur, lasciviebant in convivijs — Totum incuria & segnities, totum negligentia et gula, totum ebrietas & somnolentia, secundum illud quod de talibus scriptum est: Quia sopor domini irruerat super eos. – Sed hæc hactenus. Satis enim, ut arbitror, quod proposui evidenter ostendi, ne in summo quidem rerum discrimine cessasse unquam vitia {illeg} vicium, usqꝫ ad excidia civitatum. Atqꝫ hæc fuerunt fortasse, jam non sunt, aut unquam esse cessabunt? Videlicet siqua adhuc hodiè aut civitas aut Provincia vel plagis cælestibus vel hostili populatione vastatur; humiliatur, {aut} convertitur, emendatur? Et non cunctos fermè Romani nominis populos prius est interire quam corrigi: non prius ipsos, quam in ipsis vitia non esse? Deniqꝫ id breviter probari potest. Excisa ter continuis eversionibus summa urbe Gallorum, cum omnis civitas bustum esset, malis et post excidia crescentibus. {illeg} Then he describes ye lamentable desolation of ye city in so much yt even ye neighbouring cities were annoyed wth ye {illeg} stink of their carcasses, & adds. Et quid post hæc, inquam, quid post hæc omnia? Quis æstimare hoc amentiæ genus possit? Pauci nobiles, qui excidio superfuerant quasi pro summo deletæ urbis remedio Circenses ab Imperatoribus postulabant. Vellem mihi hoc <83r> loco ad exequendam rerum indignitatem parem negotio eloquentiam dari: scilicet ut tantum virtutis esset in querimonia quantum doloris in causa. Quis enim existimare possit, quid primum in his de quibus diximus, accusandum sit, irreligiositas, an stultitia an luxuria an amentia, totum quippe in illis est. Quid enim aut irreligiosius quàm petere aliquid in injuriam Dei; aut quid stultitius quam quid petas non considerare: aut quid tam perditi luxus quàm in luctu res desiderare luxuriæ: aut quid amentius quàm in malis esse et malorum intelligentiam non habere? — \Putabam vos in excidijs rem tantum atqꝫ substantiam, nesciendum etiam sensum atqꝫ intelligentiam perdidisse {illeg} Theatra igitur (post cladem post sanguinem post supplicia post \captivitatem post/ tot eversæ urbis excidia) quæritis, circum a Principibus postulatis?/ Theatra igitur quæritis, circum a Principibus postulatis: quæso cui statui, cui populo, cui civitati? Vrbi exustæ ac perditæ, plebi captivæ & interemptæ, quæ aut perit, aut luget. De qua etiam siquid superest totum calamitatis est: quæ cuncta aut mæstitudine est anxia aut lachrymis exhausta aut orbitate prostrata: in qua nescias pene cujus sit sors pejor ac durior interfectorum aut viventium. Tantæ enim sunt miseriæ superstitum ut infelicitatem vicerint mortuorum. Ludicra ergo publica. Trevir petis: ubi quæso exercenda? an super busta et cineres super ossa et sanguinem peremptorum? Quas {sic} enim urbis pars his mulis omnibus vacat, ubi non strata corpora, ubi non concisorum membra lacerata? \Vbiqꝫ facies captæ urbis, ubiqꝫ terror captivitatis, ubiqꝫ imago mortis./ {illeg} Nigra est incendio civitas & tu vultum fæstivitatis usurpas. Lugent cuncta, tu lætus es. {illeg} |Insuper etiam illecebris flagitiosissimis Deum provocas, & superstionibus | < insertion from f 82v > nibus pessimis deum provocas \iram divinitatis irritas./ Non miror plane, non miror tibi evenisse mala quæ consecuta sunt. Nam quia te tria excidia non correxerunt quarto perire meruisti. Hæc autem omnia ideò copiosius paulò prolata sunt, ut probaremus scilicet, omnia quæ pertulimus, non improidentia nos Dei atqꝫ neglectu, sed justicia sed judico sed æquissima dispensatione & dignissima retributione tolerasse. Neqꝫ ullam penitus Romani orbis aut Romani nominis portionem, quamlibet graviter plagis cælestibus cæsam, unquam fuisse correctam. < text from f 83r resumes >

Such another instance of stupendious hard heartedness \as this last was/ the city Rome \it self/ affords, as Baronius thus relates: [174] "Expugnatione Romæ, Romani sunt conterritj non prostrati. Etenim id professus est post discessionem Alarici populus ille: qui, inquit Orosius, [175] adeò parvo quodam & levi motu hæritasse erga se parumper consuetudinem voluptatum indubitatissimè contestatus est, ut liberè conclamaret, si reciperet Circum, nihil esse sibi factum: hoc est, nihil egisse Romæ Gothorum enses, si concedatur Romanis spectare Circenses. Adeo ut illud propheticum de his fuerit occinendum: [176] Percussi eos et non doluerunt."

Seing therefore this was the sencelesnes of ye head Cities, ye patterns of manners & discipline, well might Salvian conclude of the whole: [177] Omnia quæ pertulimus, non improvidentia nos Dei atqꝫ neglectu, sed justitia, sed judicio sed æquissima dispensatione & dignissima retributione tolerasse: Neqꝫ ullam penitus Romani orbis <84r> |aut| Romani nominus portionem, quamlibet graviter plagis cælestibus cæsam unquam fuisse correctam.

Salvian proceeds further to show yt God's blessings had as little influence upon them as his judgments: but what has been said is {naught} more then enough to show their stupendious wickedness. But you will say Salvian speaks of ye people: might not ye Clergy be better? Tis true he favours ye Clergy but he says he did it ob reverentiam Domini sui: wch intimates yt it was not for their deserts & therefore they might be bad enough. And yt they were so is demonstrated from ye wickednes of ye people, for how came ye sheep to wander so much but for want of good sheepheards. Yea they must have been more guilty sinners then any, & that first because their sins were a pecedent {sic} or example to ye peoples & not ye people's to their's. Secondly they were sinners against a greater degree of knowledge & so more pervers. Thirdly they had some sins peculiar to themselves & those of ye greatest {sic} guilt: namely ye|th|eir changing ye nature of things, calling good evil & evil good: I mean their changing ye doctrins of ye Church into fables & ye worship into a heap of superstitions {sic} & making persecution to have ye name of piety: sins of wch ye best of that party were most guilty. Lastly besides their own sins they are {illeg} liable to answer for ye sins of ye people also; according to that of Ezekiel. [178] Son of man I have set thee {sic} watchman unto ye house of Israel Therefore thou shalt heare ye word of my mouth & warn them from me. When I say unto ye wicked: O wicked man thou shalt surely dy; if thou dost not speak to warn ye wicked from his way, that wicked man shall dy in his iniquity, but his blood will I require at thy hand. This is a heavy charge, & yet wthout this or ye former aggravations their wickednes was very great, & that even from their infancy. ffor they were born in perfidy & perjury. ffor their birth was by that schism wch ye western Bishops began to make presently after ye reign of Iovian contrary to their faith given under their hands & {illeg} upon a[179] Oath in ye Counsel of Ariminum. Almost all their Bishops at that time <85r> were of this kind: men that had twice changed their faith {illeg} religion turning to & fro according to ye temporal state of things, a levity of such a scandalous reputation that it caused Lucifer one of ye hottest of them & his followers to forsake their communion & detest them so much that b[180] Ierom in a dispute wth Helladius one of ye Luciferans, about this matter says of him: Asserebat {sic} universum mundum esse diaboli, & ut jam familiare est eis dicere, factum de Ecclesia Lupanar. And what good think you could be expected in a Church set up by such bishops as these |governed by a combination of bishops that were so great a scandal to it? what a clergy2 what successors1 were such as these like to leave.|

But ye declining state of ye clergy at this time is best seen by their covetousness & pride: sins that are ye roots of all other sins.

Another argument of ye declining state of ye clergy \But what a clergy they left is best to be collected from/ {illeg} ye election of {illeg} unapproved persons into it wch began now to be an epidemical distemper. [181] Multi, saith Ierom, eliguntur non amore sui, sed alterius odio. Nonnunquam errat plebis vulgiqꝫ judicium & in sacerdotibus comprobandis unusquisqꝫ suis moribus favet ut non tam bonum quam sui similem quærat propositum. Dicam aliquid quod forsitan cum multorum offensa dicturus sum, sed boni mihi non irascentur quia eos peccati conscientia non remordebit. Interdum hoc et Pontificum vitio accidit qui non meliores sed argutiores in clerum allegunt, & simpliciores quosqꝫ atqꝫ innocentes inhabiles putant; vel affinibus & cognatis quasi terrenæ militiæ officia largiuntur, sive divitum obediunt jussioni: Quodqꝫ his pejus est, illis clericatus donant gradum quorum sunt obsequijs delimiti. And in another place [182] where a question about ye marriage of Priests put him upon commenting on St Paul's instruction to Titus \Timothy/: upon these words: [183] Non Neophytum, ne in superbiam elatus in judicium incidat diaboli: he adds, Mirari satis non queo quæ hominum tanta sit cæcitas, de uxoribus disputare, cum tam apertum evidensqꝫ præceptum nemo custodiat. Heri catechumenus, hodie Pontifex: heri in Amphitheatro, hodie in ecclesia: vespere in circo, manè in altario: dudum fautor histrionum, nunc virginum consecrator. Num ignorabat Apostolus tergiversationes nostras, & argumentorum inneptias nesciebat? Qui dixit unius uxoris virum, ipse <86r> mandavit irreprehensibilem, sobrium, prudentem, ornatum, hospitalem, doctorem, modestum; non vinolentum, non percussorem, non litigiosum, non avarum, non neophytum. Ad hæc omnia claudimus oculos, solas videmus uxores. Quod autem ait: ne in superbiam elatus incidat in judicium diaboli, quis non exemplo verum probet? Ignorat momentaneus sacerdos humilitatem et mansuetudinem rusticorum: ignorat blanditias Christianas, nescit seipsum contemnere: de dignitate transfertur ad dignitatem: non jejunavit, non flevit, non mores suos sæpe reprehendit, & assidua meditatione correxit: non substantiam pauperibus erogavit. De cathedra quodammodo \ducitur/ in Cathedram, id est de superbia in superbiam. Iudicium autem et ruina diaboli nulli dubium quin arrogantia sit. Incidunt in eam qui in puncto horæ, necdum discipuli jam magistri sunt. [184] Oportet autem eum & testimonium habere bonum ab his qui foris sunt. Alieni et extra Ecclesiam sunt Iudæi hæretici atqꝫ Gentiles. Talis ergo sit Pontifex Christi ut qui {religiom {sic}} detrahunt vitæ ejus detrahere non audeant. At nunc plerosqꝫ cernimus, vel favorem populi in aurigarum morem precio redimere: vel tanto omnium hominum odio vivere, ut non extorqueant pecunia quod mimi impetrant gestibus. Hæc fili Oceane, solicito timore perquirere hæc magistri Ecclesiæ custodire debebunt, hos in sacerdotibus eligendis canones observare: et non juxta propria odia, & privatas simultates, carpentemqꝫ semper autorem suum invidiam, legem Christi interpretari.

Of ye vices of ye Clergy Ierom has divers other passages: & \in/ this Epistle these. Sunt quidam [Clerici scil.] ignorantes mensuram suam et tantæ stoliditatis ac vecordiæ ut et in motu & in incessu & in habitu & in sermone communi risum spectantibus præbeant: & quasi intelligentes quid sit ornatus, comunt se vestibus & munditijs corporis & lautioris mensæ epulas parant: cum omnis istiusmodi ornatus & cultus sordibus fœdior sit. Et paulo post in hæc S. Pauli ad Titum \Timotheū/ verba; non litigiosum non avarum: addit. Nihil enim impudentius arrogantia rusticorum, qui garrulitatem authoritatem putant: & parati semper ad lites in subjectum sibi gregem tumidis sermonibus tonant. In another \his/ Epistle to \Tract against/ Helvidius he writes: Quod ais <87r> quasdam esse virgines tabernarias: ego tibi plus dico, esse in his et adulteras, & (quo magis mireris) clericos esse caupones & monachos impudicos. [185] To Eustochius he writes Clerici ipsi quos et magisterio esse oportuerat & timori, osculantur capita matronarum, & extenta manu, ut benedicere eos putes velle, si nescias, pretia accipiunt salutandi. Illæ interim, quæ sacerdotes suo viderint indigere præsidio, eriguntur in superbiam; & quia maritorum expertæ dominatum, viduitatis præferunt libertatem. & post multa: Quidam in hoc omne studium Sunt alij (de mei ordinis hominibus loquor) qui ideo Presbyterium & Diaconatum ambiunt ut mulieres licentius videant. Omnis his cura de vestibus si bene oleant: si pes laxa pelle non folleat. Crines calamistri vestigio rotantur: digiti de annulis radiant: & ne plantas humidior via spargat vix imprimunt summa vestigia. Tales cum videris sponsos magis existimato quam quam clericos. Quidam in hoc omne studium vitamqꝫ posuerunt ut matronarum nomina domos moresqꝫ cognoscant. Ex quibus unum qui hujus artis est princeps breviter strictimqꝫ describam quo facilius magistro cognito discipulos recognoscas. Cum sole festinus exurgit, salutandi ei ordo disponitur, viarum compendia requiruntur, & pene usqꝫ ad cubicula dormientium senex importunus ingreditur. Si pulvillum viderit, si mantile elegans si aliquid domesticæ supellectilis, laudat, miratur, attrectat, & se his indigere conquerens non tam impetrat quàm extorquet: quia {sic} singulæ metuunt Veredarium urbis offendere. Huic inimica castitas, inimica jejunia, prandium nidoribus probat. {illeg} \Os barbatum/ Procax et in convitia semper armatum. Quocunqꝫ te verteris primus in facie Quicquid novi insonuerit, aut autor aut exaggerator est famæ. So to Heliodorus: [186] Alij, inquit, nummum addant nummo, & in marsupium suffocantes matronarum opes venentur obsequijs: sint ditiores monachi quàm fuerant sæculares: possideant opes sub Christo paupere quas sub locuplete diabolo non habuerant: et suspiret eos Ecclesia divites quos tenuit mundus ante mendicos. &c. To Nepotianus also: [187] < insertion from f 86v > |also.| Gloria \inquit,/ Episcopi est pauperum operibus providere. Ignominia omnium sacerdotum est, proprijs studere divitijs. Natus in paupere tigurio domo & tigurio rusticano, qui vix mellio et cibario pane, rugientem saturare ventrem a[188] poteram; nunc similam et mella fastidio. Novi et genera et nomina piscium, in quo littore concha lecta sit calleo: saporibus avium discerno provincias, & ciborum me raritas, ac novissimè damna ipsa delectant. Audio præterea in senes — < text from f 87r resumes > Audio, inquit, præterea in senes et anus absqꝫ liberis quorundam turpe servitium. Ipsi apponunt matulam, <88r> obsident lectum: purulentiam stomachi & flegmata pulmonis manu propria suscipiunt: pavent ad introitum medici: trementibusqꝫ labijs an commodius habeant sciscitantur: & si paulum senex vegetior fuerit, periclitantur: simulataqꝫ lætitia mens intrinsecus avare torquetur: timent enim ne perdant ministerium, & vivacem senem Methusalem annis comparant. O quanta apud Deum merces, si in præsenti pretium non sperarent! quantis sudoribus hæreditas cassa expetitur! minori pretio margarita Christi emi poterat. {Further} This of ye inferior Clergy. In his comment on Michea upon these words: [189] Duces populi mei projicientur de domibus deliciarum suarum: he adds this of ye Bishops. Sed et Ecclesiæ quoqꝫ principes qui delicijs affluunt & inter epulas atqꝫ lascivias pudicitiam servare se credunt: propheticus sermo describit qui ejiciendi sunt de spaciosis domibus lautisqꝫ convivijs & multo labore epulis conquisitis: & ejiciendi propter malas cogitationes & opera sua. Et si vis scire quo eijciendi sint leg Evangelium lege: In tenebras scilicet exteriores, ubi erit fletus et stridor dentium. An non confusio et ignominia est, Iesum crucifixum, magistrum pauperem atqꝫ esurientemfarsis prædicare corporibus: jejuniorumqꝫ doctrinam, rubentes buccas tumentiaqꝫ ora proferre? Si in Apostolorum loco sumus, non solum sermonem eorum imitemur, sed conversationem quoqꝫ & abstinentiam amplectamur. Sanctum utiqꝫ est et Apostolium ministerium viduis et pauperibus ministrare. Non oportet, inquiunt, dimisso verbo Dei ministrare nos mensis. At nunc non dico pauperes, non dico fratres, & qui rursum invitare non possunt, ex quibus excepta gratia nihil aliud Episcopalis speret manus: sed militantes & accinctos gladio, & judices excubantibus ante fores suas centurionibus & turmis militum, Christi sacerdos invitat ad prandium. Tota clerici urbe discursant, quærunt exhibere judicibus quæ illi in prætorijs suis aut invenire non possunt, aut certè inventa non coëmunt. To ye same purpose writes Ammianus a heathen historian but yet a very faithful one, & one yt speaks honourably of ye Christians where {ever} they deserve it. [190] Damasus, inquit, et Vrsicinus supra humanum modum ad rapiendum Episcopalem sedem ardentes scissis studijs asperrimè conflictabantur, ad usqꝫ mortis vulnerumqꝫ <89r> discrimina adjumentis utriusqꝫ progressis, quæ nec corrigere sufficiens Viventius [Vrbis Præfectus] nec mollire, vi magna coactus secessit in suburbanum: et in concertatione superaverat {sic} Damasus, parte quæ ei favebat instante. Constatqꝫ in Basilica Sicinini, ubi ritus Christiani est conventiculum, uno die centum triginta septem reperta cadavera peremptorum, efferatamqꝫ diu plebem postea delimitam. Neqꝫ ego abnuo, ostentationem rerum considerans urbanarum, hujus rei cupidos ob impetrandum quod appetunt omni contentione laterum jurgari debere; cùm id adepti, futuri sint ita securi ut ditentur oblationibus matronarum, procedantqꝫ vehiculis in sedentes circumspectè vestiti, epulas curantes pofusas, adeò ut eorum magnitudine convivia regales superent mensas: qui esse poterant beati revera, si magnitudine urbis despecta quam vitijs opponunt, ad imitationem Antistitum quorundam Provincialium viverent, quos tenuitas edendi potandiqꝫ parcissimè, vilitas etiam indumentorum, et supercilia humum spectantia, perpetuo numini verisqꝫ ejus cultoribus ut puros commendant et verecundos. This of yeBishop of Rome him self: wch wth what candour towards Christianity it was spoken may be guest by ye good character he gives other Provincial Bishops. at ye same But who were those think you? Not ye Bp of Alexandria I'me sure, for of him Ammian speaks gives this character. [191] Athanasium Episcopum eo tempore apud Alexandriam ultra professionem altius se efferentem, sciscitariqꝫ conatum externa, ut prodidere rumores assidui, cœtus in unum quæsitus ejusdem loci multorum (synodus ut appellant) removit a sacramento quod obtinebat. Nor could they be any other monkish Bishops: for those had at that time got {a} footing no where but in Egypt. And as for ye rest of this party it's plain out of Ierom that too many of them followed ye Bishop of Rome's example. Had they detested pride as a certain sign of gracelesness they would not have broken their oaths & made a schism in ye Church to go a whoring after a new religion set up & headed by two such Lucifer's as ye Bishops of Rome & Alexandria. Simile gaudet simili, & Regis ad exemplum take place in eccle <90r> siastical as wel as civil bodies; & therefore {illeg} Ammian deserved ye thanks of ye Orthodox Bishops for acquainting posterity yt while ye two head Bishops of ye advers party thus elevated themselves, there were in ye Empire Provincial Bishops which demeaned themselves so soberly & humbly as to deserve that good report from wthout wch he gives of them. And he deserved their thanks so much ye more \certainly/ because they were so numerous that his laudable character could not fall beside them ffor ye other party having but newly begun their schism were not at that time grown so numerous but that a[192] Auxentiius Bp of Millain in a letter to ye Emperor Valentinian called ym in respect of ye Counsel of Ariminum paucos homines.

|{illeg} De Episc.|

< insertion from f 89v >

✝ De Episcopatu Romano et Alexandrino simile testimonium præbet Socrates, qui utrumqꝫ ait πέρα της ἱερωσύνης ἐπὶ δυναςτείαν ultra Sacerdotij fines progressum tunc olim (i.e. \diu/ ante Papam Cælestinum de quo spcialim loquitur) in dominatum externum degenerasse. Socr. l. 7. c. 11.

{illeg} Sed et magno Basilio iste ὀφρὺς δυτικὴ (sic enim b[193] appellat) Occidentale {illeg} supercilium, usqꝫ adeò displicuit; ut de Romanâ Ecclesia severam hanc & gravem dixerit sententiam: c[194] Odi fastum illius ecclesiæ

But to proceed — < text from f 90r resumes > But to proceed in ye description of the {sic} {illeg} wickedness of this clergy: you heard how they insinuated themselves into simple people to inrich themselves by their donations, as St Paul prophesied of them, they crept into houses & led captive silly weomen laden wth sins, led away wth divers lusts. Now these diabolical practises \even before ye year 370/ were grown so common & {illeg} grievous to ye Empire that ye Emperor {sic} \Valentinian/ was {sic} fain to check \them & ye Monks/ by this \strickt/ Edict wch he {sic} sent to their {sic} ringleader ye Bp of Rome to be read in ye Churches.

[195] Imppp. Valentinianus, Valens & Gratianus AAA. ad Damasum Episc Vrbis Romæ.

Ecclesiastici, aut a[196] ex Ecclesiasticis, vel qui b[197] Continentium se volunt nomine nuncupari, viduarum ac pupillarum domos non adeant: sed publicis exterminentur judicijs, si posthac eos ad fines earum vel propinqui putaverint deferendos. Censemus etiam ut memorati nihil de ejus mulieris, qui se privatim sub prætextu religionis adjunxerint, liberalitate quacunqꝫ vel extremo judicio, possint adipisci: & omne in tantum inefficax sit quod alicui horum ab his fuerit derelictum, ut nec per subjectam personam valeant aliquid vel donatione vel testamento percipere. Quin etiam si forte post admonitionem legis nostræ aliquid hisdem eæ fæminæ vel donatione, vel extremo judicio, putaverint relinquendum, id fiscus usurpet. &c. Lecta in ecclesijs Rom. 4 Kal. Aug. Valentiniano & Valente 3. AA. Coss. [370] How great must ye enormities of ye monks & clergy have been that deserved such a curb as this; & yet this law was so just & necessary that Ierom could confess [198] Putet dicere Sacerdotes Idolorū Mimi et Aurigæ & Scorta hæreditates capiunt, Solis Clericis ac Monachis hac lege prohibetur: & non prohibetur a Persecutoribus sed a Principibus Christianis. Nec de lege conqueror sed doleo quidam cur meruimus hanc legem. Cauterium bonum est; sed quo mihi vulnus ut indigeam cauterio? Provida severaqꝫ legis cautio: & tamen nec sic refrænatur avaritia. Per fidei commissa legibus illudimus: <91r> & quasi majora sint Imperatorem scita quam Christi leges timemus & Evangelia contemnimus. Sit hæres, sed mater filiorum, id est gregis sui, Ecclesia, quæ illos genuit nutrivit & pavit. Quid nos inserimus inter matrem & liberos?

This was their covetousnes; & their pride & insolence too was so enormous as in some cases to require laws to curb it: ffor being indulged some Of wch kind was their standing up against Magistrates to exempt criminals from justice. In this they grew to such a degree of insolence that Theodosius himself put forth a[199] more laws then one agianst them, & yet they would not desist but provoked his sons to put forth b[200] this

Impp. Arcad. & Honor. AA Eutichiano PF. P.

Addictos supplicio & pro criminum immanitate damnatos, nulli Clericorum vel Monachorum (eorum etiam quos cænobitas vocant) per vim atqꝫ {sic} usurpationem vindicare liceat ac tenere. – Reos ad locum pœnæ sub prosecutione pergentes nullus aut teneat aut defendat: Sed sciat se Cognitor 30 librarum auri multâ, Primates officij capitali esse sententia feriendos, nisi usurpatio ista aut protinus vindicetur: Aut si tanta Clericorum ac Monachorum audacia est ut bellum potius quàm judicium futurum esse existimetur, ad Clementiam nostram commissa referantur, ut nostro mox severior ultio procedat arbitrio. Ad Episcoporum sanè culpam (ut cætera) redundabit siquid forte in ea parte regionis in qua ipsi populo Christianæ religionis, doctrinæ insinuatione moderantur, ex his quæ fieri hac lege prohibemus a Monachis perpetratum esse cognoverint, nec vindicaverint. — Dat. 7 Kal. Aug. Meyzo, Honorio 4, & Eutychiano Coss. [398]

So debtors they began now to protect very magisterially as is plain by Lex 1 De his qui confugiunt ad Ecclesias. \in/ Cod. Theod. put forth by Theodosius A.C. 392 against that practise this law

[201] Imppp. Theod. Arcad. & Honor. AAA. Romulo Com. S.L.

Publicos debitores si confugiendum ad Ecclesias crediderint, aut illico extrahi de latebris oportebit, aut pro his ipsos qui eos occultare probantur Episcopos exigi. Sciat igitur præcellens Auctoritas tua neminem debitorum posthac a Clericis defendendum: aut per eos ejus quam defendendum esse crediderint debitum esse solvendum. Dat. 15 Kal. Nov. Co. Arcad. 2 & Rufino Coss. [392]. Vpon wch law Gothofredus notes. Ius Ecclesiastici Asyli seu immunitatis Ecclesiarum indies magis magisqꝫ invaluit: sic ut nullorum quoqꝫ <92r> non criminum rei, publiciqꝫ debitores eò confugerent: ad eò ut his sese Episcopi et Clerici intercessores præberent, imò & latebras. Nempe hæc illa tempora sunt \Theodosij & Arcadij/, quibus Episcoporum & Clericorum intercessio, intercessionis jam fines egrediebatur, atqꝫ ad speciem quandam violentiæprocedebat in liberandis quos vellent reis, etiam criminum, etiam ad supplicium ductorum: – nec jam intercessores ampliùs verùm vi admotâ Reos imminenti pœnæ & judicio \subducere/ fas putabant: quibus ideò occursum legibus.

It's plain therefore that not a few irregular persons, but ye whole clergy began at this time to be puft up, to set their hearts upon power & greatness more then upon piety & equity, to transgress their Pastoral office & exalt themselves above ye civil magistrate; not regarding how they came by prærogatives \or/ of what ill nature or consequence they were, so they were but prærogatives, nor knowing any bounds to their ambition but impossibility & ye Imperial edicts. Had ye better part of this clergy but disliked & condemned these \bold &/ wicked incroachments, had they not on ye contrary applauded them & coloured them over wth a shew of piety \charity/ & mercy, the rest would have been ashamed of them. absteined from them out of shame. This being made a ruler & governour, one would have thought they should have learnt from or Saviors example to refuse, & yet so general was ye itch after it, that their great a [202] St Austin himself ventured against ye Emperors edict {sic} to patronize \one Fastius a/ debtor & so \after some contention/ was forced to pay ye debt himself.

By these two sins {illeg} wch I have chiefly insisted on, covetousnes & ambition, seing they invaded ye Clergy so much in ye reign of Valentinian Gratian & Theodosius & soon grew to that enormity that in {illeg} that Sidonius as you heard reccons them in ye Bishops to be one of the main causes of ye Empires ruin: by these sins I say seeing they were wch are ye fertile root of all others, you may guess at ye rest. And yet least yor imagination should fall short of ye truth I cannot forbear to give you a specimen of it in ye British clergy out of Gildas surnamed ye wise (another Salvian) who in his tract De excidio Britanniæ makes ye \Scotch &/ Saxon wars wch began \about/ A.C. 445 {sic} to be a judgment upon the {sic} \Britains/ for ye extream \wickedness/ they were fallen into before. But to his description of their wickednes I shall joyn ye confession of Baronius: who mentioning these wars out of <93r> him, subjoyns. a[203] Sed unde tot mala? non aliunde quidem quàm ex erumpente scaturigine peccatorum: quod pluribus ac vehementius idem Gildas deplorans, ista subinfert de Britannis non tantum omni genere sordium inquinatis, sed odio & irâ (quod desperatorum est) adversus optimos exardescentibus: b Siquis, b[204] inquit, eorum mitior & veritati aliquatenus propior videretur, in hunc quasi Britanniæ subversorum, omnium odia, telaqꝫ sine respectu contorquebantur; & omnia, quæ displicuerint, Deoqꝫ placuerint, æquali saltem lance pendebantur. ac paulo post: Et non solùm hæc sæculares viri sed et ipse grex domini, ejusqꝫ pastores, qui exemplo esse omni plebe debuerint, ebrietate quamplurimi, quâ vino madidi torpebant resoluti, & animositatum tumore, jurgiorum contentione, invidiæ rapacibus ungulis, indiscreta boni maliqꝫ judicio carpebantur, &c. pluribus prosequitur eorundem scelera: nec sibi satis eo commentario miscere cum luctu querelas, sed privatam conscripsit adversus clericos invectivam quam ejusmodi notavit titulo: In Ecclesiasticum ordinem acris correctio. cujus hic saltem reddemus exordium, ex quo cætera mediteris. Britannia habet Sacerdotes, sed nonnullos insipientes: quamplurimos ministros, sed multos impudentes: clericos, sed quosdam raptores et subdolos: pastores (ut dicuntur) sed occisioni animarum lupos paratos: quippe non commoda plebi providentes, sed proprij plenitudinem ventris quærentes: Ecclesiæ domos habentes sed turpis lucri gratia eas adeuntes: populos docentes, sed præbendo interdum pessima exempla, vitia, malosqꝫ mores; rarò sacrificantes, ac raro puro corde inter altaria stantes: plebem ob peccata non corripientes; nimirum eadem agentes: præcepta Christi spernates {sic}, & suas libidines votis omnibus implere curantes: sedem Petri Apostoli immundis pedibus aliquos usurpantes, sed meritò cupiditatis in Iudæ traditoris pestilentem cathedram desidentes: sæpius detrahentes, rarò vera dicentes, veritatem pro inimico odientes, ac mendacijs ac si carissimis fratribus faventes: justos, inopes, inanes, quasi angues torvis vultibus conspicantes {sic}, & sceleratos divites absqꝫ ullo verecundiæ respectu sicut cælestes Angelos venerantes: egenis eliëmosynam esse dandam summis labijs prædicantes, sed ipsi vel obolum non dantes: nefanda populi scelera tacentes, & suas injurias quasi Christo irrogatas amplificantes: religiosam forte matrem, seu sorores domo pellentes, & externas veluti secretiori ministerio familiares indecenter accipientes, &c. addit de inexplebi eorum appetitu gloriæ <94r> & ambitione, de avaritia, simonijs, præposterisqꝫ ordinationibus. Sed omittamus vertere sentinam putredinum & cloacam turpitudinum penetrare: ut planè manibus sit contrectare justum libratumqꝫ æqua lance Dei judicium, cur incolæ scelerati dati sint gladio.

Thus far Baronius. For ye rest I refer you to Gildas: only I shall add somthin \I shall add somthing/ of what he says \at ye end of this reproof/ concerning ye universality of ye wickednes. I shal add this Sed forsitan, ait, aliquis dicat: Non ita omnes Episcopi vel Presbyteri ut superius excepisti, quia non schismatis, non superbiæ, non immunditici infamia maculantur mali sunt: quod nec diffitemur, sed licet sciamus eos castos esse & bonos, breviter tamen respondemus where making ye objection: Sed forsitan aliquis dicat: Non ita omnes Episcopi vel Presbyteri, &c. He answers it thus Quid profuit Heli quod Sacerdoti quod solus non violaverit præcepta Domini, rapiendo in fuscinulis antequam adeps domino offerretur ex ollis carnes, dum eâdem mortis irâ quâ filij multatur? Quis perosus est consilium malignantium et, {illeg} cum impijs non sedit, ita ut de eo veridicè quasi de Enoch diceretur: Ambulavit {sic} Enoch cum Deo et non inveniebatur. – Quis vestrū qui torpetis potius quam sedetis legitimè in sacerdotali sede ejectus de consilia impiorum post diversarum plagas virgarum, ut sancti Apostoli, dignus habitus est pro Christo vero Deo contumeliam pati? And a litte after upon these words of or Saviour [205] Sic luceat lux vestra coram hominibus, ut videant opera \vestra/ bona, & magnificent patrem vestrum qui in cælis est: He adds: Quis eorum istud uno saltem die potest implere? Quin potius densissima quædam eorum nebula, atraqꝫ peccaminum omni insulæ ita incubuit nox, ut omnes pene a via recta avertat, ac per invios impeditosqꝫ scelerum calles errare faciat. quorumnon modò pater cælestis non laudatur sed etiam intollerabiliter blasphematur. And upon this: [206] Iudas itaqꝫ acquisivit agrū de mercede iniquitatis: he adds: Quis quæso vestrum non quærit agrum de mercede iniquitatis? Iudas loculos compilabat, vos Ecclesiæ donaria filiorum animas ejus vastatis. Ille adijt Iudæos ut Deum venderet vos tyrannos & patrem vestrum Diabolum ut Christum despiatis. Ille triginta argenteis venalem habuit omnium salvatorem vos vel uno obulo. And a little after Posset quidem levior fieri increpatio, sed quid prodest vulnus tantum manu palpare, ungusetore ungere, quod tumore jam vel fœtore sibi horrescens, cauterio et publico ignis medicamine eget. Si tamen ullo modo sanari possit, ægro nequaquā medelam quærente, & ob hoc modico longiùs recedente. O inimici Dei et non sacerdotes! O licitatores malorum et non Pontifices: traditores & non sanctorum Apostolorum successores, impugnatores et non Christi ministri! &c. Gildas has much more to ye same purpose <95r> but this is enough to manifest that almost all ye Bps & Clergy were \openly &/ extreamly wicked, & yt ye fear that had a form of Godlines had so little of ye power of it that they let ye wicked go on wthout reproof & so by silence \connivence/ consented to their wickedness.

Thus have I shown how all sorts of men in ye Roman Church from ye reign of Theodosius downward grewwicked all over ye western Empire, & that so notoriously yt perhaps by this time you are may be inclined to beleive ye other part of my charge that they were wors livers yn even ye Barbarous nations themselves wch they accounted either Heathens or Hereticks. At least let Salvian be heard in this case too, as he deserves, seeing he had no reason to speak better of ye Barbarians or wors of yeRomans then they deserved. And he is so expres, yt it was ye designe of his book to prove it. For ye Romans were {swollen} swoln to that degree of insolence as not onely to persecute wth disdainful reproaches & actual violence all but their own party \(not to say one another too)/, but to reproach & blaspheme even heaven it self for not prospering them; saying, Where is God's Providence? does he see, does he govern, does he regard what becomes of ye world? & this forsooth because they conceited themselves a much better people then ye Barbarians to whome they were delivered up. Nor was this blasphemous question agitated by a few or in secret but commonly & openly, & propounded not unfrequently to a[207] ye Divines for a resolution. Whereupon Salvian, (whilst others I fear, {illeg} carried away wth ye stream of vain conceit, used to mince ye matter & flatter their party,) wrote this tract De Gubernatione Dei to convince them of their crimes & make them see that they were manifestly wors then ye Barbarians they so much despised, & so deserved to have ye Dominion wth wch God rewarded ye virtue of their Ancestors, now taken from them & given for a reward to ye \those/ Barbarians. [208] Quia non ferendum, inquit, quidam existimant ut deteriores, aut non multo etiam meliores Barbaris judicemur, videamus aut quomodo meliores simus, aut quibus Barbaris. Duo enim genera in omni {illeg} gente omnium Barbaro <96r> rum sunt, id est, aut hæreticorum aut Paganorum. His ergo omnibus, quantum ad legem divinam pertinet, dico nos sine comparatione meliores: quantum autem ad vitam ac actus doleo ac plango esse pejores. —— Præter religiosos et nonnullos etiam seculares religiosis pares, cæteros aut omnes aut pene omnes majoris reatus dico et criminosioris vitæ esse quam Barbaros. Irasceris forsitan qui hæc legis & condemnas insuper quæ legis. Non refugio censuram tuam:condemna si mentior, condemna si non probavero.

For what he says of ye heathen Barbarians I refer you to him, & shall only cite his comparison of ye Romans wth ye Christian Barbarians wch he esteemed Heretics, yt it may appear whether of ye two were most Christian & deserved best ye name of ye Church. Symbol (two concentric circles surmounted by a cross) in text < insertion from f 95v > Symbol (two concentric circles surmounted by a cross) in text [209] ffirst then concerning their faith he saith. Barbari homines Romanæ imò potiùs humanæ eruditionis expertes, qui nihil omninò sciunt nisi quod a doctoribus suis audiunt, & quod audiunt hoc sequuntur. — Itaqꝫ eis traditio magistrorum suorum et doctrina inveterata, quasi lex est; qui hoc sciunt quod docentur. Hæretici ergo sunt sed non scientes. Deniqꝫ apud nos sunt hæretici, apud se non sunt. Nam in tantum se Catholicos esse judicant ut nos ipsos titulo hæreticæ appellationis infament. Quod ergo illi nobis sunt, et hoc nos illis. Nos eos injuriam divinæ generationi facere certi sumus quod minorem patre filium dicant. Illi nos injuriosos patri existimant, quia æquales esse credamus. Veritas apud nos est sed illi apud se esse præsumunt. Honor Dei apud nos est sed illi hoc arbitrantur honorem divinitatis esse quod credunt. Inofficiosi sunt, sed illis hoc summum religionis officium. Impij sunt sed hoc putant {illeg} veram \esse/ pietatem. Errant ergo sed bono animo errant, non odio sed affectu Dei, honorare se Dominum atqꝫ amare credentes. Quamvis non habent rectam fidem illi tamen hoc perfectam Dei æstimant charitatem. Qualiter pro hoc ipso falsæ opinionis errore in die judicij puniendi sunt, nullus potest scire nisi Iudex. Interim idcirco eis, ut reor, patientiam Deus commodat, quia videt eos si non rectè credere, affectu tamen piæ opinionis errare: maximè cùm sciat eos ea facere quæ nesciunt, nostros autem negligere quod credunt: ac per hoc illos magistrorum peccare vitio, nostros suo; illos ignorantes, nostros scientes; illos id facere quod putent rectum, nostros quod sciant esse perversum. – [210] Non ergo miremur quod multis cædimur, quia non inscientia sed rebellione peccamus. Thus he absolves ye Barbarians from perversnes, wch really makes a hæretic, & at ye same time charges it upon ye minds of his own party.

But further proceeding to compare their manners he thus instances in ye Goths & Vandals, ye principal of ye Barbarian Christians. Porrò autem quantum — < text from f 96r resumes > And ye Goths & Vandals being then almost ye only Christian Barbarians he speaks of them thus. [211] Porrò autem quantum ad conversationem Gothorum aut Vandalorum pertinet: quid est in quo eis aut præponere nos aut etiam comparare possimus? Ac primum ut de affectu et charitate dicam quam præcipuam docet dominus \docet/ esse virtutem & quam non solum per omnes scripturas sacras sed etiam per se ipse commendat, dicens: [212] In hoc scietur quod discipuli mei estis si vos invicem diligatis. Omnes se fere Barbari, qui modò sunt unius gentis et regis, mutuò amant. Omnes pene Romani se persequuntur. Quis enim civis non invidet civi? Atqꝫ utinam hoc sit pessimum malum, utinam cives tantum atqꝫ vicini: illud est gravissimum quod nec propinqui quidem propinquitatis jura conservant. Quis tam propinquus corde quam sanguine in quo non lucidus malevolentiæ zelus ardet, cujus non sensum livor invasit, cui non prosperitasaliena supplicium est? Quis non bonum alterius malum suum {non} credit? Novum et inæstimabile nunc in plurimis malum est. Parùm alicui est si ipse sit felix nisi alter fuerit infelix. Iam verò illud quale, quàm sævum, quàm ex hac ipsa impietate descendens, quam alienum a Barbaris quam familiare Romanis, quod seinvicem exactione proscribunt. &c. Then describing at large ye intollerable Roman exactions & oppressions, whereby, as you heard <97r> their subjects were so tired out that they wished for ye Barbarian government & many both noble & ignoble fled to 'em before hand to ease themselves of wch you heard above, \(of wch you heard much above)/ he adds Vbi enim aut in quibus sunt nisi in Romanis tantum hæc mala? quorum injustitia tanta nisi nostra? a[213] Franci enim hoc scelus nesciunt. Hunni ab his sceleribus immunes sunt. Nihil horum |est| apud Wandalos, nihil horum apud Gothos. Tam longe enim est ut hæc inter Gothos barbari tolerent ut ne Romani quidem qui inter eos vivant ista patiantur. Itaqꝫ unum illic Romanorum omnium votum est; ne unquam eos necesse sit in jus transire Romanorum. Una et consentiens illic Romanæ {sic} omnium votum est ne unquam ex necesse sit plebis oratio, ut liceat eis vitam quam agunt, agere cum Barbaris. Et miramur si non vincantur a nostris partibus Gothi cum malint apud eos esse quam apud nos {sic} Romani. Itaqꝫ non solum transfugere ab ejs ad nos fratres nostri omninò nolunt; sed ut ad eos confugiant, nos relinquunt. Et quidem mirari possim, quod hoc non omnes omnino facerent tributarij pauperes & egestuosi: nisi quod una causa tantum est qua non faciunt, quia transferre illuc resculas atqꝫ habitatiunculas suas familiasqꝫ non possunt. Nam cum pleriqꝫ eorum agellos ac tabernacula sua deserant ut vim exactionis evadant: quomodo non quæ compelluntur deserere vellent, sed secum si possibilitas pateretur auferrent? &c.

Afterwards [214] speaking \much/ of ye Roman Theaters & Circi he shews that ye Barbarians were addicted to none of thosevanities nor suffered them in ye Roman cities wch came into their power: And then passes on thus to compare them in respect of Chastity. [215] Sed forsitan cum de ludicris ac fœditatibus diutissimè dixerimus, in hoc tantum quis deteriores esse nos putet Barbaris quia illi hæc non agunt nos non agimus: cæterum ipso carnalis libidinis scelere & fornicationis funestæ cæno non ita pollui. Comparemus, si placet, cæteris nationibus etiam in hac parte Romanos. Then describing at large ye Roman impurities he <98r> adds. Sed quid accidit insuper ad mala nostra? Inter pudicos Barbaros impudici sumus. Plus adhuc dico, offendunt Barbari ipsi impuritatibus nostris. Esse inter Gothos non licet Scortatorem Gothum, soli inter eos præjudicio nationis ac nominis permittuntur impuri esse Romani. Et quæ nobis rogo spes ante Deum est? impudicitiam nos diligimus, Gothi execrantur. Puritatem nos fugimus, illi amant: fornicatio apud illos crimen atqꝫ discrimen est, apud nos decus. Et putamus nos ante Deum posse consistere? Putamus nos posse salvos esse quando omne impuritatis scelus, omnis impudicitiæ turpitudo a Romanis admittitur & a Barbaris vindicatur. Hic nunc illos quæro qui meliores nos putant {sic} esse quàm barbaros: dicant quid horum vel paucissimè Gothi faciunt, vel quid non horum Romani omnes vel pene omnes. Et miramur si terræ vel Aquitanorum vel nostrorum omnium a Deo Barbaris datæ sunt; cùm eas quas Romani polluerant fornicatione nunc mundent Barbari castitate.

Then he insists much upon Spain one of ye impurest countries being given up to ye Vandals ye chastest of Barbarians, & afterwards passes to ye Africans whose prodigious wickednes he describes first & then proceeds thus to compare them too wth ye same invading Vandals. Videamus quid simile a Vandalis factum sit? & certè Barbari elatione tumidi, victoria superbi, divitiarum ac delitiarum affluentia dissoluti, qui profecto etiamsi continentissimi & castissimi semper fuissent, mutari tamen tanta rerum obsecundantium felicitate potuerunt; ingressi scilicet ut divinis literis scriptum est, terram lacte & melle abundantem manantem, fæcundam, opulentissimam, omnium deliciarum copijs quasi ebriam. In qua utiqꝫ minimè mirum fuerat si luxuriasset gens barbara, ubi similis quodammodo luxurianti erat ipsa natura. <99r> Ingressos hæc loca Wandalos, quis non putet omni se vitiorum atqꝫ impuritatum cœno immersisse, aut, ut levissimè dicam, saltem illa fecisse quæ ab Afris jugiter facta fuerant in quorum jura migrarant? & certè ob ea tantum continentissimi ac modestissimi judicandi erant, quos non fecit corruptiores ipsa felicitas. Quotus enim quisqꝫ sapientum est, quem secunda non mutent, cui non crescat cum prosperitate vitiositas? Ac per hoc temperatissimos fuisse Wandalos certum est si quales illi fuerunt qui capti ac subjugati sunt tales illi fuere victores. Igitur in tant affluentia rerum atqꝫ luxuria nullus eorum mollis effectus est – nullus qui vel qui Romanorum illic mollium pollueretur incestu. And then describing ye Sodomy of ye Romans of wch he said above he adds: Hæc ergo impuritas in Romanis et ante Christi Evangelium esse cœpit, & quod est gravius, nec post evangelia {sic} cessavit. Et quis post hæc non admiretur populos Wandalorum qui ingressi urbes opulentissimas ubi hæc omnia passim agebantur, ita delicias corruptorum hominum indepti sunt, ut corruptelas morum repudiarent et usum bonarum rerum possiderent, malarum inquinamenta vitantes. Sufficere igitur ad laudem eorum hæc possunt talia, etiamsi alia non dicam: abominati enim sunt virorum impuritates. Plus adhuc addo, abominati etiam fæminarum, horruerunt lustra ac lupanaria, horruerunt concubitus contactusqꝫ meretricum. Nunquid hoc credibile ullis videri potest Romanos hæc admisisse, barbaros horruisse: aut nunquid est post ista quæ diximus quod dici posse videatur? Sed est tamen et multo plus est. Nam quod vitasse eos res fœdas minus est. Potest enim quis inhonesta horrere, non tollere: illud magni ac singularis est meriti non solum ipsum labe non pollui sed providere etiam ne alij unquam polluantur. Pro <100r> curator enim est quodammodo salutis humanæ qui non tantum id agit ut ipse bonus sit, sed efficere et hoc nititur ut alij mali esse desistant. grande est profecto quod dicimus, grande et supereminens. Quis credat Wandalos in civitatibus Romanis ista fecisse? Remota quippe est ab illis omnis carnis impuritas. At quomodo remota? Non sicut removeri aliquid a Romanis solet, qui statuunt non adulterandum et primi adulterant: statuunt non furandum et furantur; quamvis enim non possim dicere quod furentur: non enim sunt quæ agunt furta sed latrocinia. Punit enim Iudex in alia peculationem cum sit ipse peculator punit rapinam cum ipse sit raptor: punit sicarium cum ipse sit gladiator: punit effractores claustrorum & ostiorum cùm ipse sit eversor urbium: punit exspoliatores urbium domorum cum ipse sit exspoliator Provinciarum. — Non tales ergo isti de quibus loquimur Barbari ad emendandam nostrarum turpitudinum labemextiterunt. Abstulerunt enim de omni Africa sordes virorum mollium, cogitationes etiam horruerunt meretricum nec horruerunt tantum, aut temporariè summoverunt sed penitus jam non esse fecerunt. O pie Domine, O Salvator bone! quantum efficiunt per te studia disciplinæ, per quæ mutari possunt vitia naturæ, sicut ab illis scilicet immutata sunt. At quomodo immutata? Interest enim non solum effectus rerum sed etiam effectuum causas dicere. Difficile est quippe impudicitiam verbo aut jussione tolli nisi fuerit ablata: & difficile pudicitiam verbo exigi nisi fuerit exacta. Quod illi utiqꝫ scientes, sic impudicitiam summoverunt, quod impudicas conservarent non interficientes mulierculas infelices: ne vitiorum curam crudelitate respergerent; & dum peccata auferre cuperent, ipsi in peccatorum resecatione peccarent: sed ita errantes emendaverunt ut factum eorum medicina esset, pœna non esset. Iusserunt siquidem et compulerunt omnes ad maritalem thorum {sic} <101> transire meretrices. Scorta in connubia verterunt implentes scilicet Apostoli dictum ut [216] unaquæqꝫ mulier Virum haberet suum & unusquisqꝫ vir conjugem suam: ut quia cohiberi incontinentia sine hac carnalis usus permixtione non posset, ita legitimum usum calor corporalis acciperet, ut peccatum incontinentia non haberet. — Addiderunt quoqꝫ hoc ad libidinem comprimendā severas pudicitiæ sanctiones decretorum gladio impudicitiam coercentes ut puritatem scilicet utriusqꝫ sexùs, & domi connubio reservaret affectus & in publico metus legum: ac sic duplici præsidio castimonia niteretur cùm et intus esset quod amaretur et foris quod timeretur. Leges autem ipsæ nequaquam illis sunt legibus consentaneæ quæ ita partem improbitatis removent ut partem obscænitatis admittant: aut ut Romana illa decreta quæ scortatores quidem ab alienis uxoribus removerunt, ad omnes autem solitarias passim admiserunt, adulteria vetantes lupanaria ædificantes. — At non ita isti de quibus loquimur, qui sic inhibuerunt scorta ut adulteria, – leges suas scilicet ad divinæ legis regulam dirigentes: ut nihil sibi in hac re crederent licere quod Deus voluit non licere. Et ideo non putaverunt a se ulli homini permittendum nisi quod fuisset omnibus a divinitate permissum. Scio quia intollerabilia videantur ista quæ diximus: sed ratione rerum agendum est non libidine. – – Iam qu Et quæ \esse/ rogo Romano statui spes potest quando castiores ac puriores Barbari, quàm Romani sunt? Parum est quod dicimus. Quæ nobis rogo aut vitæ esse aut veniæ spes potest; quando castitatem in barbaris cernimus & nos sic casti sumus? Erubescamus quæso et confundamur. Iam apud Gothos impudici non sunt nisi Romani: jam apud Wandalos nec Romani. Tantum apud illos profecit studium castimoniæ tantum severitas disciplinæ. Non solum quod ipsi casti sunt, sed ut rem dicamus novam, rem incredibilem, rem pene etiam inauditam, castos etiam Romanos fecerunt. Si infirmitas id humana pateretur, ex- <102r> clamare super vires meas superem, ut toto orbe resonarem. Pudeat nos Romani ubiqꝫ populi, pudeat vitæ nostæ {sic}: nisi illæ tantum in quibus barbari esse cœperunt. Et miramur si miseri qui tam impuri sumus, miramur si ab hoste viribus vincimur, qui honestate superamur? Miramur si bona nostra possident qui mala nostra execrantur? Nec illos naturale robur corporum facit vincere nec nos naturæ infirmitas vinci. Nemo sibi aliud persuadeat, nemo aliud arbitretur; sola nos morum nostrorum vitia vicerunt.

Thus far of ye \almost/ incredible difference of ye Barbarians & Romans in those principal Christian virtues, Charity, abstinence from pleasures, & Chastity: Let {sic} us see now out of ye same Salvian how much they differ in piety & religiousnes \devotion/ towards God. [217] Dicit Deus [218] Ne glorietur Israel contra me Israel & dicat: Meis viribus liberatus sum. Audiant inquam omnes contraria et blasphema jactantes, audiant hæc spem suam in homine ponentes, loqui universos adversum se Deus {sic} dicit qui liberari se viribus suis posse præsumunt. Quis autem est Romanorum non ita dicens? Quis est non ita sentiens? Quis nostræ partis non prope jugiter in hac parte blasphemat Nullas esse jam reip. vires, omnium conscientiæ est, & ne sic quidem agnoscimus, cujus hoc beneficijs quod adhuc vivimus, debeamus. Si quando enim nobis prosperi aliquid præter spem nostram & meritum Deus tribuit, alius ascribit hoc fortunæ, alius eventui, alius ordinationi ducum, alius consilio {sic}, alius magistro, alius patrocinio, nullus Deo. Et {illeg} miramur si nobis cælestis manus aliqua non præstet cui quicquid præstiterit derogamus. Quid enim aliud facimus cum bona quæ præstat, nos vel eventibus casuum, vel virtutibus Ducum, vel quibuscunqꝫ alijs rebus frivolis deputamus? — At non ita Gothi non ita Wandali, malis licet doctoribus instituti, meliores tamen in hac parte quam nostri. Offendi quamvis quosdam suspicer his quæ dicimus; sed quia veritas magis quam offensio cogitanda est, dicam et sæpius dicam: non ita Gothi non ita Wandali, qui et in discrimine positi opem a Deo postulant & prosperitates suas munus divinitatis appellant. Deniqꝫ probavit hoc bello proximo infelicitas nostra. Cum enim Gothi metuerent, præsumpsimus nos in Hunnis spem ponere, illi in Deo: pax ab <103r> illis postularetur a nobis negaretur: illi epsicopos mitterent, nos repelleremus: illi etiam in alienis sacerdotibus Deum honorarent, nos etiam in nostris contemneremus: prout actus utriusqꝫ partis ita et rerum terminus fuit; illis data est in summo timore palma, nobis in summa elatione confusio.– Itaqꝫ agnovit hoc ille Dux nostræ partis qui eandem urbem hostium, quam eodem die victorem se intraturum se esse præsumpsit, captivus intravit. — Et cur hoc? cur absqꝫ dubio, nisi quia, ut jam dixi, illi Deo humiles, nos rebelles: illi crediderunt in manu Dei {sic} esse victoriam nos in nostra manu nostra imò in sacrilega atqꝫ impia, quod est pejus nocentiusqꝫ quàm nostra. Deniqꝫ ipse Rex hostium quantum resprodidit atqꝫ probavit usqꝫ ad diem pugnæ stratus cilicio preces fudit, ante bellum in oratione jacuit, ad bellum de oratione surrexit. Priusquam pugnam manu capesseret supplicatione pugnavit, & ideo fidens processit ad pugnam quia jam meruerat in oratione victoriam. Non dissimiliter autem illud etiam apud Wandalos, ad quos cum in Hispania sitos nostra pars pergeret, tantamqꝫ ad debellandos eos præsumptionis fiduciam ferret, quantam etiam proxime ad Gothos, pari superbiæ fastu, pari exitu corruerunt. Venitqꝫ super exercitum nostrum illud prophetæ dictum: Obruet dominus confidentiam tuam & nihil habebis prosperum Confidebamus enim in sapientia nostra et fortitudine, contra Dei mandata dicentis: Non glorietur sapiens in sapientia sua nec fortis in fortitudine sua sed in hoc glorietur qui gloriatur, scire et nosse me, quia ego sum Dominus. Non immerito itaqꝫ victi sumus, ad meliora enim se illi subsidia contulere quam nostri nam cum armis nos atqꝫ auxilijs superbiremus, a parte hostium nobis Liber Divinæ Legis occurrit. Ad hanc enim præcipue opem timor et perturbatio tunc Wandalica confugit ut seriem nobis cælestis eloquij opponeret, & adversum advenientes æmulos suo sacri voluminis scripta quasi ipsa quodammodo divinitatis ora reseraret. Hic nunc requiro, quis hoc unquam a nostris patribus fecerit aut quis non irrisus fuerit si putasset esse faciendum? irrisus utiqꝫ sicut a nostris omnia fermè religiosa ridentur. Et ideò quid prodesse nobis prærogativa illa relgiosi nominis potest quod nos Catholicos dicimus quod fideles esse jactamus: quod Gothos et Wandalos hæretici nominis exprobratione despicimus cùm ipsi <104r> hæretica pravitate vivamus.

Iudge now whether were the more Christian, the Romans who scarce retained so much as a form of Godlines, or the Barbarians who had not yet lost ye power of it. And how senceless are all they therefore that wthout considering or going about to inform themselves of what they speak, condemn for hereticks those who lived like true Christians wch hereticks used never used to do, & cry up for ye Church {sic} degerate {sic} sort of men wch lived wth hæretical pravity, giving ye best Christians to ye Devil & ye worst to God, & never considering or Saviour's doctrin wch he gave for a rule to posterity whereby to know ye true sheep from heresies in sheep's clothing. Ye shal know them saith he by their fruits: A good tree cannot bring forth evil fruit neither can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit. Mat. 7.15. However they that will have ye barbarians to be hereticks must confess ye Romans were wors then heretics, wch is as much as I propounded here to prove.

To summ up all therefore, it has been shewn that after Athanasius presented his new doctrin to Iovian, & ye western Bishops brake their words & oaths given at ye Consel of Ariminum & made a schism in ye Church to follow him, & together wth their novel faith brought in an abominably superstitious & idolatrous worship: the Clergy degenerated conspicuously in their manners \also/, wth ye Clergy the people too all ye reign of Valentinian & Valens Gratian & Theodosius; & then having by a severe persecution overcome & thrown out the Church to ye Barbarous nations, they propagated their manners as well as their religion all over the Empire so that in ye judgment of ye soberer men of their own party it became from thenceforward {sic} sensibly more corrupt & vitious then the Barbarous nations themselves & thereby heavily provoked God to send in ye Barbarians to invade & ruin it but yet was so little mended by those judgments that it grew still more & more vitious. This was ye violent <105r> & filthy original of the present Roman Church: & whether it be yet mended let ye world judge.

And these things being so, I now appeal to you whether ye Oracle above cited, for ye fall of Chris Christianity \in ye Empire/ after 365 years was not justly fulfilled.

But seing I have mentioned one Oracle, I shall for a close give you another to ye same purpose but of more unexceptionable authority, being \of {any thing} a sort/ much respected & credited by ye Christians of ye first ages & still extant in ye words of ye Oracle it self. And this is out of one of ye Sy Sibyls; who having described ye chief Empires down to ye Macedonian, passes thus on to ye Romans.

[219] Ἀυτὰρ ἔπειτ᾽ ἄλλης βασιληίδος ἔσσεται ἀρχὴ,

Αευκὴ καὶ πολύκρανος, ἀφ᾽ ἑσπερίου τε θαλάσσης,

Ἡ πολλ{illeg}|υ|ς γάιης ἄρξ{illeg}|ε|ι. —

          μετὰ {illeg} δ᾽ ἔσσεται ἀνδράσι κείνοις

Πτώμαθ᾽ ὅταν ἄρξων τ᾽ ὑπερηφανιής ἀδίκοιο

Ἀυτίκα δ᾽ ἐν τούτοις ἀσεβείας ἔσσετ᾽ ἀνάγκη,

Ἀρσης δ᾽ ἄρσενι πλησιάσει, &c.

Which ye Latines translated thus.

Poshæc Imperium regni succedet alius,

Excellens, ducibus multis, ex occiduiqꝫ

Parte maris, multis quod terris imperitabit.

— tandemqꝫ existet eorum

Casus ut injusto incipient turgescere fastu.

Continuoqꝫ in eis scelerum vis magna vigebit,

Masqꝫ mari se junget, statuentqꝫ pudendis

In lustris pueros, & erit tunc temporis ingens

Inter mortales angustia, cunctaqꝫ turbans,

Cunctaqꝫ contundens, & replens cuncta malorum,

Turpis avaritiæ, injustarum divitiarum,

Inprimisqꝫ Macedonijs in finibus, atqꝫ in

In multis alijs, odiumqꝫ ciebit, et omnis

Illis procedet fallacia: donec adusqꝫ

Ventum sit dicimum regnum, vigeatqꝫ potestas


Ægypti regis Græco de sanguine nati.

Tum demum sur

Tum demum surget magni præclara Dei gens

Qua duce mortales omnes benè vivere discent.

Here you see ye fall of ye Empire (wch in all men's esteem began at ye siege & sacking of Rome by ye Goths) is made ye consequent of ye Romans beginning to swell wth unjust arrogance: & immedately upon its falling it is represented to grow on to an extreme degree of wickedness (\further/ specified in Sodomy, Covetousnes, injustice, hatred, deceit,) & to continue in this state {illeg} till ye 10th Kingdom, that is till some Kingdoms after ye Roman should rise & fall, & consequently for a long time; yea till Ægypt should have a king of ye Greek stock, & ye Iews be converted; neither of wch we see yet come to pass. And in this wicked state they are not compared wth former Christians as if only wors then them, but wth ye former part of ye same Empire, as if this last state were a notable laps even from ye slender perfections of ye very Heathens. And therefore seing ye beginning of this state wicked state is connected wth ye fall of ye Empire as an immediate forerunner & occasion thereof, & yt fall in ye estimation of all men began wth ye western invasions wherein Rome was besieged & taken, wch happened between 12 & 16 years after Theodosius's death: this prophesy is a most plain & exact prediction of ye times we are speaking of, & egregiously agrees wth all we have been citing out of Ierom Salvian & others.

Seing therefore by what has been said, ye true Roman Church was to cease about ye time that Theodosius's reign ended, & did so; & a most abominably wicked generation was to reign & hath reigned ever since in her stead: these must be ye last times of ye world predicted by Daniel & ye Apostles, & represented in ye Apocalyps by the reign of ye Beast wch was & is not, on <107r> whom ye plagues of ye Trumpets & Vials of wrath were inflicted to be inflicted: wch reign beginning wth his 8th head, & ye Trumpets being coextended to that head, it followsalso that these are ye times of ye Trumpets.

The first Trumpet began wth ye invasions of ye Eastern regions A.C. 395. The second wth ye invasion of ye western A.C. 408. The third wth ye invasion of Afric A.C. 427. And yefourth wth ye wars in Italy A.C. 536.

Of these four Trumpets in general.

As ye four first seales were introduced by ye Beasts wch stood about ye four quarters of ye Throne, so these four Trumpets are introduced by ye four Angels wch stand at ye four corners of ye earth. Now whereas these hold the four winds wch were to blow in those quarters we are thereby, (as was said,) to understand their preserving ye four quarters of ye earth in peace by restraining for a time ye four wars wch were to infest them, & therefore by ye four winds we must understand so many wars wch were to be in ye four quarters of ye earth, & those successive because, as I signified above they are ye wars of ye first four Trumpets. As for the order of their succession we may learn it from their analogy wth ye four Beasts, namely ye first an east wind, ye second a west wind, ye third a south wind & ye fourth a north wind; for in this order ye Beasts succeeded one another. And because ye Roman Empire is ye scene of this prophesy, we must reccon ye political center of ye Empire, that is it's Metropolis Rome, to be ye center of ye winds.

Thus is determined ye seat of ye wars, but for ye <108r> fuller understanding them we are further to know what is meant by ye earth & sea wch ye winds blow upon & hurt. Now by these a[220] I shewed above we are to understand two sorts of peple, & b[221] I intimated that ye winds wch blow upon & hurt them are wars between them whereby they are hurt mutually hurt, & therefore seing ye wars (as you shall hear) were between ye Romans & Barbarians, one of these must be ye earth & ye other ye sea: namely ye Romans ye Sea & ye Barbarians ye earth; ffor ye people of ye Empire are signified by ye watry element, as by ye c[222] waters wch ye Dragon cast out of his mouth by ye d[223] many waters where ye whore sitteth, & by ye e[224] sea out of wch ye ten horned Beast arose; & ye f earth is that people wch f[225] takes part wth ye woman against ye Dragon at length swallowing up ye waters wch ye Dragon cast out of his mouth after her, & consequently is at enmity wth ye Dragon, that is wth ye Roman Empire. Conceive therefore yt ye compas or dition of ye Empire wth it's people is this political sea, & that ye nations round about it are ye earth wch bounds & comprehends it as ye natural earth does an inland Sea, for this similitude I suppose was ye ground of ye figure.

There is one circumstance more to be here observed; wch is ye putting ye sea between ye earth & ye trees wch appurtein to it, & this repeated to inculcate it chap {illeg}. 7.1, 3. But this is to shew that ye winds are to blow on them all together, it being ye method of ye Holy Ghost to signify ye Synchronism of things by interweaving them, as I shewed above by divers instances. Had they not been \here/ interwoven we might have thought that ye earth only was to be hurt in ye first Trumpet & ye Sea only in ye second, but this interweaving acquaints us that both are hurt together from ye beginning, ye sea in ye first Trumpet as well as ye earth, only ye earth after ye manner <109r> \expressed/ [226] him towards Italy met & beat his brother Marcelline at Petavion \in Noricum/ in another battel. After wch he went to Aquileia whither Maximus was fled & beseiged him there, & sent Arbogastes into Gallia against his son whom he had created Cæsar & left at Trevirs: & wthin a while both of them were slain, ye soldiers of Maximus delivering him bound to Theodosius, & ye Franks & Saxons \who at this time \{illeg}/ made the \the abovementioned/ inrode into Gallia)/ concurring to ye ruin of his son.

What was done before this was, in comparison of ye wars before & after, at most but like a soft breathing to a wind or whispering to a noise; but this was a manifest & d notable civil war & therefore ye period of ye half howers silence. And ye war wth Eugenius & Arbogastes was like this \f[227] only more bloody/: wch being ended Theodosius now sole Emperour fell sick at Millain & left ye Empire in e[228] an universal tranquility, divided between his sons, giving ye East to Arcadius & ye west to Honorius.

This I take to be ye revolution of time expressed by ye performance of holy rites: wch being explained I now proceed to expound ye Trumpets. And with them I shall joyntly consider ye Vials becaus they are collaterall & both together make up one complete prophesy, ye one supplying what is sometimes wanting in the other.

The first Trumpet.

The wars of ye first Trumpet have these three \four/ characters. \1. They are to begin wth the reign of ye Beast's eighth head, Posit    / {sic}. They are to be ye wind wch blows next after ye calmness wherewith ye seventh seal began {sic}, that is ye first notable invasion wch breaks forth after ye year 380. {sic} They are to be an eastern wind that is a war in ye regions eastward of Rome. {sic} In this war there is to be one or more great battels wth loss to that side signified by ye earth on wch ye storm was cast, that is to ye enemies of ye Roman Empire. ffor by Def.     ye hail & fire mingled wth blood signify great battels, & their being cast on ye earth denotes ye <110r> overthrow of that side signifed by ye earth, & ye earth is that people wch a[229] takes part wth ye woman against ye Dragon, at length swallowing up ye waters wch ye Dragon cast out of his mouth, & consequently is at enmity wth ye Dragon, that is wth ye Roman Empire.

The people of ye Empire are signified by ye watry element as by ye b[230] waters wch ye Dragon cast out of his mouth, by ye c[231] many waters where ye whore sitteth, & by ye d[232] sea out of wch ye ten horned Beast arose, & therefore ye earth must be ye enemy to ye Empire, becaus, as I intimated above, ye inhabitants of ye earth & sea, chap 12.12, are two sorts of people & ye winds wch hurt this earth & Sea chap 7.2, are ye wars between them whereby they are alternately hurt. Conceive therefore yt ye compas or dition of ye Empire \wth its people/ is this political sea \its people/ & yt ye nations round about it are ye earth wch bounds & comprehends it as ye natural earth does an inland sea; for this similitude I suppose was ye grownd of ye figure: & thus ye hail storm falling on ye earth will signify ye overthrow of ye barbarians in battel.

These are ye characters of this Trumpet, & the three first of these direct us to ye invasions wch brake forth immediately after ye death of Theodosius. \/ < insertion from f 109v > Ⓧ The first is a double one, drawing evidence both fom ye religious & from ye temporal state of ye Empire: from yereli temporal state in that ye Beast's reign was to begin at ye division of ye Empire & this is sufficiently known to have been accomplished at ye death of Theodosius: from ye religious state in yt it was to begin when ye Beast was fully ascended out of ye bottomles pit, yt is when his innovations in religion had overspread ye world, & this also happenned about ye same time. Of ye matter of fact I shall speak when I come to discours of \his/ religion, & here content my self wth taking notice of someting {sic} yt to this purpose that one of ye Heathen Oracles (as D. Augustin. l 18 De Civitate Dei, c. 53 & 54) relates) gave out, namely that ye Christian religion (by virtue forsooth of Peter's incantation) should last three hundred & sixty five years, & so soon as yt time was run out, be at an end. On this prediction many of ye Gentiles relied (as ye same Austine there relates) & would not be gotten to turn Christians till ye time was run out, but then finding their hopes frustrate increased ye Church considerably by their access. The Devil therefore plaid a cunning game keeping ye Heathens from conversion whilst Christianity retained its purity & making them flock to it so soon as Christians were degenerated below heathens: the first through \by their/ fals hope, ye last throug by an imagind disappointment & both through misinterpretation. They expected yt ye very name of Christianity should be rooted out by such heathens as themselves were, but ye Oracle certainly intended nothing less. ffor ye Devil could not but know (if not otherwise yet) by ye sacred Prophesies yt ye Church was to fall by an Apostacy of her members & not otherwise; & yet not totally to perish but only disappear to ye world, as was to be learnt by ye woman's going into ye wilderness & by or Saviour's words yt ye gates of hell should not prevail against her. He knew also yt these Apostates were called Gentiles Rev. 11.2. Idolaters Rev 9.20, Blasphemers ch 16 spiritual fornicators ch 13 & 17 \& Gentiles ch 11.2/ & consequently that they should be such in reality though Christians in shew: & by their being cast into hell \(as many of them as are to be damned)/ before ye rest of ye world {illeg} Rev 20.10, |15| he knew that they were to be above all others ye most wicked wretched sort of people. And this was grownd enough for him to say yt ye Christian religion should cease, & for us to be assured that he meant nothing els but ye fall of it by ye great Apostacy & consequently took his {illeg} \extended his calculation/ to ye beginning of yt Apostacy, not its beginning to rise but to \& struggle wth the truth, but to have overcome &/ be universal, that is to ye beginning of ye reign of ye eighth head, so yt according <110av> to his compute ye 8th head & consequently ye Trumpets ought to begin 365 years after ye beginning of Christianity, that is after or Saviour's Baptism. Count now 365 years from his Baptism yt is from Autumn \October or December/ A.C. 29 & you will fall upon ye end of ye year 394 ye last year of Theodosius. By this Prediction {sic} therefore as well as by ye division of ye Empire, we are to begin ye Trumpets at ye death of Theodosius.

And as this double character directs us to his death so ye two next of ye four Characters direct us to those invasions wch brake forth immediately after. For during ye reign of that Emperor < text from f 110r resumes > For during ye reign of that Emperour ye Empire flourished very much bearing up against ye indeavours of all forreign enemies & injoying a more then usuall tranquility. There were indeed between ye wars of Maximus & Eugenius some attempts upon Gallia by ye Franks but these were but short & unsuccesfull & in respect of what followed may be compared rather to gentle breathings yn winds. But so soon as Theodosius was dead \Now these were thus fulfilld. When Theodosius was dead/ Ruffin to whom Theodosius left ye tuition of Arcadius thinking to get ye Empire to himself called in all ye nations of ye north to trouble ye Roman waters.

[233] And first Alaric wth a great Army wth a great army of Goths & other Barbarians the very same year brake out <110bv> expressed there, & ye earth in ye second Trumpet as well as ye Sea, only ye Sea after ye manner expressed there: & so in ye third & fourth Trumpet where their hurting is exprest by smiting other parts of ye world. And thus much of ye Trumpets in general.

The first Trumpet.

The wars of ye first Trumpet have therefore these conditions {sic}. 1 They are to begin pre ye first fresh breaking out of those storms which blew on yeEmpire before ye reign of Theodosius. 2ly They are to begin presently after Theodosius's death. 3ly They are to be an eastern wind, that is a war in ye regions eastward of Rome. 4ly This war is to be pernicious both to ye Barbarians & to ye Romans. And {sic} 5tly in this war {sic} the Barbarians are to suffer most by battels, for by ffig     ye hail & fire mingled wth blood signify great battels & their being cast on ye earth denotes ye overthrow of that side. Now these conditions were fulfilled thus.

So soon as Theodosius was dead, Ruffin to whom Theodosius left ye tuition of Arcadius thinking to get ye Empire to himself called in the nations of ye North. [234] And first Alaric wth a great army of Goths & other barbarians, the very same yeare, brake out of Thrace into Macedon — <111r> of Thrace into Macedon {sic} sparing neither towns nor men, & going thence by Thessaly into Achaia he rased almost ye whole country & amongst other Cities Thebes & Athens Then rushing into Peloponnesus he laid wast Corinth, Argos, & Sparta wth many other cities, & from thene {sic} betook himself into Epire where he continued ye same depopulations. And ye next year going out of Epire he overran Achaia, & for four years together continued to wast it & Epire & ye neighbouring Provinces wth fire & depopulation sword & rapine

About ye same time \In the same year/ that Alaric began these devastations, there brake into Thrace & Pannonia from beyond ye Danube \by the invitation of Ruffin/ a great hand of Huns, Alans, Ostrogoths, Sarmatans, Quades, & Marcomans, who harassed those & ye adjacent regions for some years together but chiefly Thrace. And at \in/ ye same time \year/ also \by the invitation of Ruffin/ there flowed another great inundation of Huns from ye regions of Tanais & Mæotis into both Armenias, Syria, Cappadocia & Cilicia. And besides al this a[235] Thrace & b[236] Asia smarted very much under ye depopulations of \caused by/ Gainas a Goth & \who being/ one of Arcadius's Generalls: who \&/ turning Traitor b[237] called into ye Empire from beyond Ister great numbers of Ostrogoths & conspired wth Tribigildus (or Targibilus) another Goth who being set over some bands of Barbarians in Asia, withdrew his obedience & fell to depopulate Phrygia, Pamphylia, Lydia & ye adjacent regions. And after them ye Isauri from ye recesses of ye mountain Taurus overspread first Armenia Cilicia Mesopotamia & both Syrias & then all ye lesser Asia to ye very Hellespont, together wth ye Island Cyprus: dividing themselves into many little troops that they might, by overrunning all at once, do ye more mischief \whence they are \were/ compared to thieves./ Nor did Egypt \&/ Lybia {illeg} \Egypt/ \Libya Cyrenaisa Pentapolis & the neighbouring parts of Afric/ suffer less by ye invading Mazaces & Auxorians \Austurians or Saturians, whose {sic} by their incursions \begun/ A.C. 396 were at the height about 7 years after/ \& who {illeg} them so many years/ And I may add also ye troubles wch Gilda caused in Lybia & part of Afric by Gilda \a Moor the brother of Firmus & Son of Nubeles a King of ye Moors. Ammian lib 29./

When Alaric in ye mean while \In the mean while when Alaric/ had for about 4 or 5 years together harassed yeregions of ye Greeks he de <112r> termined to invade ye western Empire, & passing \out of Macedon/ into Dalmatia \Illyricam/ & Pannonia \k[238] A.C. 400/ depopulated also those regions & then brake through Noricum, came \into Rhætia & from thence came over the Alps/ into Vetetia \& Tuscia &/ in a short time made himself master of those cities & beseiged ye Emperor Honorius at Hasta, so that every one began to think of leaving their seats in Italy. But Stilico in ye yeare \the next Spring c[239] / 403 beat him first at Pollentia wth a difficult but notable victory, & then again at Verona, compelling him wth ye reliques of his scattered forces to fly into Pannonia d[240] where returning to his former obedience he was honoured by Honorius wth a military præfecture.

Whilst these things were doing Radagaisus a Pagan & King of another Dynasty of ye Goths prepared a far greater army then that of Alaric, consisting of Goths Sarmatans & Germans to ye number of four hundred thousand if we may beleive Zosimus, or according to ye least accounts e[241] of two hundred thousand & f[242] upward. With these he passed ye Iulian Alps & ye regions of Venetia, & having wasted many cities in ye way, beseiged Florence: in wch seige when Stilico understood that he was intangled & hedged in wth mountains on all hands so yt he had no room to dilate & draw up his army to battell, & that his army lay divided into three parts; he wth Huldin & Sarus two confederate Princes of ye Huns & Goths unawares set upon g[243] one of ye three parts of his Army wth so great success yt wthout any considerable loss of his own soldiers he slew h[244] above an hundred thousand of ye Enemy. Whereupon Radagaisus terrified wth so great a slaughter betook himself wth ye remains of his Army from these valleys to ye hill Fæsula. But Stilico pursued & beseiged him there suffering none to escape nor any thing for sustenance to be carried thither. Wherefore seing he could neither fight by reason of ye straitness of ye place nor subsist long there for want of sustenance he fled privately from his Army, but was taken & slain, & then almost all ye Barbarians prest wth famin yeilded themselves captive. Tanta verò multitudo captivorum fuisse fertur, saith Orosius,[245] <113r> at vitissimarum pecudum modo singulis aureis passim greges hominum venderentur. Sed nihil superesse Deus de eodem populo sivit, nam illico cunctis qui emebantur morientibus, quod improbi emptores eorum non impenderunt turpiter pretijs, expenderunt miserecorditer sepulturis. But let us see ye descriptions wch Authors give of these things.

The grassation of Alaric in Greece is thus described by Zosimus. [246] Alaricus e Thracia discedebat & in Macedoniam Thessaliamqꝫ progrediebatur interjecta cuncta diruens. — Dein aditu per Thermopylas in *[247] Græciam concesso, Barbari mox ad expeditam agrorum direptionem & universum oppidorum excidium progrediebantur, viros quidam cujusvis ætatis interrimentes, pueros autem & mulierculas gregatim una cum opibus inversis ceu partam prædam abigentes. Ac Boætia quidem tota cæteræqꝫ Græcæ nationes, quascunqꝫ post occupatum aditum illum Thermopylarum transibant Barbari, planè jacebant; & eversionem suam hodiéqꝫ spectatoribus intuendam exhibent, solis Thebis, partim ob urbis munitionem, partim ob urbis munitionem conservatis, partim quod Alaricus Athenas capere properans, earum obsidioni non inhæsisset. — Sed Atheniensium civitas hoc tempore in extremum conjecta periculum evasit. Alaricus autem Attica tota vastationis expertè relicta, in Megaridem transibat, & oppido primo impetu capto, Peloponnesum itinere continenti petebat obstaculum nullum expertus. Cumqꝫ Gerontius Istmi transeundi copiam ei fecisset omnes ab eo deinceps urbes citra laborem et pugnam capi poterant quod nullis essent munitæ mœnibus propter eam securitatem et defensionem quam Istmus eis præstabat. Itaqꝫ confestim prima Corinthus cum finitimis oppidis vi capiebantur, & secundum hanc Argos una cum ijs locis quæ inter hanc et Lacedæmonem interjacerent. Ipsa quoqꝫ in societatem captæ GræciæSparta veniebat.

Zosimus here writes that Attica & ye cities Thebes & Athens escaped these flames, but Baronius[248] out {sic} Ierome Claudian & Eunapius proves ye contrary. The passage of Claudian is this

[249] Si tunc his animis acies collata fuisset,

Prodita non tantas vidisset Græcia clades,


Oppida semota Pelopeia Marte vigerent,

Starent Arcadiæ, starent Lacedæmonis arces,

Non {illeg} mare fumasset geminum flagrante Corintho,

Nec fera *[250] Cecropias traxissent vincula matres.

In ye passage of Eunapius besides other things are these words: Infinitæ & inexplicabiles clades non multo post exundarunt (quas in historiæ spatiosis campis diffusius narravimus —) quando Alaricus cum Barbaris per Thermopylarum fauces pervasit, non secus quàm per apertum stadium aut campum liberum & equorum cursui patentem. To wch I may add this passage of Synesius in Epist 135 Ad Fratrem: Nihil jam Athenæ splendidum habent præter celeberrima locorum nomina. Ac velut ex hostiâ consumptâ sola pellis superest, animalis, quod olim aliquando fuerat, indicium: sic inde deducta Philosohia restat ut oberrando Academiam ac Lycæum mireris. — Athenæ quondam civitas fuit, domicilium Philosophorum; nunc eam mellatores celebrant.

** < insertion from f 113v > |**| The following depopulations of ye west by ye same Alaric is thus hinted by Socrates:[251] Alaricus – Constantinopoli discedens ad Occidentis partes trangressus {sic} est, cumqꝫ in Illyricum pervenisset latè cuncta vastare cœpit. Porro transeunti obstiterunt Thessali circa ostia Peni fluminis – commissaqꝫ pugna tria circiter millia ex ejus exercitu perimerunt. Posthæc Barbari qui cum illo erant quicquid obvium fuit igni ferroqꝫ vastarunt. \/ < insertion from higher up f 113v > ✝ And Claudian somewhere

– Vastator \{illeg}/ Achivæ

Gentis, et Epirum nuper populatus inultam

Præsidet Illyrico: Iam quos obsedit amicus

Ingreditur muros, illis responsa daturus

Quorum conjugibus potitur natosqꝫ peremit.

< text from lower down f 113v resumes >

But of this more in other places.

Nor were these regions depopulated by Alaric only but by other Barbarians before him, as is to be collected out of Claudian's Poem de bello Gildonico written A.C. 398. where he speaks thus of the western empire.

Nam quæ jam regio restat si dedita Mauris

Regibus, Illyricis accesserit Africa damnis? &c.

Where note yt Illyricum is to be taken not in a strict sense for Dalmatia & Liburnia only, but extended to Pannonia & perhaps to Noricum: thus for so largely was ye word then used as you may see in Notitia Imperij Romani; And besides, \& by/ Ierome's information. {illeg} Pannonia suffered in this storm as well as Dalmatia, & in reason \probably/ more \sharply/ being nearer ye barbarians.

|Again Vindelicia & Noricum after they had Symbol (cross in a circle with another cross immediately to the right) in text| < insertion from lower down f 113v > Symbol (cross in a circle with another cross immediately to the right) in text Again Vindelicia & Noricum after they had felt ye fury of Alaric were invaded by another Army of Barbarians from beyond ye Danube whilst Alaric was harasing Italy: of wch Stilico \Claudian/ {illeg}

– Iam fœdera gentes

Exuerant Latijqꝫ audita clade feroces

Vindelicos saltus & Norica rura tenebant. Claudian. de Bello Getico.

< text from higher up f 113v resumes >

Also after ye repuls of Alaric these region suffered further desolations by Radagaisus & others, all wch St Ierom in another place written when ye wars of this Trumpet were in a manner ceased & those of ye next newly begun, has thus indeavoured to express. Vastatis, \ait,/ urbibus, hominibusqꝫ interfectis solitudinem & raritatem bestiarum quoqꝫ \fieri/ & volatilium pisciumqꝫ. Testis Illyricus est, testis Thracia, testis in quo ortus sum solum (i.e. Dalmatia:) ubi præter cælum et terram & crescentes vepres & condensa sylvarum, cuncta perierunt. Iram quippe Dei opt. Max. etiam bruta sentiunt animalia. Quid multis opus, verbis? Romanus corruit Orbis: Occidens in Germaniam translatus est. Apud Chron. \Annalis/ Boiorum l 2. p 127.

< text from f 114r resumes >

The irruption of ye Huns into Armenia & ye adjacent regions Provinces Ierome who was then in ye east, describes thus in Epist 30. Quærentibus, ait, nobis dignum Fabiolæ habitaculum — ecce subito discurrentibus nuncijs Oriens totus intremuit. Ab ultima Mæotide inter glacialem Tanaim et Massgetarum immanes populos ubi Caucasi rupibus feras gentes Alexandri claustra cohibent, erupisse Hunnorum agmina examina quæ pernicibus equis huc illucqꝫ volitantia cædis pariter ac terroris cuncta complerent. Aberat tunc Romanus exercitus et bellis civilibus in Italia tenebatur. Insperanti ubiqꝫ aderant & famam celeritate vincetantes non religioni non dignitatibus non ætati parcebant, non vagientis miserebantur infantiæ. Cogebantur mori qui nondum vivere cœperant, & nescientes malum suum inter hostium manus ac tela ridebant. Consonus inter omnes rumor petere eos Hierosolymam, & ob nimiam auri cupiditatem ad hanc urbem percurrere. Muri neglecti pacis incuria sartiebantur. Antiochia obsidebatur. Tyrus se volens a terra abrumpere insulam quærebat antiquam. Tunc et nos compulsi sumus parare naves, esse in littore, adventum hostium <115r> præcavere, et sævientibus ventis magis barbaros metuere quam naufragium. Erat in illo tempore quædam apud nos dissentio, & Barbarorum pugnam domestica bella superabant. Nos in Oriente tenuerunt {sic} jam fixæ sedes et inveteratum locorum sanctorum desiderium.

And in his third Epistle written I suppose in ye third year of ye irruption (AC 397) the same Ierome describes & laments ye afflicted estate of ye Empire on both sides ye Hellespont. Horret, inquit, animus temporum nostrorum ruinas persequi. Viginti et eo amplius anni sunt cum inter Constantinopolim & Alpes Iulias quotidie Romanus sanguis effunditur. Scythiam, Thraciam, Macedoniam, Dardaniam, Daciam, Thessaliam, Achaiam, Epiros, Dalmatiam, cunctasqꝫ Pannonias, Gothus, Sarmata, Quadus, Alanus, Hunni, Vandali, Marcomanni vastant, trahunt, rapiunt. Quot matronæ, quot virgines Dei et ingenua nobiliaqꝫ corpora his belluis fuere ludibrio? Capti Episcopi, interfecti Presbyteri, et diversorum officia clericorum: eversæ Ecclesiæ, et ad Altaria Christi stabulati equi; Martyrum effossæ reliquiæ: Vbiqꝫ luctus, ubiqꝫ genitus, & plurima mortis imago. Romanus Orbis ruit, et tamen cervix nostra non flectitur. Quid putas animi nunc habere Corinthios, Athenienses, Lacedæmonios, Arcadas, cunctamqꝫ Græciam quibus imperant Barbari? Et ecce paucas urbes nominavi in quibus olim fuere regna non modica. Immunis ab his malis videbatur Oriens et tantum nuncijs consternatus. Ecce tibi anno præterrito ex ultimis Caucasi rupibus immissi in nos non jam Arabiæ sed septentrionis Lupi tartas brevi Provincias percurrerunt. Quot monasteria capta? Quantæ fluviorum aquæ humano cruore mutatæ sunt? Obsessa Antiochia, et urbes reliquæ quas Halys Cydnus Orontes Eufratesqꝫ præterfluunt. Tracti greges captivorum. Arabia, Phœnice, Palestina, Ægyptus timore captivæ. Non mihi si linguæ centum sint, oraqꝫ centum; fferrea vox; Omnia pœnarum percurrere nomina possim. Neqꝫ enim historiam proposui scribere sed nostras breviter flere miserias. And a little after he adds: Et quasi non hæc suffi <116r> cerent cladibus, plus pene bella civilia quam hostilis macro communis sit. — \Xerxes cum de sublimi loco innumeratione vidisset exercitum, flesse dicitur quod post centum annos nullus eo superfuturus est./ O si possimus in talem ascendere speculam de qua universam < insertion from f 115v > versā terram sub nostris pedibus cerneremus: jam tibi ostenderem \totius/ orbis ruinas, gentes gentibus & regnis regna collisa, alios torqueri, alios necari, alios absorberi fluctibus, alios ad servitutem trahi – & non Xerxis tantum exercitum, sed totius mundi homines qui nunc vivunt in brevi spatio defuturos. Vincitur sermo rei magnitudine, & minus est omne quod dicimus.

< text from f 116r resumes >

Claudian also[252] who was equally an eye witness & sufferer in this tempest, describes it very elegantly in a Poem written at ye same time (viz about ye year 398 or soon after) comparing it to ye relaxation of a wind as if he meant to be an interpreter

– Ventis veluti si fræna remittat

Æolus abrupto gentes sic obice *[253] fudit

Laxavitqꝫ viam bellis. Et nequa maneret

Immunis regio, cladem divisit, in orbem

Disposuitqꝫ nefas. Alij per terga ferocis

Danubij solidata ruunt, expertaqꝫ remos

ffrangunt stagna rotis. Alij per Caspia claustra

Armeniasqꝫ nives inopino tramite ducti

Invadunt Orientis opes. Iam pascua fumant

Cappadocum, voluirumqꝫ parens Argæus Equorum.

Iam rubet altus Halys, nec se defendit iniquo

Monte Cilix. Syriæ tractus vastantur amœni

Assuetumqꝫ choris & læta plebe canorum

Proterit imbellem sonipes hostilis Orontem.

Hinc planctus Asiæ; Geticis Europa catervis

Ludibrio prædæqꝫ datur, frondentis ad usqꝫ

Delmatiæ fines; Omnis qua mobile Ponti

Æquor et Hadriacas tellus interjacet undas,

Squalet inops pecudum nullis habitata colonis

Instar anhelantis Libyæ {sic}, quæ torrida semper

Solibus, humano nescit mansuescere cultu.

Thessalus ardet ager, reticet pastore fugato

Pelion, Emathias ignis populatur aristas.

Iam plaga Pannoniæ, miserandaqꝫ mœnia Thracum,

Arvaqꝫ Mysorum, jam nulli flebile damnum

Sed cursus solennis erat: campusqꝫ furori

Expositus, sensumqꝫ malis detraxerat usus.

Eheu quam brevibus pereunt ingentia causis

Imperium tanto quæsitum sanguine, tanto

servatum; quod mille Ducum peperere labores,

Quod tantis Romana manus contexuit annis.

Proditor unus iners angusto tempore vertit. &c.


[254] The beginning of these miseries on this side ye Hellespont the Poet a little before describes more particularly, speaking thus of \the {illeg} Ruffin/

Ille avidus prædo jam non per singula sævit

Sed scæptris inferre minas, omniqꝫ perempto

Milite, Romanas audet prosternere vires.

Iam gentes Istrumqꝫ movet, Scithiamqꝫ receptat

Auxilio, traditqꝫ suas hostilibus armis

Relliquias: mixtis descendit Sarmata Dacis,

Et qui cornipedes in pocula vulnerat audax

Massagetes, patriamqꝫ bibens Mæotim Alanus,

Membraqꝫ qui ferro gaudet pinxisse Gelonus:

Ruffino collecta manus; vestat ille domari,

Innectitqꝫ moras, et congrua tempora differt.

Nam *[255] tua cum Geticas stravisset dextera turmas

Vlta *[256] Ducis Socij {illeg} letum, parsqꝫ una maneret

Debilior facilisqꝫ capi: tunc impius ille

Proditor Imperij, conjuratusqꝫ Getarum {sic}

Distulit instantes illuso Principe pugnas,

Hunnorum laturus opem, quos affore bello

Norat, et invisis mox se conjungere castris.

And a little after

Aspice barbaricis jaceant quot mœnia flammis

Quas mihi Riffinus clades quantumqꝫ cruoris

Præbeat et quantis epulentur cædibus Hydri.

The grassation of Tribigildus you have thus described in Zosimus:[257] Tribigildus non turmis Romanis sed barbaris in Phrygia subsistere jussis præerat. — Assumptis autem barbaris in quos habebat imperium, quicquid erat in medio situm invadebat, nec aut virorum aut mulierū aut puerorum cædibus abstinens & obvia quæqꝫ diripiens perexiguo tempore tantam coegit multitudinem mancipiorum aliarumqꝫ vilium personarum ut Asiam totam in extremum periculum conjiceret. Nam et Lydia plena variæ perturbationis erat, omnibus propè dixerim ad loca maritima confugientibus, cumqꝫ suis universis ad insulas aliove navigantibus. Et Asia mari finitima periculum se quantum alias nunquam accidisset in proclivi conspecturam verebatur. — Tribigildus dein omni vastata Phrygia, Pisidas adortus est — et factum <118r> ut obsistente nemine quævis oppida per vim caperentur, omnes illorum incolæ cum ipsis militibus interficerentur, nemo deniqꝫ barbarus Romanis amicus esset. After this ye historian declares how when ye forces of Tribigildus were diminished & his confederate Gainas sent him new supplies, he raged more then before for a time, & consumed one of ye Roman armies wch was sent against him. But let us hear Claudian's description of these desolations composed in ye time of ye action A.C. 399.


— Ostrogothis colitur mixtisqꝫ Gothunnis

Phrix ager – – – – –

Iam vaga pallentem densis terroribus aulam

Fama quatit, stratas acies, deleta canebat

Agmina, Mæonios fœdari cædibus agros,

Pamphylios Pisidasqꝫ rapi; metuendus ab omni

Targibilus {sic} regione tonat; modò tendere cursum

In Galatas, modo Bythinis incumbere fertur;

Sunt qui correptis ratibus, terraqꝫ mariqꝫ

Adventare ferant. Geminantur vera pavoris

Ingenio, longè spectari puppibus urbes

Accensas, lucere fretum, ventoqꝫ citatas

Omnibus in pelago velis hærere favillas.

|Gainas too ✝| < insertion from f 117v > ✝ Gainas too who secretly set Tribigildus on work at first, pretending then to go against him, when he came there committed ye same depopulations: Of wch *[259] Socrates: Gaina Gothus Magister utriusqꝫ militiæ factus, *[260] Gothorum gentem universam ex sedibus suis accivit. Et contra Tribigildum Phrygiam vastantem profectus est ducens secum Gothorum Barbarorum maximam multitudinem. Qui cum Phrygiam esset ingressus, cuncta cœpit subvertere. Romanis verò gravis subitò invasit trepidatio tum ob ingentem numerum Barbarorum qui cum Gaina erant, tum quod opulentissimis Orientis Provincijs ad omnia opportunis grave periculum imminebat

< text from f 118r resumes >

The incursions of ye Isauri are expressed briefly in Marcelline's Chronicle thus: Indic 3. Stilicone 3 & Anthemio Coss: (i.e. A.C. 405) Isauri per montem Tauri discursantes ingens dispendium Reip. importarunt., quibus Narbaziacus Legatus majus continuè rependit incommodum And in Nicephorus thus: Hunni Istrum transgressi Thraciam vastantes percurrerunt Huldam ducem habentes. Et Isauri quidam prædones perquam feri ingenti coacta multitudine Phœniciam atqꝫ Cariam & quæ in medio sitæ sunt urbes excursionibus extremisqꝫ cladibus vexarunt. \/ < insertion from f 117v > ‡ Hieronymus itidem in ✝[261] epistola ad Theophilum Alexandrinum rem breviter attingit: Ne {illeg} quoquam tardius, inquit, beatitudini tuæ latino sermone translatum librum tuum remitterem multa in medio impedimenta fecerunt; Isaurorum repentina irruptio Phœnices Galilææqꝫ vastitas, terror Palestinæ præcipuæ urbis Hierosolymæ et nequaquam librorum sed murorum extructio. < text from f 118r resumes > So Chrysostome in Epist 14 written in his journey into banishment A.C. 404: Cùm, ait, in hoc statu res nostræ essent, subdito ad nos affertur Isauros cum infinita hominum multitudine manu Cæsariensem regionem populari ac ingens {sic} quoddam oppidum incendisse atqꝫ omni belliclade pervastasse. And in Epist 61 written afterwards from Armenia: Omnia hic cædibus, tumultibus, cruore atqꝫ incendijs plena sunt, Isauris nimirum cuncta ferro atqꝫ igne populantibus. And again in Epist 69 <119r> Nos nuper quidem asperrima hieme loca subinde commutantes nunc in urbibus nunc in terræ faucibus & sylvis commorati sumus, ab Isauris in nos impetum facientibus omni ex parte vexati & exagitati, — & præter id quod singulos in dies, ut ita dicam, pro foribus nostris mors est, Isauris videlicet omnia invadentibus, atqꝫ igne et ferro tum corpora tum ædificia delentibus, famem etiam, quam loci angustia & eorum qui huc confugiunt multitudo minatur, pertimescimus. Sub Arcadio, saith Gothofredus,[262] multa de Isauris Iohannes Chrysostomus quæritur ante quadrennium \AC/ 404,cùm in exilium iret \(A.C 404)/ Cæsariæqꝫ esset, mox et exilij sui Cucusi in Tauro in Cilicia tempore: Nempe ad Olympiadem Ep 13 & 14, ad Diogenem ep 114 & ad Gemellum, & ep ad Theodoretum ex Consularibus; & Ep. ad Theodotum Lectorem, et ep. ad Theodotum Diaconum & alijs multis: quibus locis ostendit quàm formidabiles illi fuerint & quot mala perpetraverint. Videndus etiam Theoderetus, ubi de Iacobo Anachoretâ, de vita sanct. patrum, in Iacobo c 21. Sed et Synesius non una Epistola hoc ipso tempore, et Zosimus superiore anno 404 lib 5 Isauros eo tempore in Pamphyliam incursasse prolixè narrat, & ad hos comprimendos missum ducem Arbazacium (cujus meminit etiam Synesius in Ep 234 ad Fratrem ubi Artabazacus vocatur) in Pamphyliam qui Isauros latrones fuga dilapsos intra montes persecutus fuerit, complures eorum victos caperit virorum multitudinem non exiguam interfecerit. Thus far Gothofredus. The narration of Zosimus is this: Dum familiares Principis de vastatis [Constantinopoleos] ædificijs instaurandis cogitabant, allatus est Aulicis nuncius magnam Isaurorum multitudinem quæ supra Pamphyliam Ciliciamqꝫ posita semper in asperrimis et inaccessis Tauri montibus degit, in latronum manipulos divisam, regionem subjectam invadere. Acoppida quidem munita tentare non poterant, vicos autem mœnibus destitutos & obvia quævis irruendo vexabant: quos incursus id ipsis faciliores reddebat quod isthæc regio paulo ante fuisset ab hostibus capta, Tribigildo cum barbaris suis rebellionem molito. His nunciatis Arbazacius Dux mittitur qui laborantibus Pamphyliæ rebus succurreret, &c. Zosimus here mentions their incursions only into Pamphylia & Cilicia: but out of Philostorgius who lived in those times it appears that they were of much greater <120r> extent.

Further ye lapsed state of Phœnicia, Cælosyria, & Egypt, & ye declining condition of Libya {sic}, Synesius then Bishop of Cyrene, in Epist 73 ad Troilum thus hints. Quî fit ut Phœnicibus quidem Phœnices non imperent, nec Cælosyri Cælosyris, Ægyptij itidem omnibus potiùs Provincijs quàm patriæ, *[263] Afri autem soli patriæ præficiantur? Soline Afri fortissimi sunt, ac legibus opponere sese constitutum habent? Quibus cùm plura adversus violatores supplicia apposita fuerint, tam depravata ingenia impetu in eas graviore præcipitant. Necesse est perire funditus Pentapolim quæ Cyrene adjacet: sed fames & bellum nondum quantum satis est consumpserunt, at moram faciunt & paulatim disperdunt. Afterward in Epist 103 ad Olymium he thus speaks of ye desolation of Cyrene: Si philosophiam, inquit, idoneam esse dicam ad civitates erigendas ipsa me Cyrene arguet, quæ magis quàm ulla Ponti civitas jacet. And in many other epistles (as Epist 57, 78, 93 \122, 124, 125/) he deplores ye lamentable state of Libya Cyrenaica under ye invading Ausurians, but chiefly in his Catastasis a discours written in ye 7th year of the invasion when ye enemy \after some conflicts wth the Roman soldiers {illeg}/ had mastered all opposition & newly rased Pentapolis. Equidem nescio, inquit, quid de calamitatibus dici oporteat quæ in oculis omnium versantur: — Pentapolitanæ res heri ac nudius tertius in Romanorum potestate manserant, qui deinceps amissa ea gente in recensendis Præfecturis suis illam præteribunt. Prorsus nunc de Pentapoli actum est; funditus inquam illa concidit: quæ varijs quidem ærumnis annum jam septimum conflictari cœperat. Sed quemadmodum animal quoddam ægre moriens sic illa spiritus sui reliquias cogebat atqꝫ contrahebat. Felix sitAnysij memoria: Is enim annum ad illius tempus adjecit, cum clypeis quidem omnium, Vnegardorum verò manibus opportunè uteretur. Itaqꝫ nonnihil dilata calamitas est. Neqꝫ enim confertis copijs regionem pervagati sunt; ad latrocinia sese converterunt, fugientes \idem/ itidem atqꝫ irrumpens {sic} irrumpentes. Posteaquam verò ter instructa acie præliati consilium mutarunt, nunc campos longè latéqꝫ omnes eques obtinet, nunc intra mœnia conclusi milites tenentur, alij aliò dissipati, quod Cerealis tempore <121r> malum accidit, nec utiles sibi invicem esse possunt quod non collecti in unum atqꝫ coacti sunt. Quamobrem hostium res luculentæ & posperæ {sic} sunt. Nunc postquam Pagorum muros everterunt, oppida ipsa justo exercitu circumdant. Quid enim non illis successit? Ausuriani Thracum equitum loricas induerunt, non quod ijs opus habent sed ut ornatum atqꝫ habitum irriderent. Posthæc Marcomannorum clypeis usi sunt. Ad velites atqꝫ expeditos Romanorum legio redacta est quiquidem miseratione hostium salutem consecuti sunt. —— O veteres illos Romanorum spiritus! qui ubiqꝫ omnia debellare solebant, qui dissitas continentes trophæis suis conjunxerunt: nunc ab infælici dispersaqꝫ gente eò redacti sunt ut periculum sit ne præter Græcas urbes etiam Africanas, ipsamqꝫ adeò quæ in Ægypto est Alexandriam amittant. Est ob — Prô audaciam illam quà freti velut retibus universam Provinciam amplexi sunt! Nullus ijs accessu mons arduus, nullum satis munitum castellum fuit, Regionem omnem pervagati, omnem perscrutati sunt, ætatemqꝫ omnem in servitutem redigerunt. Olim ex Historicorum numero ita scribentem nescio quem audio Fæminas & puerulos excidiorum ac subversionum argumento relinquebant. Sed longè aliud Pentapoli contigit. Quæ enim Ausuriano possessio commodior muliercula & infantulo? —— Quibusnam illi sacris, quibus religiosis locis pepercerunt? Nonne in multis agri Barcæi locis sepulchra recentia effoderunt? Nonne ab ijsdem ipsis per universam Ampelitidem, quæ quidem sub nostra potestate est, Ecclesiæ omnes succensæ sunt atqꝫ in rudera et ruinas redactæ? Non sacras mensas perinde ac profanas ad dividendas carnes apposuerunt? Mystica porro vasa quibus ad publicas sacrasqꝫ libationes utebamur nonne ad obeundas dæmonum cæremonias in hostilem regionem translata sunt? Quidnam horum religiosis auribus tollerabile est? Nam qui commemorare velit quot castella demoliti sint, quantum utensilium ac supellectilis avexerint, boves item ovesqꝫ omnes, quæquidem e Barbarorum præda servatæ reliquiæ in præruptis montium & cavernis abditæ fuerant: is in tantis malis, non sine vitio aliquo minútis persequendis nimium anxius videatur, quanquam quinqꝫ Camelorum millibus prædam avexisse dicuntur, numero autem triplo majore redeunt, accessione <122r> captivorum tanto plures effecti. Periere extinctæ sunt Pentapolitanæ res, ad exitum venerunt, confectæ sunt, occiderunt: neqꝫ nobis omninò ampliùs neqꝫ Imperatori supersunt. Neqꝫ enim Imperatoris ea possessio dici potest, e qua nihil utilitatis reportet. Ecquis verò fructus ex deserto colligere ullus possit? Neqꝫ mihi patria super est quam deseram, sola enim navis inopia facit ut nondum in alto navigem et ad insulam aliquam appellam. Nam Ægypto diffido propterea quod eo quoqꝫ Camelus pervenire potest Ausurianum militem gestans. In Insulis itaqꝫ degam, inops ex divite, inquilinus, Cythereo cive ignobilior &c.

|***| < insertion from f 121v > *** By this you may guess at ye lamentable estate of ye Lybians in this & ye following years, but before this even in ye first year of ye \Ausurian/ irruption their afflictions were great enough. ffor Synesius in ye inscription to his Catastasis calls yt first irruption {illeg} ἡ μεγίστη {illeg} \των/ βαρβάρων {illeg} ἔφοδος \ηγεμοζευοντος Γενναδίου \// < insertion from higher up f 121v > ✝ the greatest inrode of the Barbarians when Gennadius was Augustal Præfect that is A.C. 396 as is manifest out of 14 Cod. Theodos. Tit 27, Lex. 1 De Alexandr. plebi primat. < text from lower down f 121v resumes > & in his 129th epistle written at that time \in that year to/ to Symplicius {sic} \/ < insertion from higher up f 121v > ✝ (who \in that year/ was then Master of the horse (as Gothofredus \well/ observes) < text from lower down f 121v resumes > he thus laments ye first effects of it: Heu juventutem malè a nobis amissam! Heu frugum a nobis frustra speratos proventus! Hostilibus flammis agros consevimus. Plærisqꝫ nostrum divitiæ in pecore erant, in armentis Camelorum, in gregalibus equis: periere omnia, omnia abacta. Sentio me præ dolore non esse mei compotem, virùm ignosce quæso: mœnibus enim septus sum, & obsessus hæc scribo. — Equorum ungulis pulsantur omnia, omnemqꝫ latè regionem hostes obtinent. But of this enough.

The commotion raised by Gildo — < text from f 122r resumes > The commotion raised by Gildo in Lybia \Africa Carthaginensi/ & ye adjacent parts of Afric \Lybia/ is thus touched upon by Claudian.


Post domitas Arctos, alio prorumpit ab axe

Tempestas, et nequa *[265] tuis intacta trophæis

Pars foret, Australis sonuit tuba, moverat omnes

Maurorum Gildo populos quibus imminet Atlas,

Et quos interior nimio plaga sole relegat:

Quos vagus humectat Cinyps, & proximus hortis

Hesperidum Triton, & Gir novissimus amnis

Æthiopum, simili mentitus gurgite Nilum.

Venerat et parvis redemitus Nuba sagittis,

Et velox Garamas: nec, quamvis tristibus, Ammon

Responsis alacrem potuit Nasamona morari.

Stipantur Numidæ campis, stant pulvere Syrtes

Gætulæ, Penus jaculis obtexitur aer.

The irruption of ye Huns Goths & other Barbarians from beyond ye Danube soon after ye death of Theodosius you had described above out of Ierome & Claudian, but after this there was another very great irruption of ye Huns under ye conduct of Huldin, wch Sozomenes conjoyns wth ye banishment of Chrysostom & grassation of ye Isauri. [266] Eodem, inquit, tempore (hoc est, quo Chrysostomus in exilium missus fuit) – Hunni trajecto Istro Thraciam vastarunt. Latrones quoqꝫ Isauri coacta ingenti multitudine urbes omnes quæ inter Cariam & Phœnicen interjacent una cum vicis populati sunt. And a little after [267] Vldis Barbarorum qui circa Danubium erant Regulus cum ingenti exercitu amnem transgressus in finibus Thraciæ castramentatus fuerat, cumqꝫ urbem Mæsiæ quæ castra Martis dicitur proditio <123r> ne cœpisset inde in reliquam Thraciam excursiones faciebat. Nec fœdus cum Romanis facere præ superbia dignabatur. Et cùm aliquando Magister militum Thraciæ cum illo verba faceret de pace, illa solem orientem demonstrans facile sibi esse dixit universam quam ille radijs suis collustret terram subigere si vellet.

Lastly the \terrible/ invasion of Radagaisus is thus mentioned \by Orosius/. Eversis in Vrbe Roma omnibus simulachris, Radagaisus Rex Gothorum cum ingenti exercitu, multò numerosiore quàm Alarici fuit, venit D. Augustin. Serm 29 in Luc.     Radagaisus omnium antiquorū præsentiumqꝫ hostium longè immanissimus repentino impetu totam inundavit Italiam. Nam fuisse in populo ejus plusquam ducenta millia Gothorum, ferunt. Hic supra hanc incredibilem multitudinem indomitamqꝫ virtutem Paganus et Scytha erat: qui (ut mos est barbaris hujusmodi gentibus) omnem Romani generis sanguinem Dijs suis propinare devoverat. Oros. l 7. c 37. \Anno decimo Arcadij et Honorij sæva Italiæ barbarici motus tempestas incubuit: siquidem Radagaisus Rex Gothorum Italiæ limitem vastaterus transgreditur./ Anno undecimo Arcadij & Honorij \Anno undecimo a[268] / (i.e. A.C 405) multis ante vastatis urbibus Radagaisus occubuit. Prosper \apud Euseb./ Chron. edit. Pith{illeg} \l 1/.

T Having run over ye particulars I shall now for a conclusion give you \add/ ye description wch Philostorgius an \other/ eye witness has given us of these times, as a compendium of what we have hitherto collected out of various Authors. This Photius has thus contracted [269] Ait Philostorgius Hunnos qui Scythiæ sunt intra Istrum, cùm priùs multum terræ occupassent devastassentqꝫ, transito postea fluvio gelu constricto, confertim Romanum Imperium adortos, perqꝫ totam Thraciam diffusos totam Europam deprædatos. Qui verò ad Solem Orientem sunt fluvio Tanæi transito & in Orientem effusi per Armeniam majorem in Melitenam, quæ votatur, irruperunt: exinde Euphratensi incubuerunt, & ad Syriam Cælem usqꝫ deprædati sunt, Ciliciamqꝫ percurrentes cædam hominum incredibilem operati sunt. Neqꝫ hi solum sed et Mazaces & *[270] Auxoriani (hi verò inter Libyam {sic} & Afros habitant) juxta orientalem eorum plagam Libyam incursarunt, neqꝫ exiguam Ægypti simul partem simul vastarunt. Afros vero incursantes juxta solem occidentem vicina populati sunt. Adhæc Tribigildus vir Scytha – manum barbaricam habens & in *[271] Nacolia exorsus, plurimas Phrygiæ civitates occupavit, magnamqꝫ <124r> hominum Phrygiæ considens, Comitisqꝫ honorem gerens ex amicitia in inimicitiam Romanorum versus, ab ipsa Nacolia exorsus plurimas Phrygiæ civitates occupavit magnamqꝫ hominum cædem patravit. Adversus quem Gainas dux missus, qui et ipse barbarus erat, victoriam prodidit, paria et ipse adversus Romanos agere cogitans. Exinde Tribigildus quasi Gainam fugiens Pisidiam & Pamphyliam invadens deprædatus est. Postea multis et ipsæ tum miserijs tum Isauricis pugnis attritus vires suas in Hellespontum servavit & in Thraciam transfretens, non p multò post interfectus fuit. Gainas verò post proditionem, Ducis habitu Constantinopolim {illeg} reversus, eam sibi subjicere in animum induxit. a[272] Cælestis verò vis quædam armata visa ijs qui eam capere cogitabant in ipso actu terrefactis, urbem quidem incendio liberavit, illos verò deprehensos humano judicio dedidit, multaqꝫ cædes eorum fluxit. Gainas vero in tantum metum conjectus fuit uti — fugeret urbe. Quoniam verò Thracia vastata erat neqꝫ necessarium quicquam præbere poterat neqꝫ aliam labem ferre, Gainas Chersonnesum transfretavit ratibus cogitans in Asiam trajicere, &c. —— Præter dicta mala et Isaurorum Gens varias clades intulit: ad solem quippe orientem Ciliciam percursarunt & conterminam Syriam non Cælem modo sed et alteram ad Persas tendentem. Post patrata autem ibi incredunda et Thraciam & Pamphyliam aggressi sunt, & Lycios vastarunt, Cyprum insulam everterunt, Lycaonas & Pisidas in captivitatem abduxerunt & Cappadocas Pontum usqꝫ aggressi, pessimaqꝫ quæ ab alijs barbaris fieri solent, erga captivos hi fecerunt. — Ait etiam Philostorgius[273] quod circa prædicta tempora Alaricus Gothus genere, circa superiores Thraciæ partes vires colligens Græciam ingressus sit, & Athenas tenuerit, & Macedonas & finitimos Dalmatas deprædatus sit, ingressus sit et Illyricum, Alpibusqꝫ transcensis Italiam irruperit. Hæc Photius e Philostorgio

Before I proceed further it will not be amiss to examin the chronology of these wars that we may see how they fall wthin ye times of this Trumpet. Those mentioned by Philostorgius in his 8th chapter newly cited, ye learned Gothofredus in <125r> his comment on that place, comprehends wthin ye 10 years next after ye death of Theodosius. De varijs, ait, Barbarorum, Rebellionum seu Antartarum & Isaurorum sub Arcadio (intra decennium ab A.C. 395 ad A.C. 405) per Orientem motibus, turbatoqꝫ adeò plurimum Orientis {sic} statu, servato temporum & annorum ordine, hoc capite simul & semel agit Philostorgius, &c. But let us run over ye particulars.

The occasion & time of Alaric's irruption you have thus set down in Marcelline's chronicle. Indic 9. Olybrio & Probrino Coss (i.e. A.C. 395) Theodosius apud Mediolanum vita decessit. Ruffinus clam Arcadio Principi insidias tendens, Alaricum Gothorum Regem missis ei clam pecunijs infestum Reipublicæ fecit, & in Græciam misit. Porro detecto dolo suo Ruffinus ab Italicis militibus trucidatus est.

The irruption of ye Huns Goths & other barbarians from beyond ye Danube was also in ye same year. ffor it is manifest out of Claudian yt it was by ye invitation & before ye death of Ruffin, & he died in ye latter end of this year as Prosper thus records. Anno primo Arcadij, Ruffinus Bosphoritanus cum ad summum militiæ pervenisset, præferri sibi Stiliconem non ferens ab eodem interficitur, Hunnorum quo fulciebatur præsidio superato. Socrates puts his death in 5 Cal {sic}: Decemb: of this year. See also Zosim l 6. Oros: l 7, c 36. Sozom l 8 c 1. & Chron Alexandr. |Out of the same Claudian it is manifest also that the \irruption/ was in winter when the Danube was hard frozen. ffor he {illeg} \Nam,/ Alij, inquit, per terga ferocis Danubij solidata ruunt, expertaqꝫ remos, frangunt stagna rotis. |And to ye same purpose speaks Philostorgius.| Wherefore it must have been in ye beginning of ye year soon after ye death of Theodosius.|

The irruption of ye Huns into Armenia was also in ye same year. ffor they were invited by at ye same time by Ruffin & Socrates affirms that they entred before his death. His words are Ad 5 Cal: Decembris exercitus [ex bello adversus Eugenium gesto reversus, Constantinopolim] adventavit. Vbi igitur Imperator Arcadius ad portas civitatis exercitui obviam processit ibi tum Ruffinum legatum Imperatoris obruncant. Nam in suspcionem venerat occupandæ tyrannidis, & opinio de eo erat concepta quod Hunnos gentem barbaram in agrum Romanum advocaverat. Etenim eodem tempore Armeniam et alias quasdam Ori partes Orientales vastaverant. Yet by what was quoted out of Ierome's epistles it should seem that the {sic} year was almost spent when they entred ye empire, so that they could not proceed far before {illeg} next spring, but <126r> only send before them a rumor of their coming.

In ye next year A.C. 396 began ye incursion of ye Austurians into Lybia: for Synesius in ye inscription to his Catastasis puts it {illeg}γεμονέυοντος Γενναδίου, when Gennadius was Augustal Præfect; & this happened A.C. 396 as is manifest out of 14 Cod: Theodos: Tit: 27, Lex 1 De Alexandr. pleb: Primat. Synesius also in his 130th Epistle laments much ye invasion \commotions/ newly broke forth wch Epistle (as Gothofredus well conjectures) was written to Symplicius when \he was/ Master of ye Hors; that is A.C 396 as is manifest out of 8 Cod: Theod: Tit: 5, Lex 56 De cursu publico & 6 Cod: Theod: tit 4, L 28 De Prætoribus. Hence it is manifest yt ye desolation of Pentapolis so much lamented by Synesius in Catastasis happened A.C. 402: & ye intermediate actions wch he informs us of between ye Barbarians & Roman Soldiers agree well to an Edict of Arcadius dated Theodoro Coss (i.e. A.C. 399) wch begins thus: a[274] Saturianorum conjurationem armis sumus ut oportuit, persecuti: Sed aliquoties imminentis pœnæ evitatione ad diversa semet latibula contulerunt &c.


< insertion from f 125v >

** The commotion of Gildo in Afric brake forth in {illeg} Autumn A.C. 395, & ended in spring A.C. 398. The beginning Orosius thus describes: Interea Gildo Comes qui initio regni eorum (Arcadij & Honorij) Africæ præerat simul ut defunctum Theodosium comperit – Africam excerptam a societate Reipublicæ usurpare ausus est. Oros l 7. c 36. And Claudian informs us yt it brake forth before \was plotted before/ \before/ Theodosius's death in ye time of ye Eugenian war.

– Alter præcepta vocantis

Respuit; auxilijsqꝫ ad proximia bella negatis

Abjurata palam Libyæ possederat arva. Claud in 6 Cous. Honorij

But yet it could not break forth in open violence before ye death of Theodosius becaus (as ye same Claudian de Bello Gildonico informs us) writes) it was managed under ye prætext of translating Afric from Honorius to Arcadius. Moreover ye overthrow of Gildo, Marcelline in chron & others refer to ye year 398, & ye times of ye year in wch this commotion began & \ended are {illeg} thus shortly set down in Claudian/ ended Claudian thus shortly expresses

Quem viniens induxit hiems, ver perculit hostem. Claud. de Bello Gild.

< text from f 126r resumes >

The commotion of Gildo in Afric began, as Claudian informs us, in Autumn Arcad 4 & Honor 3 Coss (i.e. A.C. 396,) & ended in spring A.C. 398. Quem veniens induxit hiems Ver perculit hostem. Claud. in Bello Gildonico. See also Marcellines Chronicle.

The commotion of Tribigildus & Gainas was begun in ye year 398 Honorio 4 & Eutich: Coss: as Gothofredus (in Chron: Cod: Theodos:) collects out of divers constitutions of Arcadius sent out \dated/ this year. In ye year 400 was ye naval battel of Gainas, & in ye beginning of ye year 401 he was slain by Huldin beyond ye Danube. Marcell: Chron. & Chron: Alexandr.

The invasion of ye Isauri East by ye Isauri began whilst Tribigildus was harassing Asia, as is manifest out of ye place of Philostorgius cited above; & that in ye year 399 or before: for Claudian speaking of ye exp eastern expedition of Eutropius this year in his Consulship this year, thus describes ye outrages done at ye same time either by them or by ye Huns \& Goths/ & them together.


– Incendia funant,

Muris nulla fides. Squalent {sic} populatibus agri

Et medio spes sola mari. Trans Phasin aguntur

Cappadocum matres, stabulisqꝫ abducta paternis

Caucasias captiva bibunt armenta pruinas,

Et Scythicis mutant Argei pabula silvis

Extra Cimmerias Taurorum claustra paludes

Flos Syriæ servit. Spolijs nec sufficit arrox


Barbarus, in cædem vertiti fastidia prædæ.

a[276] Ille tamen (quid enim servum, mollemqꝫ pudebit)

Pro victore redit.

When these Isauri had long wasted ye East, they made an inrode into Asia, ye news of wch was brought to Constantinople when ye Emperor was consulting about repairing ye ruins of ye City late newly made by fire at ye banishment of Chrysostome A.C. 404 (Zosim: supra.) But ye next year they were repulsed by Narbazacius & forced to return home (Marcelline Chron:)

The times of ye \rest/ incursions of Alaric \Huldin/ into Thrace, & of Alaric & Radagaisus are expre into Italy are expressed in other places.

It is manifest therefore yt ye whole Empire from Rome & ye regions on both sides of it to ye utmost bounds of ye east, was at once, as it were at ye sounding of an Alarm, involved in wars prodigiously destructive, & continued in this deplorable estate for 10 or 11 years together, ye invaders proceeding not like generous conquerors but setting themselves \as it were/ malitiously to \spoile &/ lay wast all places & do what mischief they could like ffuries sent in by {illeg} \the wrath of God/ to scourge ye Romans. And this fulfilling ye thr \three/ first conditions of this Trumpet, the type of sounding a Trumpet & of an east wind \viz: that these wars were to be ye first loosing of ye winds, to begin at Theodosius's death & to be b[277] eastward of Rome:/ it remains in ye next place that we shew how ye storm of hail & fire & \explain the third {illeg} two last, how this wind hurt ye earth as well as the sea & how the haile & fire mingled with/ blood wch followed at ye sounding of this Trumpet were {sic} cast on ye earth; that is as I interpreted above, ye storms of \ye Battels in this/ war in Battels on ye heads of ye Barbarians. \/ < insertion from f 126v > And |&| how \in/ this storm the third part of ye trees & a[278] all green herbs \were burnt up/: that is ye third part of the Barbarians wch invaded ye Empire; for b[279] trees & herbs signify men of several degrees & here by reason of their relation to ye earth, as growing on it, they must denote Barbarians: not all ye Barbarians in ye world, but only those wch came wthin ye compas of ye Empire, the limits of this Prophesy. Now dividing into thre \equall/ parts ye regions wch ye barbarians invaded in this Trumpet, one part may be ye European regions (Italy, Noricum, Pannonia Illyricum, Thrace, Macedon & Grece) & ye other two parts ye Asian regions (Asia Minor, Armenia minor & Syria) & ye African (Egypt, Cyrenaica & Libya) as you may perceive by ye Maps: & upon examination we shall find ye European part to be that where ye trees were burnt up. In Asia & Afric ye Barbarians returning home wth their booty suffered not any overthrows considerable either for number or greatness. Yet the Isauri were expelled wth much dammage by Narbaziacus a Roman Capitain but I read not yt they gave him battel & I am apt to think they did not because they invaded ye Empire not in one great body but dispersed into many little bands like thieves. Further, ye army of Tribigildus was in Asia in Asia Minor was set upon in strait passages by ye country people & much wasted, but to make recompence he destroyed & dissipated ye Roman army wch               led against him. Also in Afric there were some skirmishes between ye Romans & Austurians, but I reade not of any memorable battels there besides that ye between ye brothers Gildo & Mascezil wch comes not into compute here, both parties being Romans. This was all ye fighting yt I read of in Asia & Afric, but in Europe ye battels were many & great & always (so far as I read) wth loss to ye barbarians, no barbarous nation there escaping an overthrow.

The Army of Tribigildus Gainas in attempting to pass ye Hellespont, was notably — < text from f 127r resumes > The Romans were indeed most harassed & vexed but ye Barbarians lost most battels & were slaughtered most. And therefore since a hail storm is ye emblem of a battel,[280] the storm is most properly said to fall on them {sic}. heads.

That ye Barbarians suffered most in Battels we might in generall collect from hence yt ye Eastern Empire was not like ye western in ye next Trumpet, dissolved by these invasions, but overcame & expelled her invaders, & still preserved her self intire. But to run over ye particulars.

The Army of Tribigildus {sic} was at once almost all consumed by in Asia by an unexpected onset of ye country people (Zosim    ) & <127Ar> afterwards being supplied wth new forces by Gainas he was so worn by onsets of ye Isauri & other miseries that he was forced to retreat into Thrace & was there slain: & then Gainas wth \both/ their forces,] in attempting to pass ye Hellespont, was notably overthrown in a naval battel {sic} in wch great numbers of ye Goths perished; & soon after the reliques of their forces were either slain or dissipated by Huldin. (Philostorg. Zosim. Marcelline)

The Isauri after their incursion into Asia Natolia were set upon by Narbaziacus & not only expelled ye Empire but prosecuted into their own territories wth ye slaughter of no {sic} \small multitude/ few (Zosim: l 5.) This action is thus hinted by Marcelline. Stilicone & Anthemio Coss: Isauri per montem Tauri discursantes ingens dispendium Reip: importarunt, quibus Narbaziacus Legatus majus continuò rependit incommodum.

The Austurians as you heard out of Synesius & ye edict of Arcadius were at first beaten by ye Roman forces; but how they were expelled after that great prevailing A.C. 402 I read not; nor how ye Huns were expelled Syria & Armenia, though it's certain they were soon expelled. But of ye actions done in other places we have better records.

The event of Gildo's commotion was to be totally overthrown in ye first battel wth an army c[281] of seventy thousand \in the first battel/. In ye Roman Army \Orosius &/ Marcelline put {sic} but five thousand, but Zosimus makes it much greater: [282] Stilico, inquit, amplis copijs Masceldelo traditis suppeditatoqꝫ navium numero qui sufficeret; bellum adversus *[283] Gildonem {sic} gesturum ablegat. Posteaquam ad eum locum pervenisset ubi commorari Gildonem {sic} inaudiverat, atqꝫ in illum imparatum cum exercitu irruisset: acri prœlio commisso, usqꝫ adeo victor extitit {sic} ut Gildo {sic} sibi mortem laqueo fracta gula conscisceret.

|The Huns & Goths as you heard above were beaten in Thrace — gens tota datur. Vide infra|

< insertion from f 129r >

[284] [Besides this ye Goths & Huns, as you heard above, were also beaten in Thrace \towards the beginning of these wars/; & that oftner then once wth slaughters {sic} sufficiently great as you may learn by these verses out of ye same Claudian.


Vos Hæmi gelidæ valles quas sæpe cruentis

Stragibus æquavit Stilico, vos Thracia testor

Flumina quæ largo mutastis sanguine fluctus:

Dicite Bisaltæ, vel qui Pangæa juvencis

Scinditis, offenso quantæ sub somere putres

Dissiliant glebis galeæ, vel qualia rastris

Ossa peremptorum resonent immania regum.

About ye same time ye whole nation of yeBastarnæ, as ye same Claudian relates, were also consumed at one bout by Stilico


– Quis Mysos in plaustra feroces

Reppulit? aut sæva Promoti cæde tumentes

Bastarnas una potuit delere ruina?

And a little after.

— Non vanam corpus meditaris in unum

Sævitiam, turmas equitum, peditumqꝫ catervas,

Hostilesqꝫ globos tumulo prosternis amici:

Inferijs gens tota datur.]

< text from f 127Ar resumes >

The army of Alaric was often beaten: As in Arcadia, wch Claudian thus remembers speaking to Alaric concerning Stilico


– Scis ipse perosus

Arcadiæ quam densa jugis cumulaverit ossa

Sanguine quàm largo Graios calefecerit amnes:


Extinctusqꝫ fores ni si sub nomine legum

Proditio regnūqꝫ favor texisset Eoi.

Afterwards at Pollentia, wch Prosper thus remembers. Theodos: & Rumorod: Coss: (A.C. 403) Adversum Gothos vehementer utriusqꝫ partis clade pugnatum est Pollentiæ pugnatum. est But Claudian who wrote of it in ye time of ye action gives us this information.


< insertion from f 127Av >

✝ Altiùs haud unquam toto descendimus ense

In jugulum Scythiæ: tanta nec clade superbum

Contudimus Tanaim, vel cornua ferigimus Istri.

And a little after – Vnoqꝫ die Romana rependit –

< text from f 128r resumes >

– Vnoqꝫ die Romana rependit

Quicquid ter deuis toties amissimus annis.

O celebranda mihi cunctis Pollentia seclis,

O meritum nomen, felicibus apta triumphis,

Virtutis fatale solum, memorabile bustum

Barbariæ &c.

And in another Pomem {sic}


Iam Pollentini tenuatus funere campi,

Concessaqꝫ sibi (rerum sic admonet usus)

Luce, tot amissis socijs, atqꝫ omnibus una

Direptis opibus, Latio discedere jussus

Hostis, et immensi revolutus culmine fati

Turpe retexit iter —

Afterwards he adds

——— Advolat una

Naidum resoluta comam, complexaqꝫ *[290] patrem,

En Alaricus ait non qualem nuper ovantem

Vidimus: exangues Genitor mirabere vultus.

Percensere manum tantaqꝫ ex gente juvabit

Relliquias numerasse breves.

And a little after speaking of ye battel at Verona

Tu quoqꝫ non parvum Getico Verona triumpho

Adjungis cumulum: nec plus Pollentia rebus

Contulit Ausonijs, aut mœnia vindicis Astæ.

Afterwards he brings in Alaricus thus lamenting his losses

Heu quibus insidijs, qua me circumdedit arte

Fatalis semper Stilico: Dum parcere fingit

Rettulit hostiles animos, bellumqꝫ renenso

Evaluit transferre Pado. Proh fœdera sævo

Deteriora jugo, tunc vis extincta Getarum;

Tunc mihi tunc lethum pepegi violentior armis

Omnibus, &c


Hence it appears that between these two battels there was a league made beteen Alaric & Stilico. And Orosius accuses Stilico as if he often reserved Alaric out of treacherous designes: [291] Taceo, inquit, de Alarico Rege cum suis sæpe victo, sæpe concluso, semperqꝫ dimisso. So that Alaric's thred was spun out \not by his own strength but/ only by ye treacherous {sic} \favour/ of Stilico.

|**| < insertion from f 128v > ** To these passages of Claudian wee may add ye testimony of Prudentius also, who lived & wrote at ye same time. And he describes this revolution thus.


Tentavit Geticus nuper delere tyrannus

Italiam, patrio veniens juratus ab Istro;

Has arces æquare solo, tecta aures flammis

Solvere, mastrugis proceres vestire logatos.

Iamqꝫ ruens, Venetos turmis protriverat agros

Et Ligurum vastarat opes, & amœna profundi

Rura Padi, Thuscumqꝫ solum victo amne presuebat.

Depulit hos nimbos equitum non pervigil anser,

Sed vis cruda virum, præfractaqꝫ congredientum

Pectora. – Erat Stilico dux agminis imperijqꝫ.

Illic ter denis Gens exitiabilis annis

Pannoniæ pœnas tandem deleta pependit.

Corpora famosis olim ditata rapinis

In cumulos conjecta jacent: mirabere seris

Posteritas seclis inhumata cadavera latè

Quæ Pollentinos texerunt ossibus agros.

After Alaric by these battels at Pollentia & Verona had lost almost all his Army, he was forced to submit himself wth ye reliques of his follwers once more to ye Roman yoke & \fled to his nation in the a[293] borders of Pannonia & Dalmatia where he stayed some time to recruit himself, & then \having/ submitted himself again to the Empire he was/ by the procurement of Stilico obtained of Honorius was ahonoured {sic} by Honorius wth a military a Præfecture & a[294] sent towards ye eastern Illyricum to take yt from Arcadius who was then possessed of it contrary to ye will of Theodosius \into Epire to take from Arcadius {illeg} c[295] Illyricum from Arcadius:/ For this \wch/ end Stilico had d[296] given him 40 fresh centenaries of his own & promised to follow soon after himself to his assistance: {illeg} but being diverted by either by ye expedition {sic} of Radagaisus or other impediments, Alaric for want of aid desisted & took up his station in Pannonia where he had time to recruit himself against his next expedition defection. \was stayed by Honorius./

< text from f 129r resumes >

Afterwards there was a whole great army of Barbarians in Thrace consumed together {sic} not by a metaphorical but real storm, of hail & fire, as Freculphus informs us;[297] conjoyning it wth ye grassations of ye Isauri. Post Gainæ oppressionem, inquit, Isauri per montem Tauri discurrentes ingens dispendium Reip. importarunt, contra quos Narbazaicus directus, majus continuò rependit incommodum. Qua tempestate a[298] Roilus Dux Scythiæ transivit Histrum et cum innumero exercitu vehementer Thracias populatus est ipsamqꝫ regiam <130r> civitatem obsidere & subvertere minabatur {sic}: supernis quem jaculis atqꝫ fulminibus Majestas Divina percutiens, & ipsum & omnem simul concremavit exercitum.

About ye same time or immediately after \In the mean time ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~/ happened yt notable expedition of Radagaisus; of wch Prosper gives us this account. Anno undecimo Arcadij et Honorij, multis ante vastatis urbibus Radagaisus occubuit; cujus in tres partes divisus per diversos Principes divisus exercitus, aliquam repugnandi Romanis apperuit facultatem. Insigni triumpho exercitum tertiæ partis hostium circumactis Hunnorū auxiliaribus Stilico usqꝫ ad internecionem delevit. And Augustine this: [299] Cùm Radagaisus agmine ingenti et immani jam in urbis vicino constitutus Romanis cervicibus immineret, uno die tanta celeritate sic victus est ut ne uno quidam non dicam extincto sed nec vulnerato Romanorum multò amplius quàm centum millium {illeg} prosternerentur ejus exercitus, atqꝫ ipse cum filijs mox captus pœna debita necaretur. These two places compared together seem to confirm ye number of ye army set down by Zosimus. \/ < insertion from f 129v > ✝ Yea & out of Olympiodorus a writer of that time, it seems rather to have exceeded then faln {sic} short of that number. Ille enim (referente Photio) Gothorum qui cum Radagaiso erant primarios viros [τους κεφαλαιώτας,] Optimatos appellatos ait duodecim fere millium numero. But whereas Austine says — < text from f 130r resumes > But whereas D. Augustine says yt none of ye Romans were wounded, that is scarce to be understood wthout an Hyperbole. Yet this may be said: yt ye Romans came not in to ye slaughter till Huldin & Sarus wth their Huns & Goths had put ye enemy to confusion: for Huldin & Sarus were hired by ye Romans against them, & Marcelline writes: Huldin et Sarus Hunnorum Gothorumqꝫ Reges Radagaisum continuò confecerunt.

I told you how ye rest of Radagaisus's great Army after this battel betook themselves to ye hill Fæsula, & for want of sustenence there, were all forced to yeild themselves captives. [300] Tanta verò multitudo captivarum fuisse fertur, saith Orosius, ut vilissimarum pecudum modo singulis aureis passim *[301] greges hominum venderentur. Sed nihil superesse Deus de eodem populo sivit, nam illicò cunctis qui emebantur morientibus, quod improbi emptores eorum non impenderunt turpiter pretijs, expenderunt misericorditer sepulturis. The cause of their death was probably their being famished in ye mountain & then filling their bellies too suddenly. And thus was all this vast Army consumed as <131r> it were in a moment

Not long after this the Army (I suppose ye next year) \About the same time (wch was \viz:/ a little before Alaric besieged Rome)/ the Army of Huldin also submitted to the common law. Namqꝫ minas dum ille intonat & Romanis tributum quantum ipse vellet imperat, — plurimi e Barbaris ad Romaos \sponte/ deficiunt. — Vldes igitur vix tandem in ulteriorem fluvij ripam incolumis evasit cum ex suis multos amisisset: omnino autem illos quos Scirros vocant. Gens erat hæc satis populosa antequam in hanc calamitatem incidisset. Nam cùm hi in fuga posteriores essent, alij ex ipsis interfecti alij captivi et vincti Constantinopolim transmissi sunt. &c. Sozom: lib 9. cap 5.

< insertion from f 130v >

Lastly if it may be proper to mix wth armies overthrown by figurative storms such as were overthrown by real ones, I may add that great Army of Roilus wch about ye same time or soon after, namely in ye beginning of Theodosius junior, was wholly consumed by lightning & fiery whirlwinds, & another of ye Persians curbed about ye same time by exessive rains & Hail: both which Theodorite thus relates. a[302] Cum Roilus Scytharum hac illac vagantium Regulus, Istrum cum innumerabili exercitu transgressus Thraciam vastaret, ipsamqꝫ urbem regiam obsessurum et funditus eversurum esse minitaretur, fulminibus et igneis turbinibus cælitus immissis Deus illum exussit & universas ejus copias delevit. Nec absimile quiddam bello etiam Persico præstitit. Cùm enim Persæ Romanos alibi occupatos cernentes, rupto pacis fœdere in vicinas sibi Provincias cum erupissent, nec ullus adesset qui auxilium ferret: pacis enim fœdere confisus Imperator, & duces & milites ad alia bella miserat: Deus misso imbre vehementissimo & ingenti grandine, ulteriùs eos progredi vetuit & equorum cursum inhibuit – donec tandem Duces advenere. Sed hæc ex abundanti.

< text from f 131r resumes >

You see therefore ye Prophesy made good yt ye hail storm \storm of haile & fire/ should fall on ye earth: \& consume ye third part of ye trees. And thus/ & this was ye third character of this Trumpet. The next thing is \but there remains yet to be considered/ ye execution done by this storm wch was yt it consumed the third part of ye trees & a[303] all green grass herbs: that is ye third part of ye Barbarians wch invaded ye Empire; for {sic} b[304] Trees & herbs signify men of severall degrees & here by reason of their relation to ye earth \as growing on it,/ they must denote Barbarians: not all ye Barbarians in ye world, but only those wch come wthin ye compas view of this Prophesy that is wthin ye compas of ye Empire the limits of this Prophesy. Now whereas ye third part of these perished we may make ye estimation two ways: either by the number of men or by the extent of ye region where they perished. In yefirst way \though/ we have no means left us of making any just estimation yet if we consider ye whole Army of Radagaisus & ye nation of ye Bastarnæ besides many other great losses; we may presume that they rather exceeded then fell short of ye third part of ye whole. They that please may take this interpretation, but I had rather interpret it ye other way becaus of the analogy wth ye following Trumpets.

But to make way for that interpretation we are first to <132r> know what is meant by ye third part of every thing in the four first Trumpets: & this we may best learn from ye second Trumpet by considering what is meant \by/ ye third part of ye Sea. The sea I told you was ye whole Roman Empire, & therefore the third part of it must be ye third part of yt Empire. And because that wch in ye second Trumpet is called ye third part of ye sea, is in ye second Viall called ye Sea therefore it must be also a whole Empire, & consequently ye western Empire that being ye 3d ꝑt of ye whole Roman dominions, as you may easily perceive if you divide ye whole into three equall parts according to ye length. ffor ye two Armenias \Isauria/ Mesopotamia Syria Palestine & Arabia amount to about one third part: Egypt, Libyá {sic}, Asia, Thrace, \Dacia & Illyricū orientale/ Macedon, & Greece \& Epire/ to another third part: & Afric, Illyricum, \Dalmatia/ Pannonia \Noricum/, Rhetia, \Illyricum occidentale/ Italy, Gallia, Spain, & Brittain to ye third. And of these the two first are the eastern Empire & ye a[305] third ye western. This western Sea therefore I take to be that wch is meant by the third ꝑt of ye whole Roman Ocean & thence by the analogy of ye four first Trumpets collect that ye third part of every thing therein is an expression used to signify those things wch are wthin this Empire: so that although the wars of these four trumpets as they are in generall represented by winds & by the sounding of Trumpets may sometimes extend beyond ye bounds of this Empire as we see this first wind extends through all the regions between Rome & ye utmost bounds of ye East: yet ye holy Ghost when he comes to describe ye particular actions done wthin ye time of these Trumpets converts himself principally to this Empire as if it were to set a mark upon it for some speciall end: & no wonder, for this is ye ten-horned Beast \taken/ in a strict sence as you shall heare hereafter, & you may perceive by ye first Vial that these plagues have a speciall relation to that Beast.

Wherefore if by ye earth here be understood all those Barbarians wch invading ye Roman dominions came wthin ye view of this Prophesy: by ye third part of ye earth Trees & all hearbs wch grow upon this earth we must understand <133r> that part of them {sic} barbarians wch invaded the western Empire: that is ye armies of Alaric Radagaisus Alaric & Gildo. And on these the storm of hail & fire mingled wth blood fell very heavy consuming \all/ yt whole vast Army of Rhadagaisus & ye almost \all the great army/ of Alaric {illeg} & a good part if not ye most of Gildo's & dissipating or forcing ye rest to submission. In ye eastern Empire though ye Roman forces conquered for ye most part, yet they were there not seldome \sometimes/ put to flight, but f here never yt I read of. There perhaps ye 4th or 5t part of ye Barbarians might perish, but here scarce \not/ ye 4th|5th| part of them \appear to have/ escaped. And therefore if we may suppose yt ye subtriple portion of ye trees was intended to point out ye region, not where ye whole storm fell but where it fell most grievously, that region must be ye western Empire.

Having explained this Trumpet it remains now that I say something of ye correspondent Vial: to wch end it is first to be noted that ye pouring out of a Viall is taken in a double sence signifying sometimes ye execution of a plague on that thing whereon it is poured & sometimes ye incitement & invigoration of that thing as it were by a contagious virtue of ye medicament to execute ye plague on another thing. This first sence is used in ye second third & fift Vial, & ye second sence, or rather ye first & second together in ye first fourth & sixt. ffor ye effect of pouring ye 4th Vial upon ye sun was to give him power to scorch men wth fire, & yt of pouring ye sixt upon Euphrates was to make way for ye kings of ye east to come & do yt execution described in the sixt Trumpet. And so I suppose ye pouring out ye first Vial upon ye earth was not only to plague ye Earth but also to invigorate it wth a power of inflicting ye noisome sore upon men: wch for ye better imagination of ye figure you may conceive to be effected by rasing out of ye earth such malignant fumes as should ulcerate men; interpreting those fumes to be ye multitudes of barbarians wch invaded ye Empire. ffor I suppose ye noisome sore to be ye affliction of men under that invasion; & that in both Empires. ffor though ye western Empire be ye Beast in a strict sence & so more expresly pointed at, yet ye subjects of ye eastern Empire <134r> have also ye mark of ye Beast & worship his Image (as we shall explain hereafter) & so are equally comprehended in this plague.

The plague it self has been at large described \out of Authors/, & by ye description it seems to have been a sore so wonderfully grievous that what Claudian wrote through ye sence of it in the first year, may {illeg} almost wthout an Hyperbole be applied to all ye 10 years following if abstracted from Ruffin


Non notos egisse sat est extinguere cives

Funditus, & nomen gentis delere *[307] laborat.

Nec perennit celeri leto: crudelibus ante

Supplicijs fruitur: cruciatus, vincla, tenebras

Dilato mucrone parat; proh sævior ense

Parcendi rabies concessaqꝫ vita dolori.

– Quis prodere tanta relatu

Funera? Quis cædes posset deflere nefandas?

Quid tale immanes unquam gessisse feruntur?

Vel Sinis Istmiaca pinu? Vel rupe profunda

Scyron? vel Phalaris Tauro? vel carcere Sylla?

O mites Diomedis equi! Iam Cinna pius, jam Sp \Busiridis aræ/

Clementes! Iam Cinna pius, jam Sparthace lenis

Ruffino collatus eris. Dejecerat omnes

Occultis odijs terror, tacitiqꝫ sepultos

Suspirant gemitus, indgnariqꝫ verentur. Claud. in Ruffin lib 1.

Hitherto I have spoken of nothing but war, that being ye only plague in ye Trumpet. But this Vial may be of a larger extent, for ye sore wch fell upon men is of an unlimited signification & may as well comprehend any other kinds of affliction as ye pestilence, or famin, or undue seasons, or turbulent meteors. And though we extend it to them all yet ye event will fully answer \to/ ye interpretation. Let us hear Claudian who brings in Rome thus supplicating Iuppiter.


Advenio supplex non ut proculcet Araxem

Consul ovans, nostræqꝫ premant pharetrata secures

Susa, nec ut rubris Aquilas figamus arenis.


Hæc nobis, hæc ante dabas. Nunc pabula tantum

Roma precor. Miserere tuæ pater optime gentis

Extremam defende famem: satiavimus iram

Siqua fuit. Lugenda Getis et flenda Suevis

Hausimus, ipsa meos horreret Parthia casus.

Quid referam morbive luem, tumulosqꝫ repletos

Stragibus & crebras corrupto sidere mortes?

An fluvium per tecta vagum, summisqꝫ minantem

Collibus? ingentes vexi submersa carinas,

Remorumqꝫ sonos, & Pyrrhæ secula sensi.

Hei mihi, quò Latiæ vires, urbisqꝫ potestas

Decidit? in qualem paulatim fluximus umbram?

The like plagues \also/ on ye other side ye Mediterranean \the Poet a little after thus briefly hints: Hinc hominum pecudumqꝫ lues; hinc pestifer aer Sævit, et exclusis regnant Aquilonibus Austri. So Synesius in Epist 58 —/ Synesius in Epist: 58 Ad Episcopos thus briefly mentions: Ἀνδρόνικος Πενταπόλεως ἐσκάτη πληγὴ μετα σεισμον, μετὰ ἀκρίδα, μετὰ λιμὸν, μετὰ πυρ, μετὰ πόλεμον ἐπεξελθὼν ἀκριβως τοις ἐκείνων ἐγκαταλείμμασιν. Andronicus – Pentapoleos extrema plaga fuit post terræ motum, post locustam, post pestilentiam, post incendium, post bellum illorum omnium reliquias diligenter persequens. Philostorgious also[309] acquaints us wth these & other unusuall plagues prodigiously calamitous all ye Roman world over. Ait, inquit Photius, quod sua tempestate tanta hominum mortalitas incesserit quantam nulla ætas ab omni seculo cognovit: & hanc verò *[310] Xiphian astrum portendisse. Neqꝫ enim militares tantum sicut olim superioribus bellis, interiere, neqꝫ intra unam aliquam terræ partem mala hæc constitere, verùm omnia hominum genera periere, omnis verò perijt Europa, Asiæ haud exigua portio simul attrita fuit, sed et Ly|i|byæ pars magna, & maxime quæcunqꝫ Romanis paret: Nam et barbaricus ensis magnum numerum confecit & pestes famesqꝫ, & ferarum greges incubuerunt, terræ motus frequentes urbes domosqꝫ a fundamentis evertentes in immensum exitium dedête & hiatus terræ alicubi sub habitatoribus ruptæ sepultura erat præsentanea. Illuviones item aquarum ex aëre <136r> et alibi spicula flammea. Est et ubi a[311] turbines ignei immissi variam et intollerabilem labem intulere. Imò et grando manuali lapide major plurimum terræ vastavit, ad octo quippe librarum quas vocant ponderis usqꝫ visa fuit ingruens. Nivium quoqꝫ vis, b[312] frigorisqꝫ immanitas, quos alia plaga non corripuit hos corripiens vitæ privavit. Et hæc manifestè divinam nunciarunt iram quam sigillatim recensere supra humanam vim fuerit. To this we add {illeg} Gothofredus's pertinent comment thereon: De varijs, inquit, Philostorgij tempestate (sub Arcadio et Theodosio jun. scil.) casibus majoribus divinæqꝫ iræ signis quæ Xiphian astrum [anno 390 visum] portendisse ait Philostorgius, est hoc caput. Quod quidem excribit Niephorus {sic} lib 13 c 36 ubi ingentem hominum ubiqꝫ mortalitatem terræqꝫ vastitatem memorat, tum a Barbaris, tum a peste fameqꝫ, terræ motibus, hiatibus terræ, illuvionibus aquarum, spiculis flammeis, turbinibus igneis, grandine, nivibus, frigore. Quæ omnia vera sunt et apud alios scriptores passim occurrunt: in Marcellini Chronico, et Chronico Alexandrino, ubi casus hi per singulos pene annos sub Arcadio et Theodosio jun. memorantur: vide ann: 394 [nempe sub finem,] 396, 401, 402 404, 408, 417, 419, 422, 423. De grandine inter alia inusitatæ magnitudinis Constantinopoli prid. Kal. Octob. an 404 vide et Socratem lib 6. c 17 & prædictum Chronicon Alexandrinum: ubi dicitur magnitudine nucum eam fuisse, ἐις τύπον μεγήθει καρύων. Noster ait manueli lapide majorem, usqꝫ ad octo libras ingruisse.

Were it \It is not/ worth ye while to buisy my self in gleaning ye few accidentally recorded instances of those plagues wch Philostorgius informs us were so abundant as to exceed ye power of man to recount them particularly, I might argue ye perniciousness of lightining by ye army of Roilus destroyed thereby, ye intenseness of frosts by ye mountains of ice wch after ye thaw swam through ye Hellespont, ye strange violence of Earthquakes by ye description of some in Philostorgius lib 12. c 8, the perturbation of ye air by {illeg} several strange \burning/ meteors &c. But though it be not worth ye while to insist upon these particulars \But/ yet one thing \c[313] wch happened in ye very beginning of this Trumpet/ I cannot forbear to mention as a conspicuous instance fo ye hand of God in these judgments, so that referring all to that we may wth Philostorgius discern more clearly ye manifest wrath of God upon this age. The thing (wch Prosper & Marcelline refers to A.C. 395 {sic} {Arcadio et Honorio Coss}) is thus recorded by Augustine: [314] De excidio Vrbis cap 6. <137r> Nonne ante paucos annos, Arcadio Imperatore Constantinopoli (quod dico audierunt nonnulli, & forsitan noverunt, & sunt in populo qui illic præsentes fuerunt) volens Deus terrere civitatem & terendo emendare, terendo convertere, terende mundare, terendo mutare: servo cuidam suo fideli viro (ut dicitur) militari venit in revelatione & dixit ei civitatem venturo de cælo igne perituram. Eumqꝫ admonuit ut Episcopo diceret. Non contempsit Episcopus, & allocutus est populum. Conversa est civitas in luctum pænitentiæ, quemadmodum quondam illa antiqua Ninive. Tamen ne putarent homines illum qui dixerat, vel falsitate deceptum vel fallaciter decepisse: venit dies quem Deus fuerat comminatus. Intentis omnibus et exitum cum timore magno expectantibus, noctis initio, tenebrante jam mundo, visa est ignea nubes ab Oriente, primo parva, deinde paulatim ut accedebat supra civitatem ita crescebat donec toti urbi ingens terribiliter immineret. Videbatur horrenda flamma pendere nec odor sulphuris deerat. Omnes ad Ecclesiam confugiebant nec capiebat multitudinem locus. Baptismum extorquebat quisqꝫ a quo poterat; non solum in ecclesia sed etiam per domos, per vicos, ac plateas salus sacramenti exigebatur, ut fugeretur ira non præsens {illeg} \utiqꝫ/ sed {illeg} futura. Attamen post magnam illam tribulationem, ubi exhibuit Deus fidem verbis suis & revelationi servi sui {sic}: cœpit, ut creverat nimui nubes, paulatimqꝫ consumpta est. Populus securus paululum factus iterum audivit omnino esse migrandum, quod civitas esset proximo sabbato peritura. Migravit cum Imperatore tota civitas: nemo in domo remansit: nemo domum clausit, longe recedens a mœnibus: & dulcia {illeg} tecta respiciens, relictis carissimis sedibus voce miserabili calefecit. Et aliquot millibus tantæ illa multitudo progressa, uno tamen loco fundendis ad Deum orationibus congregata, magnum fumum subitò vidit, & vocem magnam emisit ad Deum. Tandemqꝫ tranquillitate conspecta, missis qui renunciarent, solicita quæ prædicta fuerat hora transacta; & renunciantibus quod salvæ universa mœnia & tecta consisterent: omnes cum ingenti gratulatione redierunt. Nemo de domo sua quicquam perdidit patente: Omnis homo sicut dimisit invenit. <138r> Quid dicemus? utrum ista ira Dei? an potius misericordia fuit? Quis dubitat misericordissimum patrem corrigere voluisse terendo, non perdendo punire, quando nihil hominum, nihil domorum, nihil mœnium tanta impendens præsentia calamitatis læsit? Prorsus sicut erigi solet manus erigi ad feriendum, & consternato illo qui feriendus erat, miseratione revocari: ita factum est illi civitate. &c. Hactenus Augustinus.

The second Trumpet

The next Trumpet hath these main characters: 1 That ye wars to wch it sounds are to be a western wind, that is in ye regions westward of Rome. 2 That they are to be ye next great wars wch break out after those of ye former Trumpet. 3 During these wars a great Mountain burning wth fire is to be cast into ye sea; that is a great a[315] city b[316] consuming by war to be cast down & sink in ye midst of that c[317] people signified by ye sea, & by its fall to disturb ye waters \& its Citizens wch survived, to be dispersed by flight or captivity, as it were dasht assunder by ye shock, & dissipated every way into the waters./ And no doubt this City is Rome ye Metropolis of the western Empire, & its casting down the first sacking of it: for it is this City wch is every where in ye Apocalyps called ye great City, & this Empire (as I shewed above) wch is to be understsood by ye third part of ye Sea wch became bloody at ye fall of this mountain or City, & the first sacking of this city wch is it's most eminent casting down, yea & ye only casting down from ye height of its greatness, ye following sackings being only plungings of it deeper in {sic} ye sea into wch it was cast before. |Tis this City wch is ye new Babylon, & ye figure \of ye burning mountain/ is apparently taken from Ieremies description of ye sacking Babylon by ye Medes, wch he expresses by its being rolled down & made a burnt mountain (Ier. 51.25) & sinking (vers 63): {illeg} \Yea the same/ figure of perishing by burning & sinking in ye being thrown into ye Sea (as a further {ground} of intrepreting it) is expresly applyed to new Babylon also in Apoc {illeg} \18.8, 9, 21 {illeg}/ so far is or interpretation beyond {illeg} {exception.}|

Now by the first of these characters we are directed to ye first notable wars wch brake forth in ye west, & these began in ye year 408: ffor till that time ye west continued in absolute peace. The Francks indeed immediately after the death of Theodosius began to threaten some troubles in Gallia, but were suddenly checked by Stilico & yt wthout war, & all those regions established in firm peace as <139r> Claudian thus informs us.


Miramur rapidis hostem succumbere bellis

Cùm solo terrore ruant; non classica Francis

Intulimus, jacuere tamen: non Marte Suevos

Contudimus queis jura damus: quis credere possit

Ante tubam nobis audax Germania servit.

Cedant Druse tui, cedant Trajane labores,

Vestra manus dubio quicquid discrimine gessit

Transcurrens egit Stilico, totidemqꝫ diebus

Edomuit Rhenum quot vos potuistis in annis.

And a little after.

Omne quod Oceanum fontemqꝫ interjacet Istri

Vnius incursu tremuit, sine cæde subactus.

Servitio Boreas, exarmatiqꝫ Triones.

Temporè tam parvo, tot prœlia sanguine nulla

Perficis, & Luna nuper nascente profectus

Ante redis quàm plena fuit. Rhenumqꝫ minacem

Cornibus infractis adeò mitescere cogis

Vt Salius jam rura colat, flexosqꝫ Sicambri

In falcem curvent gladios, geminasqꝫ viator

Cùm videat ripas quæ sit Romana requirat {sic}.

Vt jam trans fluvium non indignante Cyaco

Pascat Belga pecus, mediumqꝫ ingressa per Albim

Gallica Francorum montes armenta pererrent.

Vt procul Hy\e/rcyns|i|æ per vasta silentia sylvæ

Venari tutò liceat, lucosqꝫ vetusta

Religione truces, & robora numinis instar

Barbarici, nostræ feriant impune bipennes.

Vltro quinetiam devota mente tuentur,

Victoriqꝫ favent. Quoties sociare catervas

Oravit, jungiqꝫ tuis Alemannia signis?

Nec doluit contempta tamen, spretoqꝫ recessit

Auxilio, laudata fides, Provincia missos


Expellit citius fasces quàm Francia Reges

Quos dederis feriat, nec jam pulsare rebelles,

Sed vinclis punire licet, sub judcice {sic} nostro

Regia Romanus disquirit crimina carcer.

|And in another Poem written A.C. 403 when Stilico had he describes ye security of ye west even at yt time when Stilico had laid it open by calling into Italy ye forces of Gallia, Rhætia & other Provinces to ye Battel at Pollentia wth Alaric A.C. 403|

|— Germania quondā Symbol (cross with S arm missing in a circle surmounted by another cross) in text|

< insertion from f 139v >

[319] Symbol (cross with S arm missing in a circle surmounted by another cross) in text Germania quondam

Illa ferox populis, qua vix instantibus olim

Principibus tota poterat cum mole teneri,

Iam sese placidam præbet Stiliconis habenis;

Vt nec præsidijs nudato limite tentet

Expositum calcare solum, nec transeat amnem,

Incustoditam, metuens attingere ripam.

Nor was Britain less secure: for yesame Poet makes her speak thus of Stilico.

Illius effectum curis ne bella timerem

Scotica, nec Pictum tremerem nec littore toto

Prospicerem dubijs venientem Saxona ventis.

And in another place

— domito quod Saxona Thetis

Mitior, aut fracto secura Britannia Picto.

< text from f 140r resumes >

This was ye security of ye western regions while ye east wind blew, till in ye beginning of ye year 408 it was interrupted by that great & fatal invasion of Gallia by ye northern nations, wch soon overspread ye whole west: & therefore wth {sic} this {sic} invasion we must begin ye west wind or second Trumpet.

And this is confirmed by ye second character. ffor at the breaking forth of these wars those of ye first Trumpet ceased: The end of those wars we may supppose to be at ye overthrow of Radagaisus & expulsion of ye Isauri, of 6 {illeg} {illeg} at farthest & ye flight of Huldin a year or two after. ffor from that time the Eastern Empire was \ending wth the expulsion of ye Isauri the eastern Empire after the expulsion of the Isauri \&/ the overthrows of \Alaric/ Radagaisus & the flight of Huldin being Alaric & Radagaisus \& Huldin/ being much \almost/ quieted & within two or three years more reduced to a year or two more/ reduced to an universal serenity, as is manifest by what Sozomen writes of Theodosius junior at his coming to ye Empire A.C. 408. [320] Bella, inquit, quæcunqꝫ adversus illum conflata erant, sua sponte discutiebantur. Etenim per id tempus Persæ cum ad bellum prorupissent centum annorum inducias cum Romanis pepigere. {illeg} And a little after \when he had newly described the flight of Huldin he adds/: [321] Orientis itaqꝫ Imperium hostibus liberatum & summo cum decore gubernatum fuit præter omnium expectationem, utpote cum juvenis adhuc esset Imperator. At verò Occidens in perturbatione erat, cum multi tyranni insurgerent. Nam eodem tempore post Stiliconem interemptum Alaricus Gothorum Dux, cùm pace ab Honorio petita frustratus esset urbem obsidione cinctam oppugnat &c. These western perturbations therefore, \Nor was ye east quieted for a year or two only but henceforth injoyed a pretty durable serenity. For Sozomen after he had brought down \his/ history to ye short reign & death of Constantius A.C. 421, subjoyns also to that, Per id tempus Orientis Imperium hostibus penitus vacuum erat & præter omnium expectationem summo cum decore illic respublica illic gerebatur.[322] The eastern wind therefore ceased at ye breaking forth of the western perturbations & consequently these as well becaus they {immediatly}/ as well becaus they immediatly succeed ye wars of ye first Trumpet as becaus they are in ye western quarter & since ye time of silence ye first considerable wars in yt quarter, must be ye wars of ye second Trumpet.

The same is also firmly established by ye third character: ffor ye first sacking \siege & taking/ of Rome since ye foundation of ye Empire happened in ye years \408/ 409 {sic} & 410 {sic} by Alaric, as is famous in history. And having thus determined the time of this Trumpet, let us now take a view <141r> of the contents.

First then in ye beginning of ye a[323] [324] year 408 ye Vandals Alans, Burgundians, & Alemans wth great multitudes of other barbarous {sic} nations out of Germany (invited as was supposed by Stilico as ye eastern Barbarians were before by Ruffin) \& after them the Franks/ all at once \passed the Rhene at Ments & began to/ overflow {sic} Gallia wasting it wth fire & sword & rapine: wch desolations Ierome in his eleventh Epistle \Ad Gerontiam/ hath thus partly expressed & partly hinted. — Verùm quid ago? fracta navi de mercibus disputo. Qui tenebat de medio fit & non intelligimus Antichristum appropinquare. Innumerabiles & ferocissimæ nationes universas Gallias occuparunt, quicquid inter Alpes & Pyrenæum est quod Oceano & Rheno includitur Quadus, Vandalus, Sarmata, Alani, Gepides, Heruli, Saxones, Burgundiones, Alemanni, & (O lugenda Respublica!) hostes Pannonij vastarunt. \Etenim Assur venit cum illis./ Maguntiacum capta atqꝫ subversa est, & in Ecclesia multa hominum millia trucidata. Vangiones longa obsidione deleti, Rhenorum urbs præpotens, Ambiani, Attrebates, extremiqꝫ hominum Morini, Tornacus, Nemete, Argentoratus, translati in Germaniam; Aquitanæ novemqꝫ populorum Lugdunensis & Narbonensis Provinciæ præter paucas urbes populata sunt cuncta, quas et ipsas foris gladius, intus vastat fames. Non possum absqꝫ lachrymis Tolosæ facere mentionem, quæ ut hucusqꝫ non rueret sancti Episcopi Exuperij merita præstiterunt. Ipsæ Hispaniæ jam jamqꝫ petituræ {illeg} quotidiè contremescunt recordantes irruptionis Cimbricæ, & quicquid alij semel passi sunt illi semper timore patiuntur. And a little after: Quis hoc credet? Quæ digno sermone historiæ comprehendent? Romam in gremio suo non pro gloria sed pro salute pugnare, imò ne pugnare quidem sed auro & cuncta supellectile vitam redimere? |The manner & universality of this inundation is thus further exprest by Salvian. Iudicamur, inquit, præsente etiam judicio a Deo, et ideo excitata est in perniciam ac dedecus nostram {illeg} | < insertion from f 141v > quæ de loco in locum pergens de orbe in orbem transiens universa vastaret. Ac primum a solo patrio effusa est in Germaniam primam nomine barbaram ditione Romanam post cujus primum exitium arsit regio Belgarum, deinde opes Aquitanorum luxuriantium. Et post hoc corpus omnium Galliarum, \sed paulatim id ipsum tamen ut dum pars clade cæditur pars exemplo emendaretur./ Salvian De Gubern Dei l 7. And the sharpness of it you may understand by what he writes as an eye witness of ye desolations about Trevirs ye Metropolis of Gallia. Excisâ, inquit, ter continuis eversionibus summâ {sic} urbe Gallorum, cum omnis civitas bustum esset, malis et post excidia {sic} crescentibus. Nam quos hostis in excidio non occiderat post excidium calamitas obruebat: cum id quod excidio evaserat po morti, post excidium non superesset calamitati. Alios enim impressa altiùs vulnera longis mortibus necabant, alios ambustos hostium flammis, etiam post flammas pœna torquebat. Alij interibunt fame, alij nuditate, alij tabescentes, alij rigentes: ac sic in unum exitum mortis per diversa moriendi genera corruebant. Et quid plura? excidio unius urbis affligebantur quoqꝫ aliæ civitates. Iacebant siquidem passim, quod ipse vidi atqꝫ sustinui, utriusqꝫ senûs cadavera nuda, lacerata, urbis oculos incestantia, avibus canibusqꝫ laniata: lues erat viventium, fœtor funereus mortuorum, mors de morte exhalabatur; ac sic etiam qui excidijs supradictæ urbis non interfuerant, mala alieni excidij perferebant. Salvian De Gub. Dei l 6.

In ye second \third/ year of this invasion, the Vandals & Suevians wth part of ye Alans, leaving ye rest of ye Barbarians to prosecute in the heat of their grassations in Gallia, passed into spain & overran that country also wth ye like desolations, wch Isidorus \in his Wandalic history/ thus touches upon. Wandali Alani et Suevi Spanias occupantes, neces vastationesqꝫ cruentis decursibus faciunt, urbes incendunt, substantiam direptam exhauriunt, ita ut humanæ carnes vi famis devorantur a populis: edebant filios suos matres, bestiæ quoqꝫ morientium gladio fame ac peste cadaveribus adsuetæ, etiam in vivorum efferebantur interritum: atqꝫ ita quatuor plagis per omnem Spaniam sævientibus Divinæ iracundiæ per prophetas {illeg} inscripta olim prænunciatio adimpletur. To ye same purpose writes Idacius an earlier author, only he extends these four plagues not only to all Spain but to all ye world: meaning I suppose ye occidental world; for as we shewed, ye Eastern empire began now to recover.

Symbol (cross surmounted by 3 circles arranged in a trinagle) in text pag. sup.

< insertion from f 140v >

\fol. sequ./ Symbol (cross surmounted by 3 circles arranged in a trinagle) in text At ye same time, that no part of ye {illeg} west might be free the Picts & Scots a[325] perceiving yt Constantine had carried away ye flower & strength of Brittain away wth him into Gallia, invaded ye Island; & b ye distressed Britains imploring yeEmperor for aid were bid to look to their own concerns & defend them selves: b[326] whereupon they took up arms & grappled as well as they could wth the invaders; but were {illeg} at length so much overpoured that they were fain to apply themselves again wth tears to ye Emperor; & c[327] then they prevailed wth him once & again to send a Legion to \their/ aid, wch was done about ye years 420 & 423, but those auxiliaries being both times stan soon recalled, c[328] ye enemy renewed their invasions as before.

Also ye d[329] Southern Barbarians about 3 or 4 years before ye year 411 made an inrode into Mauritania the western part of Afric.

And whilst this torrent

< text from f 141v resumes >

Between these \two/ irruptions the ffranks also brake into Galla {sic}

A little after the Picts & Scots also \At the same time/, yt no part of ye west might be free invaded Brittain the Britains {illeg} rebelled & ejected ye Roman soldiers (Zosim) & a little after the Picts & Scots a[330] invaded & exceedingly afflicted the Bittains {sic}, forcing many of them {sic} inhabitants to fly ye Island. Also ye southern \{illeg}/ Barbarians \about/ 3 or 4 years before ye year 411 made an inrode into Mauritania or ye western part of Afric

And whilst this torrent –

< text from f 141r resumes >

After Gallia had been thus wasted for between \almost/ two & three years, the Vandals & Suevians wth part of ye Alans <142r> passed into Spain & overran that country also wth ye like desolations, & at ye same time ye Franks brake into Gallia Lugdunensis, & ye Picts & Scots also a while after, that no part of ye west might be free a[331] invaded Brittain, forcing many of ye natives inhabitants to fly into that part of ffrance wch from them is to this day called Brittain.

And whilst this torrent overwhelmed ye west, Alaric wth his Goths b[332] A.C. 408 \being disappointed of Stilico's promised aid/ came {illeg}[333] out of b[334] Epire into Noricum, leaving Pannonia to ye Huns, & soon after Stilico wth whom he had contracted friendship being slain, in revenge of his death he invaded Italy, {illeg} c[335] inviting his brother to his a \out of Pannonia/ wth ten thousand \a hand of/ Goths & Huns to his assistance, \&/ besieged Rome, & d[336] though at first bought off yet renewing ye siege he took it once & again in ye years 409 & e[337] 410 \& burnt part thereof/ when it had been first so much wasted by famin & pestilence that Ierome in Epist 16 saith: Fame perit antequam gladio & vix pauci qui caperentur inventi sunt. Ad nefandos cibos erupit esurientium rabies, & sua invicem membra laniarunt: dum mater non parcit lactanti infanti & suo recipit utero quem paulo ante effuderat. Hence it became a proverb: Pone pretium humanis carnibus, as Zosimus[338] relates, who also adds: Famem (ceu consentaneum erat) pestis comitabatur, omniaqꝫ plena cadaveribus erant. Cùmqꝫ non possent extra urbem sepeliri cadavera quod omnem exitum hostes observarent, urbs ipsa mortuorum sepulchrum erat: adeò quidem ut alioqui etiam solitudo in urbe foret; siqua nulla fuisset alimentorum penuria, vel exhalans e cadaveribus odor ad interficienda corrumpendaqꝫ corpora suffecisset. Symbol (asterisk with the NW and SE arms missing, in a circle) in text

< insertion from f 141v >

Symbol (asterisk with the NW, SW and SE arms missing, in a circle) in text And as ye mortality was very sad, so was ye calamity of those that survived, whether Citizens or other Italians, as may be learnt from ye dispersion of them over yeworld, wch Ierom Nor did they escape that survived, but were captivated & dispersed over the world: as \Ierom/ who lived then in a Monastery in Palæstine thus informs us: Proh nefas! Orbis terrarum ruit, in nobis peccata non ruunt. Vrbs inclyta et Romani Imperij caput uno haussa est incendio. Nulla est regio quæ non exules Romanos habeat. Hieron ad Gaudentium. Epist 12. Quis crederet ut totius Orbis exstructa victorijs Roma corruerat, ut ipsa suis populis et mater fieret et sepulchrum, ut tota Orientis Ægypti Africæ littora olim dominatricis urbis servorum & ancillarum nu {sic} <142v> numero complerentur, ut quotidie sancta Bethlehem, nobiles quondam utriusqꝫ sexûs atqꝫ omnibus divitijs affluentes susciperent mendicantes? Quibus quoniam opem ferre non possumus condolemus & lachrymas lachrymis jungimus. Hieron. Proæm in Ezek: 3. And in Proæm in Ezek 7 speaking of ye west in general. Occidentalium fuga et sanctorum locorum constipatio nuditate atqꝫ vulneribus indigentium, rabiem præferat barbarorum quos absqꝫ lachrymis et gemitu videre non possumus

The history of {illeg} the {sic} sieges of Rome Philostorgius —

< text from f 142r resumes >

The history of these sieges Philostorgius sets down as follows: [339] Stilicone sublato collecti Barbari filium ejus [Eucherium] exci <143r> pientes celerrimè reversi sunt Romaniqꝫ appropinquantes hunc quidem permiserunt in quoddam templi asylum confugere: et ipsi quæ circa urbem erant depopulati sunt hi quidem Stiliconem vindicantes, alij verò fame pressi. Vbi autem ad Honorij literas asylo potiores, sublatus est Eucherius, propter hæc Barbari Alarico juncti ad bellum adversus Romanos cum impetu progressi sunt: Hic verò statim portum occupavit – in quo annona publica omnis juxta veterem morem condebatur, deinde – et frumenti inopia & alijs machinis obsessam Romam a[340] vi cepit, Romanisqꝫ decernentibus (id enim eis Alarichus concesserat) Attalum eis Imperatorem inauguravit.[341] – Iste verò reliquis post inaugurationem reliquijs quas fames ipsa & suimet ipsorum commestio reliquas fecerat, annonam sibi ex portu convehere permisit. Deinde Attalo assumpto, Ducisqꝫ munus ei præstans, Ravennam adversus Honorium exercitum movit, mandavitqꝫ Attalus Honorio ut privatam vitam deligeret, corporisqꝫ extremitatum abscissione totius salutem redimeret. Sarus verò qui post Stilichonem militarem potestatem Honorij timore correpti habebat, cum Alaricho congressus prœlio superior evasit, Ravennaqꝫ propulit. Hic verò {sic} [Alaricus][342] Portu [quodam inter Ravennam et Ariminum] occupato Attalum [extra Ariminum urbem] Imperio exuit. – Posthæc {sic} Alarichus Ravennam reversus fœderaqꝫ ostentans a prædicto Saro repulsam passus est, dicente: Eum qui pœnas ausorum debiat, dignum non esse ut inter amicos connumeretur. Inde Alaricus iratus, post annum prioris ad Portum accessûs velut hostilem invasit Romam: et inde tantæ gloriæ magnitudinem potentiæqꝫ famam externus d[343] ignis et e[344] gladius hostilis & captivitas Barbarica pessundedit. Iacente vero in ruderibus urbe, Alarichus <144r> r[345] Campaniam deprædatus est, ibiqꝫ morbo occubuit.

A little after he adds: posthæc vero et Primo a multis ma [hoc est, post mortem Adaulphi et restitutionem Placidiæ A.C. 416,] Roma a multis malis miraris rursum incoli cœpit, & Imperator cùm ad eam venisset, et manu et lingua inhabitationem firmavit. This entrance of ye Emperour into Rome Prosper refers to ye year 418 Gothofredus to ye year 417; but yet ye inhabitants of ye city began to increas before, for Olympiodorus in Photius informs us yt Rome began to return to its former state \so as to require an augmentation of provision,/ when Albinus was Præfect of ye City wch happened |I suppose from ye time that ye Goths were expelled Italy ffor Olympiodorus informs us that Albinus when he was Præfect of the City, seeing ye City return to its former state writ to ye Emperor that it was so much increased that the allowance of corn would not suffice & as an argument of its increas the new increas added that in one day the new comers were computed fourteen thousand: and his Præfecture happened| A.C. 414 as Gothofredus {illeg} in his comment on this place of Philostorgius informs us \determins/ out of Lex {sic} ult. Cod. Theod. de navicul. inscribed to Albinus P.V. Constantio & Constante Coss.

After the second sacking of ye city Alaric {illeg} spoiled not only Campania but a[346] Lucania & ye Brutij, & then attempted to b[347] sail from Rhegium (ye Metropolis of ye Brutij) into Afric \Sicily/ wth intention to have seated his nation there \in Afric/. But being Shipwrackt he made a league wth Honorius & in c[348] ye end of ye year died at Consentia. And then Honorius \x[349] A.C. 412/ that he might recover Italy granted Adaulphus his successor |The next year Honorius sent his capitains into Gallia against the Barbarians & Tyrants which ingaging them successfully recovered a good part of it & the year following they beat the Goths also & forced them to retire out of Italy into A| Aquitain (a Province of Gallia to inhabit: wch gave occasion to \d[350] much vexed at that time by the Franks & Burgundians.) Whereupon ensued/ various fresh wars in Aquitain \Gallia/ & Spain between ye Goths Romans Vandals Sueves & Alans \of Romans wth Barbarians & Barbarians wth one another, not so pernicious as in ye 4 preceding wars but yet/ almost wthout intermission untill ye year 427 when e[351] peace was concluded between yeGoths & Romans, & ye Vandals having that same year slain f[352] almost twenty thousand Romans in battel, f[353] passed into Afric: the g[354] Kingdom of ye Alans being ruined in those wars about ten \seven or eight/ years before.

The first ten years of these wars in Aquitain recconned from ye beginning of ye irruption, you may hear Prosper thus lamenting |Such was ye severity of these wars yt h[355] it {sic} made ye Roman Christians (as they called themselves) murmur against heaven it self & call \Gods/ providence & government of the world in question, as you may see in D. Austin's Epistle to Victorianus, Cassians sixt Collation, Salivian {sic} De Providentia Dei| & this lamentation of Prosper.

— Felix

Quem non concutiat vicina strage ruina

Intrepidum flammas inter & inter aquas


Nos autem tanta sub tempestate malorum

Invalidi passim cædimur & cadimus.

Cumqꝫ animum patriæ subijt fumantis imago

Et stetit ante oculos quicquid ubiqꝫ perit:

Frangimur immodicis & pluribus ora rigamus

Dumqꝫ pios agimus vertimur in quærulos.

***** < insertion from f 144v > |*****|                           – quærulos

Nec parcunt quidem turbatam incessere mentem,

Linguarum et jaculis saucia corda petunt

Dic (aiunt) causas, qui rerum hominumqꝫ labores

Arbitrio credis stare, regiqꝫ Dei:

Quo scelere admisso, pariter periere tot urbes:

Tot loca, tot populi, quid meruere mali?

Si totus Gallos sese effudisset in agros

Oceanus, vastis plus superesset aquis.

Quod sane desunt pecudes quod semina frugum,

Quodqꝫ locus non est vitibus aut oleis:

Quod fundorum ædes vis abstulit ignis, et imbris,

Quarum stare aliquas tristius est vacuas

Si toleranda mali labes heu cæde decenni,

Wandalicis gladijs sternimur et Geticis.

< text from f 145r resumes >

– Heu, cæde a[356] decenni

Wandalicis gladijs sternimur & Geticis.

Non castella petris, non oppida montibus altis

Imposita, aut urbes annibus æquoreis

Barbarici superare dolos atqꝫ arma furoris

Evaluere omnes: ultima pertulimus. &c.

< insertion from f 144v >

– pertulimus

Nec quærat extinctam nullo discrimine plebem

Mors quoqꝫ primorum cesset ab invidiâ.

Majores anni me forte et nequior ætas,

Offenso tulerint quæ meruere Deo:

Quid pueri insontes? quid commisere puellæ,

Nulla quibus dederat crimina vita brevis?

Quare templa Dei licuit popularier igni?

Cur violenta sacri vasa ministerij?

Non honor innuptas devotæ virginitatis,

Nec texit viduas religionis amor.

Ipsi desertis qui vitam ducere in antris

Suerant laudantes nocte dieqꝫ Deum,

Non aliam subière necem quam quisqꝫ prophanis:

Idem turbo bonos sustulit atqꝫ malos.

Nulla sacerdotes reverentia nominis almi

Discrevit miseri supplicijs populi:

Sic duris cæsi flagris, sic igne perusti,

Inclusæ vinclis sic gemuere manus.

See his Epigram de cohibenda Dei \In his Epigram De cohibenda ira he writes /

< insertion from f 145v >

In his epigram also de cohibenda ira he writes \thus/ of these times

Non idem status est agris, non urbibus ullis,

Omniaqꝫ in finem præcipitata ruunt.

Ferro, peste, fame, vinclis, algore, calore

Mille modis miseros mors rapit una homines.

Vndiqꝫ bella fremunt, omnes furor excitat armis,

Incumbunt reges regibus innumeris.

Impia confuso sævit discordia mundo,

Pax abijt terris, ultima quæqꝫ vides.

< text from f 144v resumes >

The most miserable state into wch this invasion reduced ye Empire is also every where inculcated by Salvian. I shall trouble you wth but one place. Omnia, ait, quæ fuerant aut ablata aut immutata sunt, sola tantum vitia creverunt Nihil nobis de pace et prosperitate pristina reliquum est, nisi sola omnino crimina quæ pacem \prosperitatem non/ esse fecerunt. Vbi namqꝫ sunt anitquæ Romanorum opes ac dignitates? Fortissimi quondam Romani erant nunc sine viribus. Tenebantur Romani veteres nos timemus: rectigalia illis solvebant populi barbarorum, nos rectigales barbaris sumus. Vendunt nobis hostes lucis usu <145v> ram. Tota admodum salus nostra commercium est. O infelicitates nostras, ad quid devenimus? & pro hoc gratias barbaris agimus a quibus nos ipsos pretio comparamus. Quid potest esse nobis vel abjectius vel miserius & vivere nos post ista credimus quibus vita sic constat? Insuper etiam ridiculos etiam \ipsi/ nos ipsi \esse/ facimus: aurum quod pendimus, munera vocamus. Dicimus donum esse quod precium est, & quidem precium conditionis durissimæ ac miserrimæ. Omnes quippe captivi cum semel, redempti fuerint, libertate potiuntur: nos semper redimimur et nunquam liberi sumus. Illorum more dominorum nobiscum agunt barbari agunt, qui mancipia obsequijs suis non necessaria mercedibus dependendis locante. Similiter enim non unquam ab hac sumus liberi functione quam pendemus. Ad hoc quippe mercedes jugiter solvimus, ut sine cessatione solvamus. Salvian de Gub. Dei lib 6.

< text from f 145r resumes >

|These are ye accounts of the {sic} wars of this Trumpet so far as ye short records we have of these times, have discovered them to us; for ye accounts we have of them are imperfect, as you may gather from by this yt though ye Romans used not to let Barbarians invade ym wthout making resistence yet we have no account of wt forces were sent sent against them or of any one Battel ye Romans lost \except yt of Castinus {in [Sozom]}/: wch makes me think yt ye Historians of that age partly out of flattery to their state, (as did Orosius) partly out of shame to recount their disgraces for ye immensness of them, strove to disguise them & bury what they could in silence.|

Having given you the history of the {sic} wars, wch as you have heard fulfill ye two characters of this Trumpet: it remains now that I take notice of ye other concomitants, wch are these three.

1. That ye third part of ye sea became blood. \ pag. vers/ < insertion from f 145v > || that is ye third part of ye whole Roman Empire. To compute this you may reccon ye Eastern & western Empires equall, as they seem by ye Mapp, & that if ye western be Divided into three equal parts, Afric wch escaped these plagues will be one third part, & ye European portion on wch they fell, two third parts of ye whole Sea that is a third part of ye whole Sea. Now whereas this third part became blood, or (as is exprest in ye first vial) as ye blood of a dead man: by blood – < text from f 145r resumes > . [or as is exprest in ye second Vial, ye (western) sea became as ye blood of a dead man c] By {sic} blood we are to understand ye staining of ye western waters chiefly by ye effusion of much blood in these wars, & then by any other kind of violent deaths whatever {sic}. ffor blood is used figuratively to signify any kind of death as you may see in Ezek 14.19, & 3.18, 20, & 18.13: & thus it will comprehend that sad mortality by famin & pestilence at ye siege of Rome wch doubtles swept away many hundred thousands, & raged not only there but in ye whole \European part of ye/ western Empire, & chiefly in Spain as Idatius in his Chronicle thus relates. Anno 16mo Imperij Hono <146r> rij & Arcadij, debacchantibus per Hispanias Barbaris, \{(& særiense}/ pestilentiæ malo, fames dira grassatur \ita/ ut humanæ carnes ab ab {sic} humano genere fame fuerint devoratæ: matres quoqꝫ necatis et coctis natorum suorum {illeg} sint pastæ corporibus. Bestiæ occisorum Gladio, famae, pestilentia bestiarum impestitione interim ebantur homines. His quatuor plages ubiqꝫ \cadaveribus adeustæ, quosqꝫ hominum fortiores interrimerunt {sic}, eorumqꝫ carnibus paste passim in humani generis efferantur interr generis efferantur interritum. Et ita quatuor plages ferri famis pestilentiæ & bestiarum ubiqꝫ/ in toto orbe sævientibus, prædictæ a domino per Prophetas suos \adnuntiationes/ adimplebantur. |So Sigonius AC. 410 Pestis non Romam tantum sed totam Italiam afflixit siquidem scribit Ruffinus ad Chromatium tum Aqueleiensem Episcopum: Per ruptis ab Alarico Duce Gothorum Italiæ claustris morbum se pestiferum infudisse & agros armenta viros longè latéqꝫ vastasse. Sigon. de Occid. Imp. l 10. And Prosper. Anno Honorij 20, Ingens in Gallia Fames. But this ex abundantia the prophesy being sufficiently fulfilled by blood shed in war.|

2 The second concomitant is that ye third part of ye creatures wch were in ye sea & had life died [that is every living soul in ye (western) sea as is exprest in the second vial.] \ye creatures in ye aforsaid third part of the sea/ And here by death I understand not ye natural death of men (for that was sufficiently exprest before by blood,) but their political death. For death is used to signify ye destruction of bodies politiqꝫ as well as of naturall bodies, Amos 2.2. And that in these Trumpets it is to be understood of bodies politiqꝫ you may easily collect from ye fift Trumpet, where although wthout doubt multitudes of men were slain by ye Locusts, yet becaus they destroyed not their kingdom they are said not to kill them. Reason also will dictate ye same: for no man I suppose can be so fond as to think yt ye intention of yesecond Vial {sic} is that all ye men in a whole kingdom should really dy {sic}; but that they may all dy a politicall death is of no harsh conception. I suppose therefore that this death is yepoliticall death of ye \invaded European part of ye/ western Empire, as if it were slain by ye invasion of its territories & ye fall of its metropolis like an animal beheaded & torn in pieces. For Pannonia was rent <147r> from it by ye Hunns, Brittain first by Tyrants & then by ye natives, the most of \all/ Gallia & Spain by the Franks, Burgundians, Alemans, Alans, Vandals & Goths & ye rest at one time or other overrun by them |divers Tyrants till ye expedition of Constantius into Gallia, who recovered part of those regions|. Also [d[357] Afric made \{illeg}/ a defection for a year or two under Heraclinus] &] Italy laboured under ye invasion of Alaric & ye usurpation of a new Emperour, Honorius being reduced to so great straits that he \had nothing left but Afric to confide in &/ began to think of quitting all & flying into ye East \e[358] for wch end Et {sic} had ships in readines I might add also 🅇 < insertion from f 146v > 🅇 I might add also ye d[359] many Tyrants wch at ye same time took occasion from this shipwrack of ye Empire to distract it. But to comprehend all at once the whole Empire died for a time &c. < text from f 147r resumes > \in case Africa had then failed him wth ye rest/ /to flie in case Afric had\ then made a defection & failed him wth the rest/. And to comprehend all at once, ye whole Empire died for a time by cutting of yt |Thus all the European part of ye west died for a time & the death was made more full & complete by cutting of that city| city whose dominion was ye ratio formalis or life thereof. For at ye taking of that city, to use St Ierom's words written upon ye news of it, [360] Clarissimum terrarum omnium lumen extinctum est, imo Romani Imperij truncatum caput, & (ut veriùs dicam) una urbe totus orbis interijt. In a word The {sic} siege of this city was \also/ ye nick of time in wch this {sic} Empire was slain \part of ye Empire was for ever slain, as to/ as to its monarchical form \of government/, & in its stead a body of ten new kingdoms substituted of wch I shall hereafter give you ye catalogue.

3. This overthrow of ye Empire is further expressed by a shipwrack. The third part of yeships, ([361] that is ye towns & cities of ye \European part of ye/ Empire whose houses are analogous to ships) were destroyed in this tempest; sinking as it were (like ye great mountain) by being reduced into ye power of yeenemy. |But this is so plain a similitude yt Historians & men in com̄on talk are wont to allude to it in describing much less desolations then those we speak of.|

The third Trumpet.

The western Empire being now rent into many kingdomes, & those pretty well setled under their new lords:


the second is to be met wth in all histories. Who knows not that Constantine was ye first that began to suppressed Idolatry? But yet he completed not ye conquest. The Idols he caused to be thrown down & some of ye Idol Temples, & the rest to be shut up, & took away ye revenues for their worship, & his sons continued to persecute heathenism much more then he till ye reign of Iulian ye Apostate who renewed ye worship, but Gratian & Theodosius caused it to cease wthout relaps.

Arg 2. The sixt seale is ye time wch immedately succeeded ye greatest persecution of ye Church under the heathen Emperors. But ye age from Constantine to Theodosius immediately succeeded that persecution.

The first assertion is manifest, as well becaus yesixt Trumpet \seale/ immediately succeeds ye fift wherein ye persecution is represented by ye souls under ye Altar.

The second is plain out of history wch informs us that ye 10th or last of ye heathen persecutions wch was begun by ye edict of Dioclesian & after ten years made to cease by ye victories of Constantine was notably sharp & great above all the rest former & seemd to \have/ exceeded {sic} them all put together, As yet those that of Decius [being ye only persecution that was general universal. Amongst ye former that of Decius is accounted ye greatest being much more sharp & universal general then ye rest & yet that b[362] was not universal nor lasted above c[363] one year & 3 months whereas this continued \wth unexpressible violence d[364] almost/ two years over all the Empire wth unexpressible violence & eight years more over the greatest part \better half/ of it. Omnibus ferè anteactis, immanior fuit \saith Orosius/ saith Orosius, diuturnior et immanior fuit, nam per decem annos incendijs ecclesiarum, proscriptionibus innocentium, cædibus martyrum incessabiliter acta est. \So Sulpitius Severus:/ Omnis fere sacro Martyrum cruore orbis infestus est saith Sulpitius Severus. And again, Nullis unquam bellis mundus sanguine magis exhaustus est neqꝫ majori unquam triumpho Ecclesia vicit quàm cùm decem annorum stragibus vinci non potuit. And Baronius having described some things done in ye first year, adds Hoc |Concerning the first year, Baronius after he had described the sufferings of| the Church in some Provinces, adds \speaks thus: Hoc / <149r> primo persecutionis anno non tantum in memoratis Provincijs sed in alijs ubiqꝫ gentium sub Romano Imperio constitutis in Christianos crudeliter sævitum esse \aliunde/ scimus. Quibus autem exagitatæ fuerint cladibus Ecclesiæ Galliarum atqꝫ Hispaniarum nemo puto pro dignitate assequi aliquando poterit oratione: ut jam poeticum illud in historia, at non poeticè quidem liceat usurpare

Non mihi si linguæ centum sint oraqꝫ centum

Ferrea vox, omnes scelerum comprendere formas

Omnia pœnarum percurrere nomina possim. Virg. Æneid. 6.

Rerum quidem immensitas fermè superat omnem Hyperblem {sic}. Quandoquidem cùm universum Romanum Imperium refertum esset cultoribus Christi, & tota vis Imperatorum in hoc posita ut Christianam religionem radicitùs extirparet penitusqꝫ convelleret: non provincia, non civitas oppidum vicus prædium hortus vel casa fuit in quibus de Christianis non fuerit habita diligens inquisitio & animadversio. Hæc Baronius ad Ann 302. sect 116, 117.

In ye beginning of it e[365] wthin ye compas of 30 days seventeen thousand are said to have been slain. And yet so far was ye fury of it from ceasing that in ye f[366] second year it grew more violent then in the first, insomuch that yee heathens then g[367] thought Christianity had been extirpated & in Spain g[368] set up monuments expressing this the year of it's deletion. And though in ye end of ye second year it ceased in ye western regions wch might amount to about a 3d or 4th part of ye whole \Empire/ \half of the Empire/; yet to make amends it was at ye same time notably h[369] increased all over ye east by ye new Tyrant Maximinus, & so continued till \did not begin {sic} not to grow milder before/ ye end of ye 7th year when it began to grow milder & at length ceased in ye 10th. So violent was it that in Egypt alone (a very small portion of ye Empire) were slain saith Ignatius of Antioch, an hundred & forty four thousand & seventy thousand banished: whence ye Æra of Dioclesian amongst ye Egyptians was called also the Æra of Martyrs. And if you peruse ye description wch Eusebius gives of it you will scarce find it milder in other Provinces. What think you then was done throughout ye whole Roman world? Omnis fère sacro Martyrum cruore orbis infestus est, saith Sulpitius Severus, — Nec ullis unquam bellis mundus sanguine magis exhaustus est neqꝫ majori unquam triumpho Ecclesia vicit quàm cùm decem annorum stragibus vinci non potuit.


And this I take to be ye ten years tribulation predicted to the Church in Rev 2.10. ffor although that be spoken to ye Church of Smyrna yet it excludes not ye rest of ye Churches, but rather includes them becaus it is not likely that this persecution should be any other then the greatest wch they were to suffer, & it is less likely yt ye greatest persecution should happen to them wthout affecting their neighbours]

Arg 3. The sixt seale is ye time wch immediately preceded ye general & perpetual Apostacy, & that Apostacy overspread ye world in ye reign of Theodosius. Ergo.

The first assertion is manifest by what was said in Posit     The second we shall have hereafter occasion a more convenient occasion to discours of at large. At present let this suffice, that all but the Apostates themselves grant that they began to overspread & cloud ye church wth errors soon after Theodosius's death.

Arg. 4. The Parable of the Dragon & childbearing woman in chap 12 to vers 14 expresses is coincident wth ye fift sixt & beginning of ye seventh seale. But this Parable expresses Dioclesian's Persecution, the conversion of ye Empire to christianity, & the hiding or disappearing of ye true church through the rise of ye great Apostacy.

This Argument comprehends & strengthens ye former three by the coincidence of ye three last Seales wth this vision of ye woman & Dragon: a Parable so plain yt it scarce needs an interpreter. I account it the key of ye Apocalyps & therefore desire you would consider it attentively: the force of wch you may apprehend by these particulars. 1. The woman in travail is the true Church Def |Posit|     2 The Dragon is ye old Roman heathen Empire Posit         These two assertions are agreed upon by all. 3 The pains of ye Woman in Travail {sic} described something emphatically in vers 2 must be a notably great \affliction or/ persecution of ye Church. Deffig       4 The war of ye Dragon de wth Michael denotes also a very great persecution of the Church. This we explained at large in Posit     & even these words <150v> alone evince it: They overcame him by the blood of ye Lamb & by the word of their testimony & loved not their lives unto the death. vers 11. 5 The pains of ye woman & war of ye Dragon denote one & the same persecution. ffor they both immediately precede ye flight of ye woman into ye wilderness; (the delivery of ye woman vers 5 & 6, & ye victory over the Dragon vers 13 & 14;) & therefore are coincident. 6 By this persecution Christianity conquered heathenism, as is plain by ye word: And the great Dragon was cast out that old Serpent called ye Devil & Satan wch deceiveth ye whole world; he was cast out into ye earth & his angels were cast out wth him. – And they overcame him by ye blood of ye Lamb & by ye word of their testimony. 7 This persecution therefore must necessarily be ye 10 years persecution begun by Dioclesian. ffor as that was ye greatest so it was that & none other by wch Christianity got ye victory over Heathenism ffor that multiplying ye Church by ye blood of Martyrs, gave occasion to & ended in ye conversion wars & victories of Constantine by wch heathenism fell, & ye Empire became Christian. ✝ < insertion from the left margin > ✝ The Woman was barren in ye times of ye Law, conceived by or Saviour's preaching, had her Infant formed by ye preaching of ye Apostles, was often ill & discomposed after ye manner of weomen often ill & discomposed by smaller persecutions & troubles under ye heathens, & at length travailed in this persecution of Dioclesian: ffor I count, according to ye usual time of Weomen, 40 prophetiqꝫ weeks or weeks of years from or Saviours baptism (ye time of her conception) to find ye time of her travail, & her count will end in ye year of or Lord 309 {sic} \neare/ ye middle of yt persecution. < text from f 150v resumes > 8 Becaus ye Woman does not represent a single person but thewhole body of ye Church, therefore by ye analogy her child must not represent any single person alone but some great body of men. For as a woman & a man are of ye same kind & differ only in sex so the things represented by ye woman & her manchild must have no other difference. Compare this place of St Iohn wth Isa 66.7, 8 to wch it is related & I suppose it will put ye matter out of doubt. The words of Isaiah are: Before her pain came she was delivered of a man child — shall a nation be born at once? ffor as soon as Zion travailed she brought forth her children. 9 Since the feminine nature of ye woman consists in this <151r> that she is an Ecclesiastical body, the m{ascul}ine nature of her child must consist in this that he is a civil body. ffor these are opposites: Polity & Religion, Magistrates & Priests, State & Church; & are generally considered as male & female. The man-Child must therefore be a body of Magistrates, or a temporal kingdom. Yea and this you have exprest in vers 5; And she brought forth a man child wch was to rule all nations wth a rod of iron, & her child was caught up to God & to his throne. 10 Since ye same persecution of ye Church is both the war by wch ye Dragon was vanquished & ye pains by wch ye woman brought forth this child, therefore ye birth of this child & its exaltation up to God & to his throne must fall in wth ye casting out ye Dragon out of heaven; as being opposite effects of that persecution. And consequently since ye manchild \Dragon/ is the heathen Empire, ye man Child by opposition must be ye Christian Empire, whereof ye one is dethroned & yeother at ye same time exalted into the throne. This must be ye result of ye war between Michael & ye Dragon; & therefore so soon as ye Dragon is cast down you have ye exaltation of ye manchild to ye Throne celebrated by a voice from heaven saying: Now is come salvation & strength & ye Kingdom of or God & ye power of his Christ. And that you may be sure this is no other then ye Christian Roman Empire {illeg} \or/ more strictly its body of Magistrates, you have both ye religion & ye universality of it described together in vers 5: The woman brought forth a man-child who was to rule all nations wth a rod of iron. For here ye rod of iron is a singular phrase for ye scepter of a Christian Kingdom. (See chap 2.27, & 19.15 & Psal 2.9.) & all nations can import no less dominion then ye Roman, & both these together can agree to none but the age between Constantine & Theodosius becaus ye Empire was not Christian before Constantine nor universal in a Monar <151v> chical form after Theodosius. 11 Next after ye {illeg} of ye Dragon & exaltation of ye manchild follows ye per{secution} of ye woman by ye Dragon & her flight into ye wilderness. The Dragon was not slain but only cast out of heaven. {illeg} ye earth & \His worshippers {illeg} were cast out from ye Roman th{rone} & he himself was/ was {sic} cast out as to ye antique {illeg} manner of worshipping him in {illeg} Idols placed aloft in stately temples as it were in heaven but yet he was not destroyed but cast |out| into yeEarth to be worshipped in Sepulchers & subterraneous places where dead men's bones & of other reliques of martyrs supplied ye place of his lately demolished Idols. The first step to this kind of Idolatry seems to have been the silencing of ye Oracle at Antioch in Iulian's reign A.C. 360 by ye virtue of ye Martyr Babylas's bones the devil pretending \when the Emperor Iulian offered so many sacrifices to make him speak/ that he could not speak till they were removed. And from this time he being let loos to deceive ye world & work \begin/ yt strong delusion predicted by St Paul in 2 Thes. 2. great multitudes of miracles were cryed up every where to be done by the reliques of Martyrs: whereby ye worship of them \& Ghosts/ quickly overspread the Empire so as in ye reign of Theodosius & his sons to have become universall as it hath continued ever since. Thus the Dragon only changing his state from that above to that below, came down among ye inhabitants of ye Earth & Sea having great wrath becaus he knew he was to have but a short time: & this was ye beginning of ye great Apostacy. But of these things more hereafter.

This Parable therefore of ye Woman & Dragon to vers 14 belongs indubitably to ye times between Dioclesian & Theodosius: & therefore since by what was said in Posit     ye fift sixt & beginning of ye seventh seal fall in wth this Parable, they must agree to ye same times.

Arg 5.


Arg. 5. The sixt seal is ye time wch a little preceded ye final division of ye Roman Empire, & ye wars wherein ye western part of it was divided into ten Kingdoms But ye time between Constantine & Theodosius was that wch a little preceded that division & those wars.

The first assertion is manifest from Posit    . ffor there 'twas shown yt ye Empire at ye rise of ye Beast (wch began imperfectly at in ye sixt seale & was perfected at ye beginning of ye Trumpets,) was divided into two branches, ye Beast & ye Dragon; & yt ye horns of ye Beast rose at or soon after ye beginning of ye Trumpets.

The second assertion is manifest out of history. ffor ye Empire continued always under ye sole dominion of Rome till ye building of Constantinople, & then became divided between these two Cities. It was first divided at ye death of Constantine between his sons A.C. 336, & then reunited by Constantius's conquest of ye west A.C. 353, & after ye death of Iovian A.C. 364 divided again imperfectly, & at length perfectly & for ever at ye death of Theodosius A.C. 395, & wthin 15 years after, ye western part of it was rent by vehement wars into ten Kingdoms wch could never since be reunited, of wch I shall hereafter give you ye catalogue.

Thus you see ye time of this seale bounded every way by demonstrative characters: for such I account these five Arguments because there is no other time to wch any one of them can be applied. And these things being premised, I come now to interpret ye series of ye seales & Trumpets.

The four first Seales agree to ye time between \the first preaching of Christianity/ St Iohn, & ye beginning of ye tenth <153r> Persecution: \the first Seale beginning wth the Pentecost A.C. Ascention or Pentecost A.C. 33/ the second Seal beginning wth Trajan \A.C. 98/, ye third wth Severus \A.C. 193/, & ye fourth wth Maximinus Decius A.C. 251.

The whole time of these Seales is defined by Posit     & so it remains only that we show how it is to be distinguished distributed among them. Now this is in great \some/ measure determined by ye qualities of ye Horsmen in each Seale: but because all those qualities do not always run through ye whole time of ye Seale, therefore God has applied a further character of them by introducing every Horsman wth a Beast saying, Come & see. Wherefore before we explain ye seales it is necessary yt we first show what is meant by ye four Beasts. And {sic} this depends upon ye form of ye heavenly Court or Theater described in Chap. 4. wch being a representation of God's dwelling in ye midst of his Church, is to be learnt from ye manner of ye Iews incamping in ye wildernes. For it alludes to that, as you may perceive by ye analogy.

|Of the Heavenly Court.|

Know therefore that in ye midst of ye Camp was placed ye Tabernacle called in this Prophesy ye Temple of ye Tabernacle chap. 15.5, or barely ye Temple vers. 6, 8, &c. And wthin this, as I conceive, in ye veil was ye door opened in heaven to let St Iohn in to ye sight of ye Throne of God ch. 4.1; wch Throne you must conceive to be over ye Mercy Seat between ye Cherubins, for it was wthin ye Temple ch: 15.8, & 16.17. And about this Throne you must imagin ye seven Lamps ch. 4.5, & ye Laver here called a Sea of glas vers 6, & ye golden Altar ch. 8.3, & ye Altar of Sacrifice ch. 6.9, & ye Arc of ye testament ch. 11.19 to be so placed as they were in ye wildernes about ye mercy seat, whether <154r> they were wthin or wthout ye veil. Exod. 40.

Next about ye Tabernacle incamped the Priests & Levites answering here to ye 24 Elders; that is of each order twelve. And about them at a distance were placed ye twelve Tribes in four Squadrons toward ye four quarters of Heaven, every Squadron wth its own Standart: & these you have expressed by ye four Beasts, wch represent a multitude of people by their eyes, & are situate in ye middle coasts of ye Throne & round about ye Throne, that is over against ye midst of every side of ye throne round about it. This form of incamping you have described in Num: 1, & 2; only ye Signes of ye Standarts are not there recorded. But yet ye Rabbies inform us by tradition from their Ancestors that in ye eastern Standart was a Lyon in ye western an Ox in ye southern a man & in ye northern an eagle. Our Ancestors, saith Aben Ezra in 2 Num. delivered that in ye Standart of Reuben was a man the figure of a man becaus (as he supposes) of ye Mandrakes; in ye Standart of Iudah ye figure of a Lyon because Iacob so compared him;[370] in ye Standart of Ephraim ye Sta figure of an Ox, according to his being called ye firstling of a Ox;[371] & in ye Standart of Dan ye figure of an eagle. The same hath Bar Nachman here, & Chazkuni in Num. 3.

And this is not a little confirmed by Ezekiel's vision of ye fourfac'd (not four headed) Cherubins, who looking Northward saw them each wth ye face of a Man in ye front & wth ye face of a Lyon toward ye right hand, & wth ye face of an Ox toward ye left hand, & ye fourth face, wch was ye face of an Eagle, must therefore be northward. And these, as if there was some mystery in their position, went every one streight forwards & turned not about when they went. Ezek. 1.4, 9, 10. I suppose it was, as in ye Apocalyptic vision, to <155r> represent God (whose glory appeared in ye midst of them) to be ye Lord of ye four quarters of Israel.

Having thus framed a conception of ye heavenly Court, you may further consider yt ye Beast's as they are a type drawn from ye nation of ye Iews, so they may be applied to typify ye people of any other nation. As they worship God they must signify Saints; but when they are applyed to characterise ye horsmen in ye Seales, they may in that respect typify such societies of men as are agreable to those Horsmen. Considering therefore yt ye Horsmen are ye four first of ye seven Kings according to wch (as I signified in Posit    ) ye Dragon is divided into seven heads: each Horsman wth his Beast will represent a King wth his people, or a King wth an Army & their Standart. And what more significant type of ye Roman Emperors then this?

The first Seale opened.

But yet ye first of these horsmen we must except from their number. ffor ye colour of his hors discovers him to be ye same wth that Rider in chap 19.11 who had on his thigh a name written King of Kings & Lord of Lords. Here he goes forth conquering & ἵνα νικήση that he might conquer, & there he appears again to finish ye conquest wch he had begun. And thus he is ye Alpha & Omega of ye Prophesy. The first fruits of his conquests were ye great spreading of ye Gospel in ye Apostles days, & ye silencing of ye heathen Oracles: & his further succes you have signified by his Bow Fig     His Army & Standart is represented by ye first Beast wch is a Lyon toward ye East, & this proclaims him an Eastern Prince, & ye Lyon of ye Tribe of Iudah: & his dignity you may further learn by ye Crown wch is given to none but him.


|Of the Lambs taking the Book.|

Having thus framed a conception of ye heavenly court, you are in ye next place to consider what was done there by way of preparation to these visions: & this was ye Lamb's taking a \sealed/ book out of ye hand of him that sat on ye throne, wch none in heaven or earth or under ye earth besides ye Lamb was found worthy to open & read; & upon his doing this there followed a declaration that he was worthy because of his death & then for this {illeg} merited worthines ye whole creation worship him to- \he is celebrated for his worthines, first by a double commemoration of it as if he became worthy by ye merits of his death, & then by a doxology hereupon given him to/gether wth him that sat one {sic} ye Throne, & this is followed wth a higher degree of worship given to only to him only wch sate upon ye throne. & ye fore

The Book you may conceive rolled up after ye old fashion & sealed in such a manner that ye opening of every seale may undoe some of ye leaves untill by degrees ye whole book be opened so that more & more of ye book may be opened \by steps/ till ye whole be open. And ye contents of it you must conceive of so transcendent excellency that they were fit to be communicated to none but ye Lamb. You are not to imagin that this is ye book of ye Apocalyps written by St Iohn, but rather a book representing yt plenary revelation wch ye great God imparted to or Saviour after his resurrection & to none but him. For first it was a book written within & on ye backside, that is a book conteining ye knowledge of things past as well as to come whereas ye Apocalyps conteined only things to come, Apoc. 1.1, 3 & 22.6, 10; & accordingly ye visions thereof were represented concomitant to ye opening of ye seales for ye Lamb to look on ye inside after he had viewed ye backside, as you may conceive. Secondly there is nothing in ye Apocalyps wch can be pretended to be a transcript of this book: for there is nothing set down there but certain visions wch St Iohn saw concomitant to \ye/ opening of ye Seales, & those too such as by ye {illeg} motions of some & voices of others, & also by St Iohn's being called by ye four beasts to go from place to place to see them, were ma <157r> nifestly no flat pictures in ye book, \but/ appearances to ye life, such as (like those made to Daniel in his visions) had ye full proportions, dimensions & gestures of ye things they were a shew of, as if they had been those real things. And \And/ Thirdly {sic} it is expresly said, not only that none but ye Lamb was worthy to take & open ye book, but also that none but he were worthy to read it or to look thereon: & if so, then St Iohn himself was not worthy to reade it, & much less was the world worthy to whom ye \full/ contents of this book should be made publick to be read by all, bad as well as good. I might add in ye fourth place that the communication of this book is represented one of those transcendent excellencies wth wch God rewarded & exalted ye Lamb above all for his alone for ye merits by {sic} his death & exalted him above all things els: for what els mean ye following celebrations of him first in a particular song for his worthines of this, {illeg} & then in general for his worthiness of all kinds of rewards: Thou art worthy to take ye book & to open ye seals thereof, for thou wast slain.Worthy is ye Lamb that was slain to receive power & riches & wisdom & strength & honour & glory & blessing. Nor is this all; upon this celebration of him for this his merited worthiness there follows a Doxology to him joyntly wth ye great God. And all this celebration of him in myjudgment should argue |also, that ye great emphasis laid upon this book, first by ye solemn declaration wth a loud voice that none were in heaven nor in earth nor under the earth were found worthy to open alone {sic} it, so as to make St Iohn hi weep thereat; & then by ye following celebrations of ye Lamb for his worthiness to receive wisdom & all other perfections, after he appeared to take & open it: is an intimation plain enough| that this book signifies one of ye greatest treasures that he who sat upon ye Throne ever conferred upon ye Lamb, & consequently nothing less then all that fulnes of knowledg of things past & to come wch God gave him after his resurrection. This is certain, that it signifies such knowledg as ye Lamb had not received before (ye Apocalyps it self being a new revelation to him Apoc. 1.1:) & why it should signify less then all that {sic} knowledg communicated to him at that time when he received this knowledge, I see no reason. |But further this book –| < insertion from f 156v > This book is an emblem of ye Revelation as it was made by God to ye Lamb, & it cannot be thought that God would give him a revelation in obscure types & figures such as ye Apocalyps consists of. The Apocalyps is called indeed the revelation of Iesus Christ wch God gave him: but it is not to be supposed that it is all ye revelation wch God gave him, or that God gave it him in those obscure terms in wch we have it, but rather that God gave him a full & clear revelation, & that he gave us only so much of that revelation as was fit for us to have, & that too wrapt up in obscurity. Wherefore since ye sealed book signifes ye revelation as it was given by God to ye Lamb, & not as it was given by ye Lamb to us (for God gave it to ye Lamb but ye Lamb gave it not to St Iohn) it must signify a full & perspicuous revelation, such an one as eminently conteins ye Apocalyps revelation made to us. And therefore you are to conceive yt ye Lamb opened ye book for his own perusal only & that ye concomitant visions wch appeared to St Iohn were but general & dark emblems of what was particularly & perspicuously revealed to ye Lamb in this book.

< text from f 157r resumes >

But then you will say: why were we told of this book <158r> {if} conteined {sic} a revelation for ye Lamb only, & not for us? To wch I answer that it was done in prosecution of ye main design of ye Apocalyps, wch was to describe & obviate ye great Apostacy. That Apostacy was to begin by corrupting ye truth about ye relation of ye Son to ye Father in putting them equal, & therefore God began this prophesy wth a demonstration of ye true relation: shewing ye Son's subordination, & that by an essentiall character, his having ye knowledge of futurities only so far as ye father communicates it to him. And least you should think he had ye|this| fulnes of knowledge given him from all eternity, ye book was represented sealed in ye hand of God alone sealed at first. Yea it was represented \sealed/ in his hand when there were beings in heaven & earth wch could not open it, that is after ye creation of ye world: & consequently was not given to ye Lamb at his first generation but since his resurrection; he meriting it by his obedience to death: wch you need not wonder at if you consider his declaration wch he made before his death concerning ye day of judgment Of that day & hower knoweth no man, no, not ye angels wch are in heaven, neither ye Son, but ye Father Mark 13.32. – but ye Father only, Matth. 24.36. Yea here, upon the Lamb's taking ye book he is celebrated by this song of the Saints. Thou art worthy to take ye book & to open the seales thereof: for thou wast slain & hast redeemed us to God by thy blood. wch is as much as to say that he merited this dignity by his death \to take & read ye book/ & consequently that ye book continued sealed up in ye hand of ye father till after his resurrection. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ And to inculcate this further there immedately follows another song of angels & saints together, saying: worthy is the Lamb that was slain to receive power & riches & wisdom & strength & honour & glory & blessing. wch is as much <159r> as to say, the Lamb wch was slain became worthy thereby to receive at ye hand of ye father, not only the wisdom of this book but increase of power & wisdom & honour & other perfections. And to this purpose speak other places of scripture also. To ye Son he saith, Thy throne, O God, is for ever – thou hast loved righteousnes & hated iniquity, therefore, a[372] O God, thy God hath annointed thee wth ye oyle of gladnes above thy fellows. Heb. 1.8, 9. We see Iesus who was made a little lower then ye Angels, for ye suffering of death crowned wth glory & honour: ffor it became him for whom are all things & by whom are all things, in bringing many sons unto glory to make the captain of their salvation perfect through sufferings. Heb. 2.9. Let us run with patience ye race that is set before us; looking unto Iesus ye Author & finisher of or faith; who for ye joy that was set before him endured ye cross, despising ye shame, & is set down at ye right hand of ye throne of God. Heb. 12.2. He too emptied himself & took on him ye form of a servant & {illeg} was made in ye likenes of men, & being found in fashion as a man he humbled himself & became obedient to death even the death of ye cross; wherefore God hath highly exalted him, & given him a name wch is above every name, that at ye name of Iesus every knee should bow of things in heaven & things in earth & things under ye earth, & yt every tongue should confess that Iesus Christ is Lord to ye glory of God ye Father Philip 2.8, 9. See also Acts 2.36. Rom 8.17. Heb 5.8, 9. Apoc. 3.21.

But further becaus ye Apostates were to deceive themselves wth a sophistical distinction, saying that these things were spoken of ye Lamb in respect of his humane nature & not as he was God: there is also care taken in this chapter \vision/ to obviate this distinction \& that by a threefold insinuation: ffirst by representing the book in his hand Symbol (dot in a square surmounted by a cross on top with its N, W and E arms recrossed) in text/ < insertion from f 160r > Symbol (dot in a square surmounted by a cross on top with its N, W and E arms recrossed) in text ffirst by representing ye book in his hand alone that sate upon ye throne, wth a \solemn/ declaration added that there was none in heaven or earth or under ye earth besidesye Lamb worthy to take ye & open it or to looke thereon. Here was an universal assembly of all beings from ye great God that sate upon the throne down to ye lowest of ye creatures, & in this assembly the two supreme (who were therefore afterward worshiped together by all ye rest,) were God that gave ye book & the Lamb that received it; & the Lamb till he received it was as absolutely represented wthout it as any \of ye/ other beings: whereas if ye λογὸς had known it before, ye Lamb was as as {sic} much a possessor of ye <161ar> book from ye beginning as he was that sate upon the Throne, & ought to have been represented so, & not to have received it from another, but only ye humane nature to have received it from ye divine. For to what purpose was ye humane soule hypostatically united to ye Λογὸς if ye Λογὸς communicated not with it but left it to receive knowledge from another hand? Or how could ye Lamb as he was yeLamb (wch is as much as to say, ye Λογὸς incarnate) be represented at first wthout this book & afterward receiving it, if ye Λογὸς had it from ye beginning? And also since ye communication of ye wisdom of this book is called unsealing it, & consequently it's being sealed in his hand only who sate upon ye Throne must denote its being shut up in his breast till then uncommunicated, how could it be properly represented sealed in his hand if he had communicated it to ye Son or any other person before? We must therefore, unless we will do violence to ye vision, affirm that this was ye first communication of this book by the Father, & that he communicated it to ye Lamb absolutely & properly socalled wthout any ambiguity, that is, to ye Λογὸς incarnate. And indeed what els can we affirm if we consider or Saviour's own confession wch he made concerning ye day of judgment wch he made before this book was given him. Of that day & hower knoweth d[373] none, no{illeg}, not ye Angels in heaven nor ye Son, but ye ffather. only He first asserts in general, d[374] none but ye father; & then to take away all suspicion of further exception, he instances in the chief of those none, the Angels & ye Son.

Secondly ye said distinction is obviated by making ye Lamb, as he was worthy to take & open ye book. &c. < text from f 159r resumes > by making ye Lamb, as he was worthy to take & open ye book to be ye object of worship. ffor he is here worshipped both alone & together wth him that sate upon the throne: the first by the four beasts & 24 Elders, falling down before him & singing a new song saying thou art worthy to take & \the Book & to/ open ye book \seals thereof/ for thou was slain & hast redeemed us to God by thy blood out of every kindred & tongue & people & nation: the last by ye whole creation saying, Blessing <160r> & honour & glory & power to him that sitteth upon ye throne & unto ye Lamb for ever & ever. Now this worship was given to ye Lamb as he was a God without all doubt, Divinity & worship being relative terms, & yet it was given to him as he was worthy to take & open ye Book for at ye falling down of ye four Beasts & 24 Elders before him to worship him, the very act of their worship was to celebrate him for his worthines to take & open the book. The Lamb therefore as he was a God was worshipped for his worthines to take & open the book & therefore took & opened ye Book as he was \the object of worship, that is/ a God. And indeed in what other capacity could he take it, when the book was in his hand alone that sate upon ye throne & ye Lamb alone was worthy to take it. Here was an universal Assembly of all things from ye great God But to make all this plainer you may compare it wth Philip: 2.9 where tis expresly said, that for his obedience to death God gave him a name above every name yt at ye name of Iesus every knee should bow &c. that is that all ye creation should worship him wch is as much as to say that he should be ισα θεω as a God over ye creation: for Deity & worship are relative terms & infer one another.


Thirdly ye said distinction is obviated by whereby Christ is made equal to ye ffather as he is God though inferior as <162r> man, is obviated by ye difference put between God & ye Lamb in their worship & that in a double respect: first in yt ye Lamb, while he was celebrated together wth ye great God in a Doxology by ye whole creation, did not sit upon a Throne as God did but only stood {illeg} by a[375] by the Throne wch God sate upon; for what els is meant by his sitting upon ye Throne but to signify that he was king over {illeg} all that did not sit upon the throne & consequently over ye Lamb too who as a God was worshipped together wth him: And secondly in that after ye Doxology given to God & ye Lamb together, there followed a higher degree \wth/ of worship given to God alone wthout ye Lamb. I call it a higher degree of worship, for so I gather it to be first by ye falling down of ye worshippers wch it is not said they did in saying ye doxology: secondly by ye gradation in worship wch began with a celebration peculiar to ye Lamb, & then proceeded higher to a Doxology common to ye Lamb & God, & ended in ye worship of God alone: Thirdly by calling this last absolutely worship, as if it were an act distinct from those that went before, to wch ye name of worship specially belongs. But further to make the stronger impression of this difference of worship, you may see it repeated in ye seventh chapter, where there \also/ is \also/ first a doxology given to God & ye Lamb together by a multitude standing, & then ye Angels fall down \before the Throne/ & worship only God. Now why the Lamb should not be joyned wth God in this supreme worship as well as in ye precedent Doxology, I think there can be no reason given but this, that it was a worship peculiar to God: for otherwise he could not have been omitted seing he as {sic} well as God was in ye middle before ye worshippers & ye designe of ye vision here was to celebrate him As ye solemnity began wth ye celebration of ye Lamb for his worthines to receive ye book & other blessings at ye hand of God, wch was too low a worship for God & therefore given to ye Lamb alone; & then proceeded to a Doxology wch agreed both to God & ye Lamb & therefore was given to both together: so ascending <163r> still higher to ye supreme worship, worship properly & absolutely so called, it argues that this agreed to none but God because given only to him; & consequently ye Lamb must be a God inferior to the {sic} great God that sate uponye throne. ffor a close I might produce ye whole strain of scripture to confirm this, but \doing that in another place/ I shall content my self here wth ye first Chapter to ye Hebrews: where you may see ye son all along described by things agreeable only to the Λογὸς, as the worlds being made by him, his upholding all things, his being worshipped by the Angels, his being called God, & his founding ye earth & making the heavens: & yet in the middest of this career, even in ye same sentence where he is once at least if not twice called God, |he| is said to have a God above him & to be annointed by this his God wth ye oyle of gladness above his fellows, & that because he loved righteousnes & hated iniquity.

You have now had a view of ye Preamble to ye Prophetic visions, of ye Seales & Trump & by what has been said, I hope you conceive this is no insignificant ceremony but a very weighty passage, a system of ye Christian religion, showing ye relation of ye ffather & Son, & how they are to be worshipped in a general Assembly of ye Church & of ye whole creation. The ffather ye supreme King upon the Throne, the fountain of prescience & of all perfections. The Lamb ye next in dignity, the only being worthy to receive full communications at ye hand of ye ffather. No Holy Ghost, no Angels, no Saints worshipped here: none worshipped but God {sic} & ye Lamb, & these worshipped by all the rest. None but God upon ye Throne worspped {sic} wth yesupreme worship; none wth any other degree of worship but ye Lamb; & \he/ worshipped not on ye account of what he had by nature, but as he was slain, as he became thereby worthy to be exalted & indowed wth perfections by ye father. This was ye religion to be corrupted by the Apostacy This therefore was very pertinently shaddowed out in ye ex <164r> ordium to ye Prophesy of that Apostacy. Which having explained, I proceed now to consider the Prophesy it self, & first ye four Horsmen wch appeared at ye opening of yefirst four seales.

Of ye four Horsmen in general.

Now since riding denotes reigning,[376] these Horsmen mustsignify Rulers or Kings, & their horses ye people they reign over: for by ye visions of Daniel we learn that Beasts in general & consequently horses as well as other beasts denote Kingdoms; & ye great crown given to ye first Rider & great sword to ye second whereby he was to take peace from ye earth, argue that ye Riders were no less Rulers then Kings.

Moreover since each of ye four Beasts {sic} in order ushered in a horsman wth this voice, Come & see, & appeared as we said together wth ye Horsman at a distance from all other parts of ye vision: these Beasts too may during ye apparition of ye horsmen be referred to ye Horsmen as types of something that belong to them. And what they typify is obvious. ffor being types drawn from ye armies of Israel incamped in four Squadrons, each under their ensign, they typify any other armies according to ye circumstances they are in. When they are described worshiping God they must signify armies of Saints: w but while they stand related to ye Horsmen they must signify such armies as agree to those Horsmen. Each Rider therefore upon his Hors wth ye Beast by his side, represents a King reigning over a kingdom & leading an Army, & ye shape of ye Beast the Standart of his Army: & what more complete & proper emblem of ye Roman Emperors then this.

Seing therefore it was shewn above that ye Roman Empire is the subject of this Prophesy, it remains that we shew how these four Horsmen are to be applyed {sic} toye Emperors thereof: & for this end we are next to con <165r> sider ye quarters in wch ye Horsmen appeared. ffor St Iohn's looking toward those quarters at ye call of every Beast, in expectation to see ye Horsmen appear a[377] from thence, & their appearing thereupon in those quarters, are plain indications that we are likewise to look toward those quarters from ye Roman Throne for ye Emperors wch these Horsmen signify. The first therefore is to be an Emperor, \or series of Emperors/ from some region eastward of Rome or Italy ye Throne {sic} political center of ye Empire, the second from ye west, the third from ye South, & ye fourth from ye north thereof.

Now according to these regions if we take a survey of ye Emperors \during the heathen state of the Empire that is of all those/ from Iulius Cæsar \down/ to Constantine ye great, wch by what we have shewn is ye utmost extent of these four seales; we shall find they consisted of these four ranks.

ffirst Italians from Iulius Cæsar down to Trajan.

Secondly Emperors from ye West; & they were Trajan {sic}, Hadrian, Antoninus, {illeg} Marcus, & Commodus. Trajanus, inquit Dion homo Hispanus nec Italus erat nec Italicus; ante eum nemo alterius nationis Roma Imperium Romanum obtinuerat \(Dion) natus Italica in Hispania (Victor De Cæsar/ Ælius Hadrianus a Trajano in filium et successorem adoptatum \Hadriani/ origo ejus posterior ab Hispaniensibus manat, ejus Pater Ælius Hadrianus consobrinus Trajani Imperatoris, mater Gadibus orta: (Spartian:) |etiam natus Italicæ in Hispania (Eutrop. & Euseb El{illeg}n) Symbol (cross surmounted by 3 circles in triangular formation) in text < insertion from f 164v > Symbol (cross surmounted by 3 circles in triangular formation) in text |– mater Gadibus orta [Spartian in Hadriano] Ipse Trajani municeps et Nepos [Spartian in Severo] natus Italicæ in Hispania [Victor et Euseb:] Chron] ἠν μὲν {sic}| ἠν μὴν γὰρ πολίτης ἀυτου \[Τραιάνου]/, καὶ ἐτραπεύθη ὑπ᾽ ἀυτου, γένους {illeg} θ᾽ ὁι εκοι{illeg} νώνει, καὶ ἀδελφιδην ἀυτου ἐγεγαμήκεὶ, τό τε σύμπαν συνην ἀυτω, καὶ συνδιητα{illeg}ο. Dion. Hispaniæ Principum mater est; hæc Trajanum hæc deinceps Hadrianum misit Imperio. Pacatus Paneg. ad Theodos. < text from f 165r resumes > filium adoptatus cujus gener fuerat ({illeg} l. Victor Epitome) ea tamen lege ut is {illeg} \{illeg}/ similiter adoptaret (Capitolin.)| Antoninus Pius ab Adriano {sic} familiariter |cui| Sextus: hunc paternum genus e Gallia transalpina, Naumasense scilicet: Educatus est Lauri in Aurelia: (Capitolinus). Marcus ab Antonino adoptatus: \Ab Adriano in filiium adoptatus cujus gener fuerat (S. Aur. Victor. Epitome) ea tamen lege ut is Marcum generem suum \fratris uxoris suæ filium/ similiter adoptaret (Capitolin). Marcus Antonini gener (Eutrop) & filius per adoptionem (Euseb. Hist l 4. c 14 & Capitolin)/ ejus amita Galeria Faustina Antonini uxor, Proavus paternus Annius Verus ex Succubitano Mancipio ex Hispania factus Senator (Capitolin {sic}). Commodus Marci filius, \{illeg}/ {illeg} Trajanidum (Capitolin, aliqꝫ) ultimus Trajanidum.

Thirdly Emperors from ye South, & they were Severus, Bassianus \Antoninus {sic} Caracalla/, Macrinus, Heliogabalus, Alexander, the three Gordians, & Philip. < insertion from f 164v > Marcus Hadriani consanguineus (Dion in Hildriano) & Antonini gener (Eutrop) {illeg} filius per adoptionem (Dion. Capitolin. Euseb: Hist l 4, c 14.) Ejus Amita Galeria Tarticæ Antonini uxor &c Ipse Adrianum vocat avuum {sic} suum, & Trajanum proavum [apud Spartian \in/ Piscen. Nigro] Ejus Amita Galeria Faustina Antonini uxor Proavus paternus Annius Verus ex Succubitano Mancipio ex Hispania factus Senator. (Capitolin.) Vide {sic} a[378] Themistius Orat 5 Theodosium ex Hispania Imperatorem alloquens vocat Trajanum et b[379] Marcum et b[380] Antoninum πολέτας καὶ ἀρχηγέτας ἀυτου populares \&/ majores {illeg} ejus. < text from f 165r resumes > Severus oriundus ex Africa, Provincia Tripolitana, oppido Lepti, solus omni memoria et mate ante et post ex Africa Imperator fuit (natum \(Eutrop) nativitate/ scili <166r> et {sic} genere proximo: Eutropius. Ipse cano capite & crispo Afrum quiddam usqꝫ ad senectutem sonans (Spartianus.) Basianus \Caracalla/ Severi filius (Spartian.). Macrinus \natione Maurus e Cæsarea Sitifensi obscuris {illeg} natus est parentibus, habuit enim, præter cætera, alteram aurem perforatam ut est Maurorum consuetudo, (Dion.). Sub/ sub Commodo relegatus in Africam, ubi ut infamiam deleret damnationis tegeret fertur lectioni operam dedisse, egisse causulas, declamasse, a[381] jus postremò dixisse; deinceps advocatum fuisse fisci, ex quo officio ad amplissima quæqꝫ pervenit: (Capitolinus). At hic regnavit tantum quatuordecim menses Heliogabalus Bassium \Caracallæ/ filius \(S. Aur: Victor. {illeg} Euseb: Chron)/, & Alexander consobrinus ejus quem ex familia Severi pro etiam prognatum dicit Zosimus |lib. 1.| Nempe Iulia Severi conjux sororem habuit Mæsam cui duæ erant filiæ Soænis & Mammæa. Hæc Alexandrum, illa a Bassiano \Caracalla/ compressa Heliogabalum edidit. Ambo nati in Arcena vel Arca, oppido Phœniciæ, septem fere gradibus australion quam Roma: Et Heliogabalus Imperium adeptus mox Alexandrum Cæsarem constituit: De quibus consule Lampridium. Occiso Alexandro Maximinus Thracia \Thracia ad orientem ferè sitâ oriundus, ex corpore militari primus/ ad Imperium accessit sola militum voluntate cùm nulla Senatus intercessisset autoritas \nec ipse Senator esset/ (Eutrop. \Capitolin. Euseb. Oros.)/) Hunc itaqꝫ inter Tyrannos adnumero. Contra eum Gordianus Pap pater Proconsul Africæ una cum filio Gordiano \in Africa/ salutati Imperatores & a Senatu confirmati, damnato Maximino ut hoste reipublicæ: Iam Iamqꝫ Gordianum Africanum appellarunt (Capitolin. Herodian. Zosimus.) idqꝫ, ut quidam aiunt, non quod in Africa imperare cœpisset, sed quod de Scipionum familia originem traheret (Capitolin.) Post annum & dimidium in Africa transactum Carthagini perijt una cum filio, & mox tertius Gordianus (sive ex filio, sive ex filia Gordiani senioris natus) in imperium a senatu sufficitur, & Maximinus deinde post triennium invasæ tyrannidis occiditur (Capitolin.) Gordiano tertio successit Philippus Arabs, Vostris Arabiæ urbe obscuris parentibus natus (Pompon. Læt.) ultimus Imperatorum in hac Australi serie.

Fourthly Emperors from ye North: & they were, <167r> Decius, wth his son \{illeg}/ Gallus wth his son Volusian, Valerian wth his son Gallienus, Claudius, Aurelian, Probus, Carus wth his sons Numerian & Carinus, Dioclesian wth his partner Maximianus, & Galerius wth his partner Constantius. {illeg} the father ofConstantine ye great. Decius e Pannonia inferiore Bubulæ natus ({illeg} Aurel. Victor alijqꝫ) in Pannonia etiam Imperator factus (Zosimus) Gallus juxta Tanaim fluvium Imperator factus (Zosim.) sed qua gente oriundus non inveni. Valerianus motus Romæ, sed in Rhætia et Norico agens factus est Imperator, (\Euseb./ Eutrop. Iornand) Claudius Dalmatiâ oriundus (Treb. Polljo) Aurelianus ortus Sirmij in Pannonia inferiore parentibus obscuris: ut nonnulli Dana ripensi (Vopisc.) Inter Aurelianum et Carum imperavit Tacitus, qui cum Italus fuerit, ad plagam quamlibet referri potest; sed is imperavit menses tantum sex. Carus aut Naronæ in Illyrico ({illeg} Aur. Victor, {illeg} & Cerilianus apud Vopiscum) aut Romæ sed Illyricanis parentibus natus (Onesimus apud Vopiscum.) Dioclesiano & Maximiano Augustis, Galerioqꝫ & Constantio Cæsaribus, his omnibus Illyricum patria fuit ({illeg} Victor De Cæsar.) Et quidem Dioclesianus natus est Diocleæ in Pannonia Dalmatia, Maximianus {illeg} juxta Sirmium in Pannonia, & Galerius in Dacia \ripensi/ haud longe a Sardica ({illeg} Victoris Epit. \Euseb./ Eutrop. Iornand.) & Constantius nepos Claudij Imp. \nepos Claudij Imp. nepos./ in Dardanis Illyrijs (Onufrius) \(Treb Pollio)/ Id fuit \etiam/ nepos Claudij Imperatoris (Euseb El{illeg}lijqꝫ)

ffuere et alij nonnulli Imperatores \Imperatores/ hisce contemporanei, sed qui vel horum consanguinei, vel Tyranni, vel spatio brevissimo imperarunt: adeò ut in Imperium horum serie rarius annumerentur.

Now the whole race of heathen Emperors thus signally resolving it self into these four series: it's plain by the coasts of ye series that ye \time of ye/ fourth seal must begin with Decius, the third wth Severus, the second wth Trajan, & consequently the first fall in wth ye Emperors preceding Trajan.

The first Seal opened.

But these of ye first being all Italians, & so of no quarter \themselves/ but indifferently referrible to any; we are to look <168r> into ye East to see if there arose not in the time of these some other Prince wthin the Empire from whome this quarter may be denominated. / < insertion from f 167v > Pluribus persuasio inerat antiquis sacerdotum literis continere eo ipso tempore fore ut rerum valesceret Oriens profectiqꝫ Iudæa rerum potirentur. Quæ ambages Vespatianum et Titum prædixerunt sed vulgus more humanæ cupiditatis sibi tantam fatorum magnitudinem interpretati, ne adversis quidem ad vera mutabantur. Tacitus Hist. l. 5. Quod eos ad bellum maxime excitaverat responsum erat ambiguum itidem in sacris libris inventum, quod eo tempore quidem esset ex eorum finibus orbis terræ habiturus Imperium. Id enim illi quidem quasi proprium acciperunt, multiqꝫ sapientes interpretatione decepti sunt. Hoc autem planè responso Vespasiani designabatur Imperium, qui apud Iudæam creatus est Imperator Iosephus de bello Iud. l 7. c 12 in fine. Author est Iulius Marathus ante paucos quam Augustus nasceretur: menses, prodigium Romæ factum publicè, quo denunciabatur Regem populo Romano Naturam parturire: Senatum exterritum censuisse, ne quis illo anno genitus educaretur. Eos qui gravidas uxores haberent, quo ad se quisqꝫ spem traheret, curasse ne senatus consultum ad Ærarium deferetur [ie. ne sanciretur] Sueton in Octav. p 253. Edit. Lug. Bat. < text from f 168r resumes > Vpon ye coming of Vespasian to ye Empire ✝[382] Suetonius tells us: Percrebuerat Oriente toto vetus et constans opinio, esse in fatis, ut eo tempore Iudeâ profecti rerum potirentur. Id de Imperatore Romano, quantum eventu postea patuit, prædictum, Iudæi ad se strahente srebellarunt: cæsoqꝫ Præposito, Legatum insuper Syriæ Consularem suppetias ferrentem, rapta Aquila fugaverunt &c. This Prophesy wch had for some time put ye oriental nations in continual expectation of a temporal Potentate out of Iudæa, & wch ye Iews understood of ye Messiah wth that confidence of temporal dominion as to rebell against ye Romans & begin that war wch caused their ruin: the Heathens thus applied to Vespasian for his being saluted Emperor in Iudæa; but ye Christians know it was meant of {illeg} Christ: for this rumor (arising I suppose from ye expiring of Daniels weeks \wch was to bring in Messiah ye Prince/) began \a little/ before or Saviour's appearance & lasted till ye dissolution of ye Iewish polity so as to cause ye appearance of fals Christs during all that time. Of o This first Horsan therefore \Considering therefore yt this Prophesy began wth ye Lamb's receiving the book, even the fulnes of Prophetic knowledge, at ye hand of ye Father, & that this was after his death, I suppose about \but could not be long after/ the time yt he ascended to be glorified at ye right hand ye ffather, & consequently yt ye first horsman ought to begin to go forth conquering at or presently after this time: I shall interpret this Horsman of or Ld/ I shall interpret of Messiah ye Prince \this Horsman of/ or Lord, ye Prince Messiah, ye King of Kings; his Army of the Apostles & pro \other/ propagaters of Christianity wch he sent abroad to conquer; & his hors of ye Christian part of ye Roman Empire wch they subdued to his kingdom \& beginning from ye Pentecost/. By ye white colour of his hors (ye colour appropriated to ye saints throughout this Prophesy) you may learn ye purity of his subjects; by his Standart that he is ye Lyon of ye Tribe of Iudah; by ye Crown wch is given to none but him that he is a greater king then any of ye rest, & by his Bow that he is to be eminently victorious. Here he goes forth νικων καὶ ἵνα νικήση, conquering & that he should conquer, conquering in this seal & that he should conquer afterward, & accordingly you may see him appear again in <169r> chap 19. {illeg} still riding on ye white hors, & deciphered by ye name on his thigh, King of Kings & Lord of Lords & followed by ye armies in heaven against the Beast & the Kings of ye earth & their Armies, to complete his conquests by ye universal & final overthrow of all those his enemies. Thus he is ye Alpha & Omega of the Prophesy as it was fit he should be.

The second Seale opened.

The Kingdom of or Lord being propagated into all nations, & ye age of ye Apostolic warfare run out \& ye purity of ye Church denoted by ye white colour of ye hors beginning to abate/: there appears a Rider from ye west, Trajan ye founder of ye western race of Emperors. Now ye quality of this Rider is that he should be a very great & victorious invader of his neighbours: a great invader, for it was given to him to take peace from the earth; & a victorious one, for ye great sword wch was given him is an emblem of victoriousnes as ye Bow was of ye first Rider's. / < insertion from f 168v > Quam bene vero hæc prima nostri religionis tempora ad usqꝫ Imperi Trajani tribuuntur huic albi equi insessori, dixcite ex Hegesippo Historiæ Christianæ scriptore nobilissimo, & eorum quæ hic afferrimus teste oculari. ffloruit enim sub Hadriano successore Trajani. Ille autem refert quomodo ecclesia ad usqꝫ rapinum \persecutionem quam Trajanus initio regni sui excitabit/ gubernata fuit per cætue virorum Apostolicorum per Symeonem nempe, senem centum et viginti annorum, & Servatoris consanguineum qui communi Apostolorum consensu \dudum/ constitutus fuerat Episcopus Hiersolymorum {sic}; & per filios Iudæ, Domini itidem consanguineos, quos ait toti etiam Ecclesiæ præsidisse; & una cumSymeone in hac persecutione Martyrio affectos fuisse; (addo et Ioannem Apostolum, præsidentem Ecclesijs Asiæ ad usqꝫ initium Trajani, licet non participem persecutionis:) et posthæc subjunc addit \subjungit/ Eccleiam {sic} ad hæc usqꝫ tempora instar cujusdam virginis integram atqꝫincorruptam permansisse: adhuc in obscuro recessu delitescentibus quicunqꝫ rectam prædicationis Evangelicæ regulam depravare interetur. Sed postquam sacer Apostolorum cætus vario mortis genere extinctus est, effluxeratqꝫ jam ætas hominum illorum, qui divinam ipsam sapientiam suis auribus auscultare ineruerant, tunc demum exorta sit impij erroris conspiratio fraude et malitia falsorum doctorum. Qui utpote wallo amplius ex Apostolis superstite, posthæc nudo, quod aiunt, capite adversus prædicationem veritatis ad alterinam doctrinam obtrudere aggressi sunt. Hæc Hegesippus ✝[383] Eusebio citante. Igitur equo \hujus/ insoris ad usqꝫ tempora Trajani color albus merito assignatur. < text from f 169r resumes > And thus it was. ffor after ye Empire was almost dissolved by seditions & defections in Nero's reign, & something repaired by Vespasian, & again made to totter by Domitian; Trajan not only setled it but inlarged it exceedingly by forreign conquests more then ever did any other Emperor: insomuch that Historians reccon {illeg} ye ἀκμὴ of yeEmpire to have been in his reign; & ye Emperor Iulian in his Dialogue called Cæsares, singling out Iulius Cæsar, Octavius, Trajan, Marcus & Constantine, as ye five gallantest of all ye Roman Emperors, to compare wth Alexander the great, calls Iulius, Octavius & Trajan πολεμικωτέρους bellicosiores, & in ye final sentence allots Trajan alone to keep company wthAlexander. But let us take a view of his conquests.

Symbol (row of 5 circles) in text < insertion from f 168v > Trajanus Persarum Imperium subvertit, Armeniosqꝫ Romanorum fræno subjecit, et Scythicas gentes nationes sceptro suo parere compulit. Theodoretus de Curand. Græc. Affect. serm 9.

Symbol (row of 5 circles) in text Tajanus {sic} in Gallia factus Imperator, mox Germaniam trans Rhenum in pristinum statum reduxit: trans Danubiam multas gentes subegit: regiones autem trans Euphratem & Tigrim sitas provincias fecit: Seleusiam et Ctesiphontem & Babylonem occupavit. {illeg} Oros. So victor: Trajano agre clarior domi — < text from f 169r resumes > Trajano, saith Victor, [384] ægrè clarior domi seu militiæ reperietur. Quippe primus, aut solus etiam vires Romanas <170r> {trans} Istrum propagavit, domitis in provinciam Dacorum pilentis Sacisqꝫ nationibus, Decibalo Rege, ac Sardonijs: simul ad ortum Solis cunctæ gentis quæ inter Indum et Eufratem amnes inclytos sunt concussæ bello, atqꝫ imperali obsides Persarum regi, nomine Cosdrei; & inter ea iter conditum per feras gentes quo facilè ab usqꝫ Pontico Mari in Galliam permeatur. His wars wth Decibalus, wch were double, you have more at large described in {illeg} Dion: ye greatnes of wch \them/ you may learn from this passage in Eutropius: [385] Hadrianum Daciam relinquere {illeg} conatum amici deterruerunt ne multi cives Romani Barbaris traderentur, propterea quod Trajanus, victa Dacia, ex toto orbe Romano infinitas eo copias transtulerat ad agros et urbes colendas. Dacia enim diuturno bello Decibali fuerat exhausta. {illeg} {illeg} In ye east he was ye first yt extended ye Empire beyond Eufrates. His conquests there are thus particularised. Trajanus, saith Sextus Rufus, qui post Augustum Romanæ Reip. movit lacertos, Armeniam recepit a Parthis: sublato Diademate Regi Armeniæ majoris regnum ademit: Albanis regem dedit: Iberos, Bosphorianos, Colchos, in fidem Romanæ ditionis accepit: Saracenorum loca & Arabum occupavit: Corduenos et Marcomedos obtinuit: Anthemusiam optimam Persidis regionem, Seleuciamqꝫ & Ctesiphontem ac Babyloniam accepit & tenuit: usqꝫ ad Indiæ fines post Alexandrum accessit: Provincias fecit Armeniam, Mesopotamiam et Assyriam, & quæ inter Tigridem et Eufratem sita irriguis amnibus instar Ægypti fæcundantur. So Eutropius: Romani Imperij quod post Augustum defensum magis fuerat quam nobiliter ampliatum, Trajanus fines longe lateqꝫ diffudit: urbes trans Rhenum in Germania reparavit: Daciam Decibalo victo subegit — Armeniam quam occuparerant Parthi recepit, Sarmato rege occiso qui eam tenebat. Albanis regem dedit. Iberorum regem, & Sauromatarum & Bosphoranorum & Arabum & Osdroenorum & Colchorum in <171r> fidem accepit. Adiabenos, Marchomedes occupavit; & Anthemusium magnam Persidis regionem, Seleuciam & Ctesiphontem, Babylonem et Edessios vicit ac tenuit: Vsqꝫ ad Indiæ fines post Alexandrum \& mare rubrum/ accessit, atqꝫ ibi tras Provincias fecit Armeniam Assyriam et Mesopotamiam cum his gentibus quæ Madenam attingunt. Arabiam postea in Provinciæ formam redegit. In mari *[386] rubro classem instituit ut per eam Indiæ fines vastaret. De Indis enim, saith Dion, cogitare cœpit, ac de rebus ejus gentis curiosè quærere, tum Alexandrum beatum dicere, nonnunquam tamen asserere se longiùs progressurum esse: idqꝫ scripsit ad Senatum: cùm tamen ea quæ cœperat tueri non posset. Cujus rei causa Senatus præter alia multa decrevit ut triumphos quotquot \de quotcunqꝫ gentibus/ vellet ageret. Nam cum Trajanus tot gentes a se superatas esse scriberet \propter multitudinem earum quas ijs semper per epistolas retulit,/ Senatus eas neqꝫ cognoscere neqꝫ nominare satis poterat. Itaqꝫ cum alia multa tum arcum triumphalem in foro ipsius ædificari jussit.

Thus eminently did this Rider Emperor weild ye great sword & take peace from ye earth: but there follows another fate allotted to his reign, namely that they should kill one another. Let us see therefore how this was made good. Alterum |Parabant {cloes}, pergit Dion, redeunti longius obviam procedere sed is nunquam in urbem reversurus erat neqꝫ erat nec dignum| potuit efficere \aliquid rebus ante gestis editurus, imò illa ipsa amisurus./ , pergit Dion, ut extrema principijs responderent, ea enim quæ {subjugarat amisit} subjugarat amisit Dum enim navigat Oceanum atqꝫ inde revehitur, ea quæ cœperat omnia tumultu defecerunt, præsidijs quæ apud eas gentes reliquerat dejectis cæsisqꝫ. Atqꝫ hæc ad Trajanum dum esset in navi præferuntur. — Igitur cognita defectione Lucium et Maximum contra rebelles mittit. Maximus prœlio superatus obijt. Lucius præclare se gessit, recuperavit {Nisibin} \cùm alia præclarè gessit tum Nisibin recuperavit,/ Edessam expugnavit direptamqꝫ incendit. Seleucia ab Euricio Claro & Iulio Alexandro capta et incensa est. Trajanus <172r> {illeg} quoqꝫ aliquo nolirentur, — ijs regem Parthamaspatem designat, eiqꝫ diadema imponit. Inde profectus in Arabiam adoritur Agarenos qui et ipsi defecerant – sed cum damno repulsus, ipse etiam pene vulneratus, re infecta revertit (Dion) inde decessit (Dion) Defecerunt etiam Cyrenenses Iudæi & Romanis et Rom Græcis trudicatis. Idem et Ægyptiaci & Cyprij imitati sunt: sed hos misso exercitu domuit (Zonaras).

Of ye killing one another by ye defection of ye new conquered nations we have no particular account: but that of ye Iews is thus related. a[387] Incredibili motu, inquit Orosius, sub uno tempore Iudæi quasi rabie efferati per universas terrarum partes exarserunt. Nam et per totam Libyam adversus incolas atrocissima bella gesserunt: quæ adeò tunc interfectis cultoribus desolata est, ut nisi postea Hadrianus Imperator collectas illuc aliunde colonias deduxisset, vacua penitus abraso habitatore mansisset \[Oros.]/. Ægyptum vero totam & Cyrenem & Thebaida |magnam| cruentis seditionibus turbaverunt. [Oros.] Salaminem urbem Cypri interfectis omnibus accolis deleverunt |b[388] Salaminem urbem Cypri interfectis omnibus accolis deleverunt| In Alexandria autem commisso prœlio attriti sunt victi et attriti sunt. In Mesopotamia quoqꝫ Iudæis rebellantibus præcepit Imperator Trajanus Lybiæ Quieto ut eos provincia exterminaret: adversum quos Quietus aciem instruens infinita millia eorum vasta cæde delevit. \[Euseb: Chron. Oros] vastâ cæde [Oros]/ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~                      Salaminem urbem Cypri interfectis omnibus accolis deleverunt [Euseb: Chron. Oros.] What happened in Cyrene & Cyprus is more fully described by Dion. Iudæi {illeg} qui circa Cyrenem habitabant, {illeg} Andrea quodam duce, Romanos pariter atqꝫ græcos concidunt, vescuntur eorum carnibus, eduntqꝫ viscera; tum oblinuntur eorum sanguine, & pellibus induuntur. Multos a vertice serris discidêre medios, multos objicere bestijs, multos etiam certare inter se coegerunt, ita ut interierint hominum ducenta viginti millia. Præterea in Ægypto con similis cædes facta est. Nec minore clade Cyprij affecti fuêre, siquidem Artemione duce, conspirantes Iudæi <173r> circiter ducenta quadraginta capitum millia trucidarunt: ex quo fit quod Iudæo in Cyprum venire non licent. Etiamsi forte vi tempestatis in Insulam appulerit, intreficitur. Sed inulta cædes non mansit: nam Trajanus misso cum exercitu Lucio, tum antecedentibus alijs ducibus, Iudæos qui per universum ferè terrarum orbem tantum cædis ediderant, profligavit [Ziphilinus & Alexandrinus ex Dione]. This \war/ wth them, Eusebius describes more at large. Anno Trajani a[389] decimo octavo ingens Iudæorum multitudo sublata est e medio sublata est. Siquidem non Alexandriæ solum, & in reliquis Ægypti partibus, verum apud Cyrenem etiam complures velut crudele aliquo \tanquam atroci quodam/ et seditioso spiritu exagitati, contra gentes quæ una cum illas habitabant seditionem conflare cœperunt, atqꝫ \primò simul commanentibus vicinisqꝫ gentibus inferunt certamina. Dein/ seditione minem in modum exardescente, sequente anno, (Lupo {dictempolo} \tunc/ universa Ægypti præfecturam gerente {sic}, bellum \publicum/ non exiguum illud quidem et leve moverunt. Ac in prima dimicatione illi a Gentibus victoriam forte consecuti sunt: ac propterea Gentes Alexandriam properè confugientes Iudæos qui in ea civitate commorabantur subito captos oppressosqꝫ interficiunt. Iudæi ergo qui incolebant Cyrenem, sociorum auxilio qui Alexandriæ habitabant, penitus jam destituti, Duce Lucua, Ægyptum depopulari, prædas agere {sic}, agros illius vastare aggressi sunt. Adversus quos Imperator Martium Turbonem cum pedestribus equestribus & navalibus \etiam/ copijs, misit. Hic multis prœlijs commissis, belloqꝫ contra eos non exiguo tempore continuato, infinitas copias Iudæorum, non solum qui a Cyrene, sed etiam qui ab Ægypto ad auxilium ipsorum duci Lucuæ ferendum se contulerant, trucidavit. Imperator igitur admodum veratus ne Iudæi qui erant in Mesapotamia in Gentes eam regionem incolentes, per insidias impetum facerent \eos etiam qui apud Mesopotamiam Iudæos ratus similia ausuros/, Q. Lucia in mundatis dedit \præcepit/ ut illas e Provincia funditus tolleret deleretqꝫ. Qui quidem facta illuc expeditione, immensam Iudæorum multidinem {sic}, qui ibi domicilia rerum suarum collocaverant occîdit. Euseb. Hist. {illeg} lib. 4. c. {illeg} Cujus <174r> {illeg} ab Imperatore provinciæ Iudææ indeptus est præsidiatem. Sed hæc etiam græcorum gentilium historiographi per singulas quiqꝫ ætates eodem omne memoriæ tradiderunt. |{illeg} causa tam prospere gessæ Pæfectus {illeg} ab Imperatore declaratus est. Istam etiam Gentiles scriptores qui illorum temporum res gestas literis mandarunt, eisdem fere verbis posteris prodiderunt.| Euseb. Hist l. 4. c. 2.

Search now ye Roman histories, & though you may {illeg} meet wth greater \& more lasting/ wars, {illeg} such as shook ye Empire more & more universally; yet for \horrid/ killing one another I know not where you will meet with such another instance, unless ye remainder of ye Iewish wars wch followed in Hadrian's reign may be compared to it. Very significantly therefore was ye colour of this Rider's hors put a sanguinary one & his standart an Ox a Beast appointed to ye slaughter.

The third Seale opened.

The third Rider has a pair of Ballances in his hand & this denotes him to be a Iudge; & by ye \black/ colour of his hors you may learn that he was to be a severe one; as well because it a[390] was ye colour wch accused Romans used to weare in time of arraignment, as because it was ye Roman funeral colour & so may denote ye sentencing ye accused to death. His \And to this his/ Standart also wth ye face of a man is very agreeable to this: for fighting & killing & dying of famine & pestiences or ye like, are common to men & Beasts, but judicature is peculiar to man.

This therefore we are to apply to a[391] Severus the founder of ye third race of Emperors, & it fits him so well that I know not where such another instance can be found or what more singular character of his reign could have been pitched upon. ffor he had anatural affection to judicature from a child, was so expert a Lawyer yt \at ye age of 32 yeares/ ye Emperor Marcus designed him Prætor so as not to stand among ye candidates for it above \& that/ more then usual \among the {sic}/ candidates, after he came to ye Empire he judged \heard/ causes dayly all ye morning, was very severe against criminals, left <175r> his deputy Iudge when war required him to lead ye Army; instituted his sons in ye Law, {illeg} left Papinian ye prince of Lawyers their guardian & from him that study took such incouragement that I know not any other age of ye Empire where a greater number of famous Lawyers are recorded then that wch followed his reign, no most of wch were ye auditors of Papinian his special favorite.

In prima pueritia priusquam Latinis Græcisqꝫ literis imbueretur, quibus eruditissimus fuit, nullum alium inter pueros ludum nisi ad judices exercuit, quum ipse prælatis fascibus: ac securibus, ordine puerorum circumstante sederet ac judicaret. – Prætor designatus a Marco est *[392] non in candida sed in competitorum grege anno ætatis XXXII. — Imperator factus causas plurimas audivit [Spartian.] Aliquid semper agebat sub diluculum, post deambulabat dicens audiensqꝫ quæ ad Imperij utilitatem pertinerent: dein jus dicebat nisi celeberrimus festus esset, agebatqꝫ in eo optimè nam et litigantibus aquam quantum satis erat suppeditabat & nobis una judicantibus magnam libertatem in dicendis sententijs largitus ut erat. Iudicabat autem ad meridiem usqꝫ [Dion ἀυτοπτης] \& ex eo/ Zonaras.] Vbi Plautianum occiderat plurimum in suburbanis aut circum maritimas Campaniæ oras agitabat, jus dicens, & civilibus negotijs intentus. — In Britannia contra hostem profecturus juniorem filium Getam nomine in parte Insulæ Romanis subjecta reliquit ut juridicundo rebusqꝫ civilibus administrandis præesset, [Herodian l. 3] Quamqꝫ Antoninum filium designasset Imperatorem, moriturus, ipsi, Getæqꝫ alteri filio imperij hæredibus institutis, Tutorem Papinianum reliquit, virum justissimum, & qui tam cognitione legum quam expositione legum omnes pariter ante pariter et post se Romanos jurisconsultos superavit [Zosimus l. 1] filijqꝫ deinceps imperium adepti solebant \etiam/ jus dicere [Herodian l 4] licet non ita sedulò neqꝫ satis sincerè.

This of him as he was a Iudge: now of justice & severity /in the next place wee \ <175v> may consider ye black colour of his hors, & this being ye known emblem of mourning, must signify death as well as ye red colour of ye second hors & ye pale one of ye fourth: not ye death of ye people in generall as those colours do, but ye death of great men, such whose funerals used & still use to be solemnized in this mourning colour. Now for ye slaughter of such ye reign of Severus was so infamous as \much/ to transcend even yt|e| of ye worst Tyrants Nero Domitian or Commodus, he being more highly provoked & doing his will, they cut off in their designes: so that had not his other heroick vertues of temperance prudence fortitude & justice together \wth/ ye prosperity of his reign palliated this infamy, wthout doubt he had been numbred by posterity among ye worst of princes.

He was established in ye Empire by a tripple conquest the first over Didius Iulianus wch was easy & almost wthout blood, the second over Piscenius Niger in Syria where he shewed more cruelty, by wch & ye austerity of his manner (for he was not only severely just, but by nature inclined to cruelty, & against his enemies very cruel & unmerciful inexorable) the Senate & Citizens of Rome became so disaffected to him as in his third war (wch was wth Albinus) privately to favour ye Tyrant his enemy: whereupon he put to death great multitudes, not only first in Spain & Gallia where Albinus reigned & was conquered, & then in Italy at his return thither, & amongst the rest he slew very many of ye Senators, the letters wch he found wth Albinus betraying many. Interfectis innumeris Albini partium viris —

In ye margent write: a Although ye ballance denotes not Iustice but judgment in general, wch accordingly as yeBallance is true or fals, sincere or bruised, may be either just or unjust, yet it may not be amiss to note here something of ye austere {sic} Iustice & other qualities of Severus wch fitted him for ye office of a Iudge or otherwise rendred him worthy to be taken notice of. Severus genere Afer, vehemens homo negocijs gerendis <176r> therein, together wth other qualities wch disposed him for ye office of a Iudge or otherwise rendred him worthy to be taken notice of. Severus Af genere Afer, vehemens homo negocijs gerendis, ac ferox, vitæqꝫ insuetus duræ & asperæ, promptus excogitandis, acer exequendis rebus [Herodian. l. 2] Acer ingenio; ad omnia quæ intendisset, in finem usqꝫ perseverans [Aurel. Victor] Imperator Constantissimus [Tertullian      ] Idem cùm implacabilis delictis tum ad eligendos industrios judicij singularis. Omnibus sortibus natus. In Lugdunensem Provinciam Legatione Proconsulari regens, a Gallis ob severitatem & honorificentiam & abstinentiam tantum quantum nemo dilectus est. Omnibus sortibus natus [Spartian.] This in general of his nature, now of his reign. Severo præclarior in republica fuit nemo. Legum conditore longe æquabilium. Implacabilis delictis strenuum quemqꝫ præmijs extollebat. Nulli in dominatu suo permisit honores venundari. Ne parva quidam latrocinia impunitæ patiebatur, in *[393] suos animadvertens magis: quod vitio Ducum aut etiam Præfectorum fierè, vix experiens intelligeret [Aurel: Victor.] Accusatos a provincialibus Iudices, probatis rebus, graviter punivit. Latronum ubiqꝫ hostis [Spartian]. Erat erga delinquentes inexorabilis, eorumqꝫ bona qui flagitiorum rei peragibantur, publicabat [Zosimus l. 1.] Criminari solebat incontinentes, ob eamqꝫ causam legem de mœchis tulit ex quibus quamplurimæ cædes factæ sunt. Ego quidem cum Consul essem inveni scriptum in tabulis tria millia mœchorum morte fuisse mulctata. Sed cum jam multi mortales in hanc pœnam inciderent, cœpit de his quærere negligentius [*[394] Dion] Infinita multorum cæde crudelior habitus In honorem Pertinacis se quoqꝫ Pertinacem vocari jussit; quod ad pertinaciam ejus in ultionibus persequendis accommodarunt pleriqꝫ cum dicerent eum <177r> vere nemesis sui \esse Imperatorem esse/, verè Pertinacem, verè Severum. [Pezelij Mellif: Hist. & Spartian.] [395] Eum Patres, quanquam exacta ætate mortuum, justicio elogioqꝫ lugendum sanxere, astruentes illum justum nasci aut emori minemè convenisse. Scilicet quod corrigendis moribus nimium; postquam {sic} ad veterum innocentiam, quasi mentium sanitatem, pervenissent, clementem habuere. Ita honestas, quæ principio anxia habetur; ubi contigerit voluptati luxuriæqꝫ est [Victor de Cæsar.]

One \ther {sic}/ thing {illeg} I meet wth \very/ remarkable in his reign, that besides those that were put to death by ye \ordinary/ course of law he put to death a great multitude at ye end of ye civil war wth Albinus, & among ye rest very many of ye Senators, & this because ye Senate & others not relishing his severity \for favouring Albinus, the letters wch he found wth Albinus betraying many for out of aversness to his austerity in the beginning/ austerity, privately favoured his enemy \Albinus/. < insertion from f 176v > his enemy. Interfectis innumeris Albini partium viris inter quos multi pricipes civitatis, multæ fæminæ illustres fuerunt, omnium bona publicata sunt, Derariumqꝫ auxerunt. Tum Hispanorum ac Gallorum proceres multi occisi sunt. Deniqꝫ militibus tantum stipendiorum quantum nemo Principum dedit. Filijs etiam suis ex hac præscriptione tantum reliquit quantum nullus Imperatorum. Multi sanè post Albinum fidem ei servantes bello superati sunt. Vltus igitur graviter Albinianam defectionem, interfectis plurimis, genere quoqꝫ ejus extincto, iratus populo & Senatoribus Romam venit. [Spartian in Severo] Innumeros Senatores interemit, & ab alijs Syllæ Punici ab alijs Marij nomen accepit. [Spart in Piscen. Nigro] Ex his \Senatoribus/ Spartianus nominatim recenset 41 Senatores \quadraginta et unum quos / – – – – Pertinax, verè Severus. Multos insuper quasi Chaldæos aut Vates de sua Salutute {sic} consuluissent interemit: præcipuè suspectans unumquemqꝫ idoneum imperio [Spart. in Severo] Neqꝫ a[396] hoc anno quievit Severus a ciuium cæde sed novis detectis Imperij perduellibus in sequentem usqꝫ annum Romanorum civium ipsa Vrbs Roma cædibus maduit. [Baron ann 200. § 1 ex Tertulliano] Infinita multorum cæde crudelior habitus [Spartian] ‡ < insertion from the bottom of f 176v > ‡ omnes Senatus Principes et singularum Provinciarum nobilissimos & ditissimos quosqꝫ interfecit. Auri enim avidissimus fuit, ut fortitudinem vinceret avaritia. Suidas in Severo. < text from f 176v resumes > Cædibus illustrium virorum adeò infamis ut Punicas clades in togâ cæsorum civium sang Romanorum sanguine rependerit [Egnatius in Severo.] Compare now this wth ye black colour of his hors, that is wth ye mourning colour of his people, & Tell {sic} me \now/ whether \for/ all these funeralls of ye \besides ye slaughter/ Senators & chief Nobility happening /principally\ at once, the whole \hors of this Rider, that is the people of the Empire/ deserved not to be thus put \represented/ in a mourning \colour/. In ye former seale where ye bloodshed was of ye commons, very copious, & in a tumultuary way, so as \either/ not to require or not to be capable of funerall solemnities, {illeg} it {illeg} was most properly exprest by ye red colour: but of blood: but here where not so much ye quantity as ye nobility of ye blood spilt was to be exprest \remarkable/, no colour was so proper \to express it/ as that of mourning. < text from f 177r resumes > |Symbol (dot in a circle with crosses either side) in text| vere severus. Multos insuper quasi Chaldæos aut Vates de sua salute consuluissent, interemit præcipuè suspectans unumquemqꝫ idoneum imperio. Victo Albino innumeros Senatores interemit Severus, & ab alijs Syllæ Punici, ab alijs Marij nomen accepit [Spartian. in Piscen. Nigro] Ex his Spartianus nominatim recenset 41 Senatores quos sine causæ dictione occidit, dein subjungit: Horum igitur tantorum ac tam illustrium virorum (nam multi in his Consulares, multi prætorij, omnes certe summi viri fuere) interfector, ab Afris ut Deus habetur. Multos præterea obscuri loci homines interemit, præter eos quos jus prœlij absumpsit. Damnabantur autem pleriqꝫ cur jocati essent, alij cur tacuissent, alij cur pleraqꝫ figurate dixissent ut \quod/ esset Imperator verè sui nominis, verè Pertinax, vere Severus. \{illeg} Infinita multorum cæde crudelior habitus/ [Spartian in Severo] Cædibus illustrium virorum adèo infamis ut punicas clades in toga cæsorum civium Romanorum sanguine rependerit [Egnatius in Severo]     Compare now this wth ye black colour of his hors, that is wth ye mourning colour of his people, & tell me whether all these funerals \for all these funerals of the ({illeg}) nobility happening {illeg} at once) they/ deserved not \such/ a mourning colour to be but \the whole deserved not/ to be thus put in mourning. for all those funerals. In ye former seale where ye bloodshed was of ye commons, very copious, & in a tumultuary way so as either not to require or not to be capable of funeral solemnities, it was most properly exprest by ye colour of blood <178r> but here where not so much ye quantity as ye nobility of ye blood which was spilt was to be remarkable; no colour was so proper to express it as that of mourning.

Hitherto of ye Ballance & black colour of ye hors. But there remains still to be considered ye voice saying: A Chænix of wheat for a peny &c. For ye understanding of wch it may be considered: ffirst that a peny was ye daily wages of ye soldiers, & of other labourers also as may be learnt out of Matt 20. & so it may be taken in general for a days wages or \a/ dayly stipend. Secondly that a Chænix was no certain \not an usual/ measure for ye world to buy & sell by, but dimen a measure conteining so much as was allowed for ye maintenance of {illeg} \a poor/ man for a day, demensum diurnum, ἡμεροτροφὶς, a days wages \or dayly allowance/ in corn be it more or less: for ye Chænix[397] was \seems to have been/ various according to ye conditions of countries cities & men \one Chænix for ye Soldier, another for this Labourer another for that,/. A chænix for a peny therefore is as much as to say: A days maintenance for in corn for a \days wages or a/ daily Stipend. Thirdly we may note that ye voice proclaiming a Chænix of wheat for a peny \&c/ came from ye midst of ye four beasts that is from ye center of ye four quarters of ye Empire, ye city Rome; & so concerns ye provisions of that city. Now Budæus tell's us that ye measure by wch ye corn was dispensed out of ye publick storehouses there for ye maintenance dayly sustenance of peo \the/ people was chænicaria: whence \b/[398] Casaubon out of Spartian who assignes 75000 Roman Bushels to be dayly distributed, collects by recconning eight Chænixes to a bushel, that there were 600000 persons in ye turba frumentaria of that city. I shall not doubt therefore to apply ye voice \principally/ to these storehouses \as well as to the granaries of particular citizens/, as a proclamation to ye people that there was corn there to be dispensed to them, either one Chænix of wheat, or three of Barley, which dayly for their maintenance: that is that there was abundance of corn there for that end: ffor a proclamation of any commodity to be sold or dispensed denotes abundance of it |& here it is as much as to say that ye rich choose to give ye poor rather corn yn money for their daily peny|: & besides ye Chænix \price for the Chænix/ is not so great, nor ye <179r> Chænix for a dayly allowance so little as to argue agree wth {any money} great scarcity; the first being but a days hire of ye poorest people & ye c[399] last \about/ two sextaries or three of or quarts: & In like if {illeg} scarcity be not here signified plenty must, a meane being nothing remarkable. In like manner I suppose ye latter part of ye voice Hurt not (μὴ ἀδικήσης, {illeg} be not injurious to, abuse not, mispend not) the oyle & ye wine, denotes ye affluence of those commodities: men being most lavishing in affluence & needing no admonition to good husbandry where there is a want of things. Let us see therefore how this came to pass.

Frumenti summam, saith Herodian of Severus, primus adauxit. Populo a[400] Romano, saith Spartian, diurnum oleum gratuitum & fæcundissimum agrum in æternum agrum donavit. The feild I suppose was for vines & corn & the oyle I take to be ye first that was given to ye publick towards a b[401] constant stock, for \I read not of any they had before, &/ Lampridius refers all ye stock of oyle to Severus when he tells us Oleum quod Severus populo dederat, quodqꝫ Heliogabalus imminuerat, Alexander integrum restituit. The Empire \Reign/ of Severus was therefore remarkable for ye increase of ye Roman provisions \above wt other Emperors had done/. But let us see a little further whether it was so remarkable \a character of his reign/ as to deserve to be taken notice of in the Prophesy.

When Severus had newly conquered Albinus: \in/ writing an angry letter to ye Senate he tells them thus what he had done for them. Ego frumenta reip. detuli, ego multa bella pro rep. gessi, ego populo Romano tantum olei detuli {sic} quantum rerum natura vix habuit. Ego interfecto P. Nigro vos a malis tyrannis liberavi. Magnam sane mihi reddidistis vicem, magnam gratiam. &c. Capitol: in Albino. I Then this I know not what