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Herod according to Iosephus reigned 34 years from ye taking of Ierusalem by & 37 years from his being declared king by the senate. These years end in Iuly or August two years & an half from ye vulgar Æra. And Herod died on the 6 of the \of a lingering distemper/ month Kisleu \in November/ following|.| as|F|or the Iews in their C|K|alendar set down his death upon the 6th of ye Month Kisleu. And Iosephus tells us of |that in the time of his sickness he sent Emp|b|assadors to Augustus at Rome, † |† & received letters back| wch agrees best wth summer when the seas were navigable & that there was an eclips of the Moon in the time| an Eclips of the Moon in the time of his sickness /soon after the sending of the Embassy\ wch Eclips happened upon Aug. 20. He died therefore two years & a month before the vulgar Æra & Christ might be born a few months before. For the children slain in Bethlehem were under two yearlings that is not yet entered upon their second year & the slaughter was wise men came from the east while Ioseph & Mary lodged in the Inn with the new born child. [Iohn began to baptize in the 30 year of Tiberia|u|s suppose in spring when the year summer was before him & Christ came to his baptisme when all the people came to his baptism suppose in the latter end of Chri summer Christ came to be baptized being thirty years old. This was in the end of the 15th year of Tiberius or beginning of his 16th year A. C. 29.] And by this recconing Christ might be but 30 years old in the beginning of the 15th year of Tiberius & be baptized before he was 31 years old & suffer A. C. 34|3| {illeg} the fourth passover counted from the{illeg} \counting four passovers after his baptism/ or rather A. C. 34 in the fift \counting five. #/ < insertion from lower down f 1r > # For it seems to me that there were five, the first while Iohn was baptizing Iohn 2.13. the second four months after Iohn's imprisonment. Iohn 4.35. & 5.1. For Christ sa|t|aid in Iudea baptizing till the imprisonment of Iohn, & then went into Galile four months before ye harvest {&} Iohn 4.35. And the after this there was a feast of the Iews Iohn 5.1 & Iesus went up to Ierusalem Iohn. 5.1. And therefore this feast was either the second passover or a later feast. And after this there were two more passovers mentioned by Iohn ch 6.4. & 12.1. And between the second & third of these four passovers there was a passover in wch t a month before the second chief passo sabbat or passover of the second month when the disciples pluckt \& eat/ the ripe ears of corn Mat. 12.1. For by \For by/ the ripeness of the corn you may know \shewing you may know/ that this second chief sabbath was the \second Passover or/ passover of the second{illeg} month (Num. IX.11.) the first fruits of the corn being \always/ offered in ye Passov first Passover

Fo Christ began not to preach till after the imprisonment of Iohn Mat. 4.12, 17. After that he went about all Galile teaching in their synagogues & healing all man manner of diseases: This was in the first four months till the second passover & longer. For <1v> his fame went through all Syria & there followed him great multitudes from Galilee & from Decapolis & from Ierusalem & from Iudea, & therefore he had been preaching at Ierusalem By the multitudes wch followed f|h|im from Ieursalem & Iudea you may know that he was now returned from the second passover. This All this was before his sermon in the mount. And when this preached f sermon the lillies was preache this sermon was in spring when the grass & lillies of the field were in their beauty Matt VI.28, 30. And sometime after this there arose a great tempest in the sea Matt VIII.24. wch was an argument of winter. And after this Iesus went about all the cities & villages pr|t|eaching in the synagogues untill the time of harvest approached Mat. IX.35, 37. \The harvest was always between the Pentecost & Passover & Pentecost./ Then he sent the twelve to preach in |all| the cities wch mission \& villages. (Matt. 10.1) wch travelling/ is an argument that the third passover was now {illeg} it was the it was in the beginning it the summers half year & that their|y| passover was feast of ye \{illeg}/ had already kept the feast of the Passover \For he would scarce send them away \to preach all of Iudea/ before they \{illeg}/ had kept {illeg} this solemnity/ {illeg}|And| t|T|hen followed the second chief{illeg} sabbath when the disciples pluct & eat the \ripe/ ears of corn. Matt. XII.1. And therefore \And from all \these/ things/ \it is manifes I gather that/ the preceding Passover in wch the first fruits were of the corn were offered could not be sooner then the third Passover. |It was therefore the third. And after this there were two more.|

For {t}|A|fter this Passover \& the mission of the twelve/ Iohn hearing of the fame of Iesus sent to him two of his disciples & therefore was still in prison. Mat XI.2. But while the twelve were preaching in the cities of Iudah Herod |about the time that the twelve returned to Iesus he was beaded {sic}| [beheaded him & sometime after heard|in||g| of the fame of Iesus said that it was Iohn whom he had beheaded & who was risen from ye dead. Matt XIV.1, 2. This was in the winter for at that tim {sic} Christ alluding \delivered three parable with allusion/ to the time of sowing Matt XIII. & XIV.1. Iohn was therefore beheaded in t] & two of his disciples came & told Iesus, & when Iesus heard it he departed into a desert place & fed the multitude wth five loaves & two fishes Matt XIV.10, 12, 17|3|, 17. Mark X|V|I.29, 30. Luke IX.10, 13. Iohn VI.9. \This was in the end of winter &/ And after this there were two Passovers more Iohn VI.4. & XI.55. About the time that {illeg} A little before the miracle of the five loves {sic} Iesus to And as after the third Passover c|C|hrist had sent ye twelve to preach in the cities of Iudea so after the fourth he sent the seventy. ||

< insertion from the middle of f 1v >

‡ And in the seed time fo

‡ Sometime after Christ told \in/ three Pa\ra/bles alluded to the time of sowing Matt XIII. And about that time {illeg} \or soon after,/ the twelve returned to Iesus & the Iohn was beheaded & two of his disciples having buried his body came & told Iesus & when Iesus heard it . . . .

‡ And after this \thence forward/ Iesus continued preaching & {illeg} & doing miracles until his disciples \the twelve/ returned \to him/ \Iohn was beheaded in prison & the twelve returned to Iesus/ & Herod \& the people/ hearing of his fame said it is Iohn the baptist who is risen from the dead. Matt XIV.1, 2. \Matt XIV.1, 2, 10, 12. Mark VI.14, 20, 30. Luke IX.6, 7, 10./ And this was in the winter: for at \a little before {illeg}/ that time Iesus alluded in three \several/ parables alluded to the time of sowing. Mat XIII. & XIV.1, 2. \11, 12/ Mark VI.14, \29/ 30 \Luke IX.6, 7, 10./ When therefore \And when/ two of Iohn's disciples had buried his body & came & told Iesus, he departed into a desert place ,|(| perhaps fearing to be apprehended by Herod.) {&} And when the people \&/ not long after, when the people heard where he was & followed him \thither/ out of the cities he fed them \there/ with five loaves & two fishes \& walked on the sea/ Matt XIV.10, 12, 13, 17, 25 Iohn VI.9, 19. \&/ This was in the end of winter a little before the passover Iohn VI.4. \which was therefore the fourth passover. / < insertion from lower down f 1v > For after the Parables relating to seed time he went through the cities teac & villages teaching journeying towards Ierusalem Luke XIII.22. And after this {illeg} And after his going up to Ierusalem \to this feast/ he sent the 7|s|eventy to preach in the cities Luke IX.51, 52, 57. & X.1. & afterwards went to ye feast of Tabernacles Iohn VII.2 & was crucified the Passover following. He began to preach < text from higher up the middle of f 1v resumes > And after this Passover Iesus \sent the 70 to preach in the cities {illeg} Luke X.1. &/ went to the feast of Tabernacles Iohn VII.2. & suffered \was crucified/ the passover following. \He began to preach 8 or 9 months after the first Passover./ In the first year of his preaching he called his \{illeg}/ disciples \& instructed them,/ in the summer of the second year he sent \twelve of/ them to go through the cities & villages of Iudea \& teach the people,/ in summer of the third year he \sent {illeg}/ seventy on \to/ the same errant messa do the like & suffered on the Passover following \he suffered/. & after seven years more the gentiles were called. And \it is {illeg}able{illeg}/ according to this recconing the weeks of Daniel are sabbatical and Iewish, ending with sabbatical years.

Now According to this recconing &c.

< text from f 1v resumes > < text from higher up f 1r resumes >

For there were five passovers the first {illeg} Iohn 2.13. the second during the ministry of Iohn ye baptist. the second {a} Iohn 5.1. or 6.4 after Iohns imprisonment. ×. The third \ The fourth/ a month before his disciples plucked the ears of corn on the second chief sabbath or second passover \of the second month/ Mat. 12.1. Luk. 6.1. The last at his death The fourth was presently after the beheading of Iohn ye baptist & the miracle of feeding 5000 wth five loaves & two fishes Iohn 6. 4, 9. & Mat. 14.10, 13, 17. And the fift was that of the passion. \Iohn 2.13. After this Passover Iesus continued in Iudea baptizing Iohn 3.22. & Iohn was imprisoned ×/ < insertion from below the line > × Iohn was imprisoned the winter following & {illeg}h when Iesus heard it he went into Galile & began to preach. This was in winter four months before the harvest \Iohn 4.35./ & by consequence in December. Then followed the second passover Iohn 5.1. \&|F|rom wch time he went about all Galilee preaching in their synagogues Mat. 4.23. & many followed him from Ierusalem Mat 4. 25./ & the sermon in the mount when the lillies were flourishing in ye fie{illeg}|ld|, Matt 6.28, 30. \& by consequence in spring/ & the & the tempest at Sea the next winter Matt. 24 8.24. \& the time of the next harvest approaches Mat. 9.37. & after the 3d passover/ & the mission of the twelve the spring following Matt. 10.1. Iohn be{illeg}|i|ng still in prison \& hearing of the fame of Iesus sendeth to him/ Mat. 11.2. & the third passover & a month after before the disciples pluckt \the third passover follows the/ second chief Sabbath or Sabbath \passover/ of the second month \when the ears of corn were ripe/ Matt. 12.1. Luke 6.1. & three more parables relating to the seed-time \following/ Matt 13 & the fourth passover beheading of Iohn the baptist \& Herods hearing the fame of Iesus takes him for Iohn & return of the twelve/ & feeding of five thousand with 5 loaves & two little fishes \& Christ walking upon the sea in a tempest/ & the fourth passover Matt & the contempt of Christ by his countrymen Matt. 13.55. & 14.10, 13, 17, |25| & Iohn 6.4, 9, 19, \Luke 9.10, 13. & the mission of ye 70/ & the feast of Tabernacles Iohn 7.2. & the last Passover Iohn 12.1. < text from f 1r resumes >

Ack|c|ording to this recconing the 70 weeks of Daniel will be Iewish, ending with sabbatical years, & the year of Christs passion will be sabbatical. This is also And that it was so |so| may be also gathered also from Christs \the/ alluding|sion| \of Christ & ye Iews/ to ye release of servants in the begi feast of Tabernacles in the beginning of the year sabbatical year, in saying \when he \Chris {sic}/ said/ to ye Iews \at the in that feast/ If ye continue in my word — the truth shall make you free so & from the answer of \&/ the Iews, \answered/ We be Abrahams seed & were never in bondage to any man: h|H|ow sayest thou, Ye shall be made free Iohn 8.32, 33. For it was very usual with Christ to allude in his discourses to allude to things in view for|&| taking occasion from every thing to speak of \preach/ the gospel. // But if {illeg}|the| passion be placed a year sooner the difference of a year in recconing by weeks of years is no more to be considered then the difference of a day in recconing by weeks of days.

<1v> [Editorial Note 1]
1. 9.07.59.51 8.08.20.03 4.02.32.08 9.10.50.14 8.28.30.54
4. 0.00.01.48 1.02 5.20.42.45 5.12.46.19 2.17.22.03
+ 11.29.45.40 1.02 4.09.23.02 1.10.39.54 19.19.43
3.07.43.43 8.08.20.03 4.21.13.25 5.08.43.49 11.00.33.14
Feb 1.00.23.18 1.18.28.06 3.27.13
4.08.07.01 6.09.41.31
10. 9.51.23 4.11.45.50 1.06.51
4.17.58.24 10.21.27.21 5.13.17.53
3.07.43.43 8.08.20.03 4.21.13.25 5.08.43.49 11.00.33.14
Aug 9.03.23.44 36 9.03.23.44 23.37.09 0.11.13.35
6.28.57.26 8.08.20.39 1.24.37.09 1.00.22 10.19.19.39
10.06.41.09 8.23.31.40 6.04.21.20 10.11.03.33
20. 00.19.42.47 10.18.08.49 10.18.16.00
10.25.23.56
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\\In explaining the weeks of Daniel/ We left it in doubt whether Christ died A. C. 33, or 3{illeg}|4|. But The first is the vulgar opinion but ye latter seems more probable. For Herod was made king by ye Senate - - - -/ Herod according to Iosephus reigned 37 years from his being declared king by the Senate & 34 years from the takin {sic} of Ierusalem \& death of Antigonus/ & these years end in Iuly or August |October or the beginning of November| two years & two months before the vulgar Æra by the first account, or three months sooner by the second.

Herod was made king by the Senate {illeg}|a|[1] in \the end of/ Se|O|ctober or \beginning of/ t|N|ovember 39 years & about two months before the vulgar Æra \began/ & reigned thirty seven years b according to Iosephus & died on the sixt day of the Month Kisleu according to the Kalendar of the Iews. He died therefore in November two years & a month before the vulgar Æra |began| He died of a lingering disease & in the time of his sickness sent an Embassy to Rome & received letters back wch argues that circumstance agrees best with summer when the seas were navigable. And in the \Iosesephus {sic} tells us that/ soon after the sending of this embassy there was an Eclips of the Moon {n} And Christ might be born two or three \a few/ months before \his death/: for the children slain in Bethlehem were c under two-yearlings, that is not yet two ye entred upon their second year; & the wise men came from the east while Ioseph & Mary lodged \stayed/ in the i|I|nn with the new born babe & by this recconing Christ might be baptized in the end of the 15th or beginning of the 16th year of Tiberius before he was 31 years old. |But if he was born earlier he will be above 31 years old at his baptism.|

If from thence \his baptism/ there be recconed four Passovers to his passion his death will fall upon the \year of the/ vulgar Æra 33. But its more pro{illeg}|b|able that there were five. The first while Iohn was still baptizing, T Iohn 2.13. The second four months after Iohn's imprisonment. For Christ staid in Iudea baptizing till the imprisonment of Iohn & then went into Galilee four months before the harvest, Iohn 4.35, \& by consequence four months before the Passover. For that harvest was always between the Passover & Pentecost./ And after this there was a feast of the Iews & Iesus went up to Ierusalem Iohn 5.1. And therefore {illeg}|Th|is feast \being after \imprisonment of Iohn & by consequence after/ the feast of Tabernacles/ was either the second Passover or a later feast. And after this there were two more Passovers mentioned by Iohn chap. 6.4. & 12.1. And between the second & third of these four Passovers there was a Passover fift Passover \a week or perhaps/ a month before the second chief Sabbath when the disciples pluckt & eat the ripe ears of corn. Matt. 12.1. \Luke 6.1. For because the corn was then ripe, I understand/ B|b|y the second chief sabbath I understand the \either the 22th of Nisan or/ the secondary Passover or Passover of the second month (Num. 9.11). In the first sabb Passover they offered the first fruits of the con|r|n before the harvest began: in the second the corn was ripe|.| |& the ripeness of the corn argues thus|

Christ began not to preach before the harvest began till after the imprisonment of Iohn Matt. 4.12, 17. After that he went about all Galilee teaching in their synagogues & hea{illeg}|l|ing all manner of diseases. And his fame went through all Syria & there followed him great multitudes from Galilee & from Decapolis & from Ierusalem & from Iudea \Matt. 4.23, 24, 25./. All this was before his sermon in the mount & required above four months & therefore the second passover was now past: for by the multitudes wch followed f him from Ierusalem & from Iudæa you may know that he {illeg} was returned from the second Passover. After all this he preached his sermon in the mount, & this was in Spring \suppose in the second or third month or fourth month/ when the grass & lillies of the field were in their beauty \& it was & ready to be set down/ Mat. 6.28, 30. Sometime \And/ a|A|fter \many other things the next seed time arrived, in allusion to wch Christ delivered three several parables at once Matt. 13. And then arose a great tempest in the sea/ there arose a great tempest in the sea (Mat. 8.24.) wch is an argument that it|the| |next| was winter \was now arrived/. And after this, Iesus went about all the cities teaching in the synagogues untill the time of the harvest approached|(| & by consequence {illeg} the third Passover |)| approached Matt. 9.35, 37. For the harvest <2v> was always between the Passover & Pentecost |And| After this Passover he sent the twelve to preach in the cities & villages, the summer half year being fittest for travelling Matt. 10.1. And then followe{d} the second chief sabbath when the disciples pluckt & eat the ripe ears of corn Matt. {illeg}12.1.

Hitherto Iohn remained in prison: for \at this time/ upon hearing of the fame of Iesus he sent to him two of his disciples. Matt. 11.2. And henceforward Iesus continued preaching & doing miracles untill \seed time arrived & Iesus in three several Parables delivered at once alluded to the time of sowing Matt. 13. & until{l}/ Iohn was beheaded in prison & the twelve returned to Iesus. \Then {illeg} Herod & some of/ & the people hearing of his fame said, it is Iohn the baptist who is risen from the dead Matt. 14.1, 2, 10, 12. Mark 6.14, 29, 2|3|0. Luke 9.6, 7, 10. And [ This rumor was in the \end of/ winter after the third Passover. For a little {p} before that time Iesus in three several parables alluded to the time of sowing Mat. XIII. 1 13.] And when some of Iohn's disciples had buried his body & came & told Iesus he departed into a desart place perhaps fearing to be apprehended by Herod. And non|t| long after, when the people heard where he was & followed him thither out of the cities he fed them there with five loaves & two little fishes, & walked on the sea Matt. 14.12, 13, 17, 25. Iohn 6.9, 19. And this was in the end of winter a little before the Passover (Iohn 6.4.) wch was therefore the fourth Passover. And after his going up to Ierusalem to this feast he sent the seventy to preach in the cities Luke 9.51, 52, 57. & 10.1. & afterwards went to the feast of Tabernacles (Iohn 7.2.) & was crucified in the Passover following.

He began to preach eight or nine months after the first Passover \& four months before the second/. In the first year of his preaching he called his disciples & instructed them. In the summer of the second year he sent twelve of them to go through the cities & villages of Iudea & teach the people. In the summer of the third year he sent seventy to do the like. On the Passover following he suffered \& this was in the sa/. And after seven years more the Gentiles were called. \And according to this recconing/ |He was born in autumn in the beginning of the sabbatical year, two years & three or four months before the vulgar Æra, the people going to Ierusalem in the|

According to this recconing the weeks of Daniel were Iewish ending with sabbatical years. And that the year of Christs passion was sabbatical may be also gathered from the allusion of Christ & the Iews to the release of servants in that feast of Tabernacles wch \next/ preceded his passion Iohn 8.32, 33. For it was very usual with Christ in his discourses to allude to things present, taking occasion from every thing \in view/ to preach the gospel. \The passion therefore was in spring \in the sabbatical year/ A. C. 34 Christ being \between/ 35 & \35 & 36/ years \& some months/ old:/ But if the passion be placed a year sooner, the difference of a year in recconing by weeks of years is no more to be regarded then the difference of a day \would be/ in recconing by weeks of days.

The law of the Iews & the Christians –

The Iews & time of the feast .|)| He died in the sabbatical year A. C. 34 being \was/ 30 years & about 10 or 11 months old at the time of his baptism & 35 years & six mon or seven months old at the time of his death. \& died in the middle of the sabbatical A. C. 34./ And in the feast of tabernacles preceding there was a release of servants Iohn 8.32, 33. which agrees well well with the feast of Tabernacles. sabbatical year.

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first to the coast of the Red sea as the Israelites did \had done/ before under the codn|nd|uct of Moses. {In}|An|d {illeg}|this| sea being a|v|ery shallow & for that reason much calmer then the Mediterranea they readily applyed themselves to navigation upon it in such small vessels as were then in use. Hence it came to pass that when David had conquered Edom & thereby Eloth \Eloth &/ Ezion Gebar neare \& Eloth/ Eloth on ye shoa|r|e of ye Red sea came into his possession his son Solomon built a navy in Ezion Gebar & sent it on the Red sea with the fleet of Hiram king of Tr|y|re to Tarshish & Ophir for gold & silver & ivory & Peacocks (or Parrots) & Apes & pretious stones & Almug trees (by wch means the Queen of Sheba or Sabea in Arabia fælix heard of Solomon's glory) & Hiram sent \with Solo{illeg}|m|ons servants in/ in Solomons navy his own servants shipmen that \who/ had knowledge of the sea|.| with the servants of Solomon Solomon's servants were therefore novices & in sea affairs & Hiram's servants were experienced mariners well acquainted with these seas by former voyages of the Phœicians. For Hiram had also a navy upon ye red sea 1 King 10.11, 22.

Strabo tells us after he had described the people of ye barren regions upon ye creek of the red sea between the Troglodites & Eloth, adds: Next these is the sinus Elanites or Eloth & the region of the Nabateans wch is populous & abounds with pastures & the Islands wch lye before them are inhabited by men wch anciently were quiet but afterwards began in great boats to rob those who navigated from Egypt but were punished for it being opprest by a navy set out against them. When those seas began to be frequented \wth by merchants/ they began also to be infested with Pyrates till Sesostris set out a navy against them about the w wch whereby wch seems to have \whereby he seems also not only to have supprest/ \the Pyrates but also to have/ put an end to ye merchandiz|c|e of ye Iew Israelites & Phœniccians on those seas. {illeg}

The time when \Manetho tells \The shepherds {illeg} seating themselves in Phenicia Manetho/ that when/ the Shepherds were expelled Egypt Manetho expresses by saying that wh they went through the wilderness into Syria & built a city in the land which is now called Iudea wch might suffice for so many people & called it Ierusalem. \He confounds the shepherds with the Israelites as if the Israelites {came} were the shepherds expelled by Misphrasmuthosis & built Ierusalem upon their first coming out of Egypt, but where as the Israelites however by this circumstance he {illeg} came out of Egypt long before. But wh{illeg}|ils|t he conjoyns the expulsion of the shepherds wth ye building of Ierusalem he places it about the beginning of ye reign of David or not long before. #/ < insertion from the top of f 4v > # For David reigned seven years in Hebron & then smote the Iebusites & took from them Iebus wch is Ierusalem & reigned there 33 years more & built Ierusalem round about & imployed the Canaanites in building it as Solomon did in building this houses & the Temple.[2] For Hiram king of Tyre sent messengers to David & timber of Cedars with Masons & Carpenters to build him an house.[3] Considering therefore that

Sidon was anciently the head city of Phenicia & continued so till & \so that/ the inhabitants of seacoasts of Phœnician were anciently called Sidonians, whence Homer makes frequent mention of|ten| \names/ Sidon & Sidonians but mentions not Tyre. Iustin tells us A rege Ascaloniorum expugnati Sidonij navibus appulsi Tyrum urbem ante annum ** Trojanæ cladis condiderunt. And accordingly Isaiah calls Tyre the daughter of Z|S|idon, & the inhabitants of the Isle whom the Merchan{ts} of Z|S|idon that pass over the Sea have replenished, & the Mart of nations whose revenue is the harvest of seed of Sihor [or Nile] the harvest of the river, that is the seed & harvest of ye river Nile. Iosephus tells us that Tyre was built 240 years before the T|S|olomons temple, but the first king of Tyre mentioned in history is Abibalus the father of Hiram. If \Whether this trade of/ Tyre & Sidon traded to to Egypt before \began upon/ the expulsion of the Shepherds \or before/ its probale {sic} that many of the|m| Shepherds with their shipping retired out of Egypt to\when they were shut up in Abaris retired with their shipping to those cities &/ much increased their trade & \as well as/ the number of their people, Iosephus tells us that Tyre was built 240 years before Solomons Temple but [the first king of Tyre mentioned in history is Abibalus the father of Hiram [& therefore since Tyre in|| \was not famous till after/ the times of ye Trojan war was famous enough to be mentioned by Homer I will suppose {illeg} that it] the f & in his days & Hirams the kingdome seems \been erected or at least/ to have grown considerable. For he enlarged \added to/ the city eastward, & made the το αστυ & built it For he|Hiram|[4] \added to enlarged the cities eastward &/ built the city greater, & added to it \enlarged the cities/ eastward & joyned ye Temple of Iupiter Olympius wch was in an Island he joyned to ye city by |a ridge of| earth thrown between them & adorned the Temple of I wth a golden Pillar gifts of gold, & demolishing the ancient Temples built new ones & dedicated the Temples of Hercules & Astartes. All wch argues that thi|e| kingdom of Tyre \the/ grew great {illeg} \we/ then began to flourish grow rich &\began to/ potent, it being usually wth Kings to \usually/ built|d| their cities suitable to their {illeg}kingdoms, as |Kings upon founding or enlarging their kingdoms usually {illeg} build their cities accordingly \more larger/ & sumptuous accordingly as David & Solomon did Ierusalem & other cities of their kingdom & the Temple| Sesac did the cities & temples of Egypt, The but he the kings of Nineveh Media & Babylon & M Nebuchar|d|nezzar \the city/ Babylon, Dejores Zebatane & Augustus Rome. # < insertion from lower down f 3v > # And therefore from the buildings of Hiram \& his enlarging of the city/ it may be concluded that the kingdome of Tyre was either at this time either newly founded there was a new dominion erected at Tyre \by his under him & his father Abibalus/ under Habibalus & Hiram & if it be further considered that this dominion \in Solomons days/ extended to ye Red sea & that the Phœnicians came first inhabited the coasts of that Red sea & came from thence into Phœnecia, it it seems highly probable that reasonable to beleive \think/ that upon their that upon their coming from the Rea {sic} this kingdom was founded under Abibalus by \the same people with/ those inhabitants of the Red sea {illeg} as Manetho tells\may be \further/ concluded that this kingdom was founded by those Phœnicians & the united to the old inhabitants of Tyre/ that is by the shepherds who, as Manetho tells us came, went \us, came/ from Egypt through the wilderness into Phœnecia|.| & that Abibalus was their first king. And as Hiram their second king \added new cities to the kingdom that is,/ enlarged the kingdom by conquest so its probable that their first king Abibalus founded it by the like conquest \unless you had rather say that the old inhabitants of Tyre received the shepherds into their kingdom body by compact & then so \by consent/ erected a new kingdom under Abibalus & enlarged it by their joynt forces under under {sic} him & his son Hiram. Now the first part of /. Now the first part of Hirams reign falling in wth the latter part of Davids /reign,\ the first part of the reign of Abibalus \now/ must fall in \the first part of/ with ye first part of Davids reign & by consequence the expulsion of ye shepherds out of Egypt happened in ye beginning of Davids reign or not long before as I noted above out of Manetho. < text from the top of f 4v resumes > & And so \So that whence And therefore/ from the buildings of Hiram it may be concluded that the kingdom of Tyre was \either/ newly founded or then began to [began then to \grow/ rich by trade & potent] by \its/ trade|fi|c & the co dominion at sea & f colonies sent into all parts of both ye seas \began then to grow rich & potent/. We shall not err much therefore if we say that the Phœnicians began to grow rich \began to grow/ & potent at sea in the days of David & Solomon, presently after theei expulsion of their ma{illeg} body \of the shepherds/ out of Egypt putting them upon trafic & the search after new seats. For the first news we hear of the Phenician merchants in Greece was is in the story of Io the daughter of Inachus who|se| \rapture/ as we shall shew hereafter was in the time days of David.

Iosephus out of Manetho reccons about 20{2}|4| years between the reign of \Themosis the son of/ Misphragmuthosis \& his/ who expelled the Shepherds & Setho that of Sethosis or Sesac, according to wch recconing the Shepherds were expelled about 120 \or 130/ years before the reign of Saul. But the Egyptian chronology is very uncertain & generally errs in ye excess of time.|*| < text from f 3r resumes > By wch circumstance the \he places the/ expulsion of the shepherds happened \a little a little before the building of Ierusalem \& the Temple/ & by consequence/ about ye beginning of the reign of David or not long \not \very/ long/ before. For David reigned seven years in Hebron & then smote the Iebusites & took from them Iebus wch is Ierusalem & reigned there 33 years more & built the city round about \& imploy{illeg}d the Phœnicians & Shepherds \Canaanites/ in building it . For as Solomon did afterwards in building his house & the Temple. For Hiram/. [5] And Hiram king of Tyre sent messengers to David & timber of Cedars &|w|ith Masons & Carpenters to build him an house. [And \so/ Solomon imployed {illeg}|o|nly the Phœnicians & Canaanites /Its proble {sic} therefore that the shepherds were expelled Egypt in or immediately before /in\ the reign of Abi\ <4r> \Abibalus the father of Hiram & first king of Tyre mentioned in history./ in building the Temple. 1 King. 9.21, 23|2|.]

After the Phenicians began to frequent the Mediterranean & trade to Greece the Greeks there began to be \the Greeks also began to use the seas & had send colonies abroad & had/ frequent transactions between the Greeks & \wth/ ye nations of Phenicia & Egypt \whereby they became civilized in a short time & arts began to flourish among them. And/ And first the Phœnician Merchants stole away Io the daughter of Inachus & carried her into Egypt. Then the merchants of Crete s|i|n revenge stole away Europa the daughter of Agenor a Phenician king & \of her/ Arterius king of Crete married her & begat Minos Rhadamanthus & Sarpedon. At the same time \time Cadmus being sent by father/ Agenor sent his sons Cadmus & Phœnix in quest of Europa & C to seek his sister Europa brought letters into Greece & Evander with his mother Carmenta soon after carried them to Italy, & this gave a beginning to lea{illeg}|r|ning & history in Europe. For before this time a{illeg} there is no his the Europeans for want of letters have|d| no history \had have/ nothing more of history then the names of a few kings in Greece for 3 or 4 Generations backwards, wch they were able to remember till Cadmus taught them to commit things to writing. In those days days the Greeks seas About the same time Cecrops & Erectheus brought \a/ coloni|y|es from Egypt into Attica & & built Athens & Erectheus followed him with corn a great quantity of corn brought out of Egypt \& sowed in Parea/ & Ceres an Egyptian woman \& her son Triptolemus/ taught the Greeks to husbandry how to sow it. In those days the Greeks seas became much infested with Pyrates till Minos built a navy & suppressed them. About that time Sesac built long ships of larger size then formerly \in the red sea & Mediterranean/ & his brother Danaus sailed to Greece in one of them \wth a new colony/: in imitation of wch the Greeks built the ship Argo wch was the first long ship built by the Greeks. Then also Dædalus invented sails for ships, so yt navigation in a short time became very much improved|.| in Greece. \And/ These are the first antiquities of Greece \Europe/ of wch we have any certain memory.

{It has been the \{illeg}/ humour of mankind to raise the antiquity of nations to highs}

Before the invasion of Greece by the kings of Persia the k|G|reeks kept no certain account of time. All their ancienter chronology was guest at by later writers & by making the reign of their kings too long for the ordinary course of nature they have raised their originals too high. If we may reccon take three generations of men four generations of weomen & five {illeg}|rei|gns of kings one with another according to ye ordinary course of nature to make an hundred years we may make a better guess.

Thus the 13|2| kings of Macedon wch preceded Orestes will take up 26|4|0 years wch but they are usually recconed at 400|5| years \wch is 165 years less then they are usually recconed/ the usuall recconing. And the seven \first/ kings of Rome wch preceded the Consuls will take up 140 years wch is 106 years more \less/ then the vulgar recconing. And the 15 kings of the Latines from Æneas \& ye Trojan war includ/ to ye Numitor & the founding of Rome will take up 300 years wch are \is/ 130 years less then ye usually recconed allowed about 430 years \recconing/. And the first 8 kings of Argus (Inachus, Phoroneus &c, wch preceded Sthenelus & Danaus will take up 160 years wch is 213 years less then

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After ye Phœnicians began to frequent the Mediterranean & trade to Greece the Greeks also soon began to use the seas & send colonies abroad & hav|d|e frequent concerns wth the Phœnicians & received colonies from them & formed themselves into po common wealths under \certain/ laws & forms of religion receiving from ye Phœnicians the sacrifices|ing| of living men & from \them, &/ ye Egyptians the worship|ping| of Iupiter & the Bacchinalia Bacchus Minerva \Ceres/ & other Gods, & the making of statues \images/ to them {offer} in the form of dead bodies wth their eyes shut & their leggs bound together like ye mummies of Egypt \wch was yt/ wch till Dedalus began to ca\r/ve men alive with their leggs asunder. The first memory of the Phœnicians trading to Greece is in ye stori|y|es of \Lycaon & Io ✝ < insertion from f 3v > Lycaon instituted \introduced/ the sacrificing of strangers \to Iupiter Lycæus in Arcadia to Iupiter Lycæus/ & Cecro in Lycæna city of Peloponnesus & the Greeks & sa & Cecrops brought a colony & \& this being done in the days of Deucalion a Prince of Thessaly/ the Greeks having heard of ye Deluge of general Deluge \who had probably heard of the general Deluge/ \they/ f feigned that Iupiter in abhorrence of this f{illeg} sacrifice {illeg} drowned Thessaly with Deuclations flood overwhelmed Greece \drowned mankind wth a flood wch they called Deucalion's/ wth Deucalions flood, & thus made themselves their nation as old as tha the \general/ Deluge. For it was the humour of all nations to affect antiquity. \Before this flood/ Io the daughter of Inachus {illeg}|w|as stollen away by Phænician merchants & carried into Egypt. Then the merchants of Crete — < text from higher up f 3v resumes > Lycaon/ Io when they stole the daughter of Inachus whom they stole away & carried into Egypt. Then the merchants of Crete in revenge of this s injury stole away Europa the daughter of Agenor a k|K|ing or P{illeg}|r|ince of Phœnecia & of her Asterius king of Crete begat Minos Rhadamanthus & Sarpedon. At ye same time Cadmus being sent by his father \the son of/ Agenor &{illeg} being sent to seek his sister Europa brought a colony of Phœnicians & Arabians into Greece & taught the \rude/ Greeks the use of these Phœnecian letters & Evander wth his mother Carmenta soon after carried those letters into Italy & this gave a beginning to learning & history in Greece Europe. For before this time the Europeans for want of Letters ha could have nothing more of history then names & actions of a few kings 3 or 4 generations backwards {illeg} wch they were able to remember till Cadmus taught them to set down commit things to writing|.| About ye same time \or not long before not long b/

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Emendanda & addenda in Cap. 1

Pag. 6. l. 53. Post. 1689, was \/adde 21|4|. gr 23.' 27." & north Latitude 37.gr 26.' 56." And the Equinoctial Colure cuts the Ecliptick in

P. 10. l. 48 47. Post a Greek ✝ adde. And the Chronologies of Gallia Spain Germany, Scythia, Suedeland, Britain & Ireland, are of a date still later. For Scythia beyond the Danube had no letters till Ulphilas their Bishop formed them wch was above 650 years after the death of Alexander the great. And Germany had none till it received them from the western Empire of the Latines, wch was above 700 years after the death of that king. The Hunns had none in the days of Procopius who flourished 850 years after the death of that king. And Sweden & Norway received them still later. And things said to be done above three or four generations before the use of letters, are of little credit.

P. 10. l. ult. Post taking of Troy. Adde. For Eurystheus was slain by Hyllus in the first attempt of Heraclides to return, & Atreus succeeded him, & after three years opposed them in their second attempt to return, & died just before Paris stole Hellena Menelaus being then gone from home to look after what his unkle \Grandfather/ Atreus had left him; & Hellena was stolen, according to Homer, twenty years before the taking of Troy. But in recconing 208 years &c.

P. 11. l. 10. Post originale adde. Herodotus tells us that the Egyptians & their Priests recconed from the reign of Menes to that of Sethon who put Sennacherib to flight, three hundred and forty generations of men & as many Priests of Vulcan, & as many kings of Egypt; & that three hundred generations make ten thousand years, (for, saith he, three generations of men make an hundred years;) & the remaining forty & one generations make 1340 years (he should have said 1366.) And so the whole time from the reign of Menes to that of Sethon was 11340 years. And by this way of recconing, & allotting long reigns to the Gods of Egypt who preceded Menes, Herodotus {tells} us from the Priests of Egypt, that from Pan to Amosis were 15000 years & from Heracules to Amosis 17000 years.

The Greeks & Latines have been \more/ modest in this point &c

Pag. 14. lin. 7. a Post Pisistratus ‡ an. 2. Olymp. 65; adde, the first annual Archon of Athens an. 1, Olymp. 5; & the first decennial Archons dying in their regency. And the death of Codrus king of Athens, & the Ionic migration under his sons might be about two hundred years earlier, or about 10 or 20 years after the return of the Heraclides; there reigning twelve Archons for life successively between the death of Codrus & the first decennial Archons, & six kings between the taking of Troy & the death of Codrus, vizt, Demophoon, Oxyntes, Aphidas, Thymætes, Melanthus & Codrus, the third & fourth of wch reigned together but nine months years according to Chronologers.

Pag. 22. lin. ult. Post Minos. . adde. For Cadmus in coming to Greece, arrived first at Rhodes, an Island upon the borders of Caria, & left there a Colony of Phœnicians who sacrificed men to Saturn; & the Telchines being repulsed by Phoronæus, retired from Argos to Rhodes with Phorbas, who purged the Islands from serpents, & Triopas the son of Phorbas, carried a colony from Rhodes to Caria. And by this & such like Colonies, Caria was furnished with shipping & sea-men, & called e[6] Phœnice, Strabo f[7] & Herodotus tell us that the Cares were called Leleges, & became subject to Minos, & lived first in the islands of the Greek seas, & went <6r> thence into Caria a country possest even before by some of the Leleges & Pelasgi. Whence its probable that when Lelex & Pelasgus came first into Greece to seek new seats, they left part of their colonies in Caria & the neighbouring Islands.

Pag. 23. lin. 27. Lege. And this retiring of the Tyrians from the red sea to make long voyages on the Mediterranean, together with the flight of the Edonites from David, gave occasion to the

Ib. lin. lin. 37. Post Gades peopled by Phenicians. adde. So d[8]Solinus: In capite Bœticæ insula a continenti septingentis passibus memorantur, quam Tyrij a rubro profecti mari, Erythiam, Pœni sua lingua Gadir, id est sepen, nominarunt.

Ib. lin. 42. Post. wanted new seats ⟐ adde. Edom, Erythra, & Phœnicia are names of the same signification, the words denoting a red colour wch makes it probable that the Erythræas who fled from David, setled in Phœnicia, that is, in all the sea cost coasts of Syria from Egypt to Sidon; & by calling themselves Phenicians in the language of Syria instead of Erythreans, gave the name of all that sea coast.

|| < insertion from f 5v > Ib. l. 49 Dele. These Phenicians were - - - - - - with scriptures of the labours of Hercules, & scribe. These Phenicians were the Tyrians who at that time built Carthage in Afric & Tartessus in Carteia in Spain & Gab|d|es in the island of that name without the straits & gave the name of Hercules to their chief Commander because he sailed as far as the Egyptian Hercules had done before, & that of Heraclea to the city Carteia wch he built. So Straboc[9] :Mons Calpe ad dextram est e nostro mari foras navigantibus, et ad quadraginto inde stadia Vrbs Carteia vetusta ac memorabilis, olim statio navibus Hispanorum. Hanc ab Hercule quidem conditam aiunt, inter quos est Timosthenes, qui eam antiquitus Heracleam appellatam fuisse appellatam refert, ostendi adhuc magnum murorum circuitum & navalia. This Hercules, in memory of of {sic} his building & reigning over the city Carteia they called also Meleartus. And they built a temple to him also in the Island Gades, & adorned it with the sculptures of the labours of Hercules \\the king of Carteia/ Vnder him they sailed as far as Tarressus or Tarshish a place between the two mouths of the river Bœtis, And after his death they/ /& there met with much silver d [10] wch they purchased for trifles. And after his death they built a temple to him in the Island Gades & adorned {it} with the sculptures of the labours of Hercules.\ < text from f 6r resumes > Ib. lin. 56. Post Tyrij condidere \/ adde. For the Tyrians e[11] recconned Bacchus \to be/ their own, & Philostratus f[12] tells us that it was the Egyptian Hercules want to Gades & there setled the bounds of the earth:

Pag. 24. Lin. 11. Lege. And this temple & that of \wch/ Eurydice erected to her daughter by the name of Iuno Ars|g|iva, are the first instances that I meet with in Greece, &c

Ib. l. 60. Post David & Erectheus #, Adde & that the Temple of Iuno Argiva was built about the latter end of Davids reign, or the beginning of Solomons.

Pag. 25. lin 45. Pro Lycurgus Cepheus & Augeo a were &c Lege      The first kings of Arcadia were successively, Pelasgus, Lycaon, Nychimus, Arcas, Clytor, Epytus, Aleus, Lycurgus, Echemus, Agapenor, Hippothous, Epytus, Cypselus, Olæus &c, Vnder Cypselus the Heraclides returned into Peloponnesus, as above. Agapenor was one of those who courted Helena. He courted her before he reigned, & afterwards he went to the war at Troy, & thence to Cyprus & there he built Paphus. Echemus slew Hyllus - - - or thereabouts.

Pag. 30. lin. 62. Post 30 years after it. adde. And Homer ~ was of about the same age. For he c[13] lived sometime with Mentor in Ithaca, & there learnt of him many things concerning Vlysses, with whom Mentor c[14] {illeg}|h|ad there been personally acquainted. Now Herodotus, the oldest historian of the Greeks now extant, d[15] tells us that Hesiod & Homer were not above four hundred years older then himself; & therefore they flourished about 1{2}|0|0 or 120 years after the death of Solomon; & the taking of Troy was but one generation earlier.

Pag. 31. lin. 20. Pro Arcas the son of Callisto &c scribe. Lycaon died just before the flood of Deucalion as above, & according to Pausanias[16] was contemporary to Cecrops, & had many children, & so might reign long, & Pelasgus was one generation older, being his father. If their two reigns together be recconed at about 50 or 60 years Pelasgus will be contemporary to the Prophet Samuel.

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twelve Princes reigning in so many castles (Gen. 26.16.) as|An||d| as the posterity of Iacob according to the number of his sons continued in twelve distinct bodies or tribes in Egypt wch afterwards were seated in twelve distinct regions in Canaan each with his own Prince & Army & standard (Num. 1 & 2). So the Egyptians according to the number of their first fathers were distinguished from the beginning into several tribes or nations seated in several parts of Egypt each with its own Prince or \chief/ Captain & Armi|y|es : And {illeg} as Moses made laws for Israel \& united the Tribes under one Temple & Council common {illeg} High Priest & Common council/ so Thoth made laws for Egypt & |by| uniting every tribe under one common Council \& Metropolis & Market/ & Teml|p|le & mode of worship & Banner, prevented its breaking into such little kingdoms as were to be met with in Canaan & other places. And this I take to be the original of the Nomes of Egypt. But how these Nomes warred upon one another or confederated, what kingdoms arose out of them & what changes they underwent untill they became one Monarchy is not to be found in history, excepting what we meet with concerning the kingdom in the lower Egypt under wch Israel was in bondage, the invasion of that kingdom by the Shepherds & the conquest of the Shepherds by the kingdom of Thebes|a|is.

\& Egypt/ tho Mizraim is sometimes put for all Egypt including Pathros (        ) & sometimes \only/ for ye lower Egypt or th & most commonly for the kingdom wch lay upon the mouths of the Nile.

Egypt & Mizraim extends from the Mediterranean

Egypt (called in scripture Masor, Misraim & the land of Ham & by the Coptites Missir & Cham) was a is a broad Valley between mountains & desarts running north & south between five & above 500 miles \on both sides ye Nile in a streight line f 5000 furlongs in a streight line/ from the mediterranean sea to Syene an a town in an island of the Nile & Elephantine & \in/ the southern border {illeg} of Egypt. & the lesser Cataracts of the Nile. Its distinguished into two count lands, the lower a flat triangular land country upon the mouths of the Nile \about 3000 furlongs in compass/ called Delta by the Greeks & Rahab in scripture, & the upper a long valley on both sides the single streame of the Nile extending about 4200 furlongs from Delta to Syene. This part is again divided into two parts the lower called Heptanomis the metropolis of wch was & the upper called Thebais & in scripture the {illeg} the land of Pathros. {illeg} Next Next above the Cataracts was Phylæ wch called in scripture Phul (          ) & next above them the Chus or a[17] the Megabar Æthiopians a people who used lances & buckets & clubs knotted with iron. The ethæ the Ethiopians used bows & lances an |ye same valley on the banks of the Nile were watered by the Nile were on the eastern side of the Nile were the Ethiopians called the Megabars & Blemonyes & in scripture Chus. These extended as far as the Island Meroe wch & beyond it & \{illeg}{ against}/ on the western side of the {N}ile were the Nubians \called and/ a people not subject to the Ethiopians but under severall kings of their own {illeg} frequently at war| Phylæ was a town common to the Ethiopians & Egyptians. There were other Ethiopians sou westward & southward of these who used lances & large bows & darts & in scripture are called Lud.

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Egypt is a long & narrow tract of land running north & south on both sides the Nile between mountains & desarts. The south end of this region is wth ye spacious country beyond it is Ethiopia. The middlemost tract is Thebais called in scripture the land of Pathros & the rest below Thebais was called Mizraim This last was distinguished into two parts the higher & narrow country called Heptanomis by the Greeks, & the lower a broad & flat country upon the mouths of Nile called Delta by the Greeks & Rahab in scripture. The Metropolis of Thebais was Thebes called in scripture No Ammon that is the City or {sic} Ammon or Iupiter & by the Greeks Diospolis. The Metrop In the south end of Thebais between the Nile & the Red sea, wet|st|ward from Berenice a city upon ye red sea & not far from Thebes was C the City Coptus & the Nomus Coptites whose people gave ye name of Coptites to all the old Egyptians as their reliques are still called. Whence the Greeks formed {illeg} ἆια Κόπτου, Egypt. Probably the Coptities founded Thebes & thereby spread their name with their dominion. The Metropolis of Heptanomis was Noph Moph or Memphys a city on ye western side of the Nile just above ye Delta. Near this city were the fields where the Egyptians buried their dead & built Pyramids to their memory. Within a mile or two below Memphys the Nile begins to divide it self into several streames t{o} water the Delta. The main stream runs through the middle of the Delta & is called the Thermusiac \river or Sebennitic/ Ostium. The first stream wch parts from it runs on ye eastern side of the Delta & is called the Bubastic river or Pelusia{illeg}c Ostium, t{he} next steam wch separates from ye main channel runs on the western side of the Delta & called the Canobic ostium. Between These are the three biggest streams & between them are several others. In the way from Syria into Egypt at ye entrance of Egypt stands Pelusium about three miles from ye sea stands the Pelusium, \called also/ Sen, Abaris, Setron & Pithom & upon the over against it westward from it upon ye eastern bank of the Bubastic river stood Ramesses. These were the two cities wch the Israelites built for Pharaoh & between them lay the feild of land of Goshem where Israel was in bondage. In the eastern border of Eg & on the other side of this river l was the field & city of Zoan or Tanis. On the eastern side border of Egypt about 1500 furlongs above Pelusium stood the city On Aven or Heliopolis whose Priest Potiphe Potifera|phera| gave \named/ his daughter Asenath to Ioseph. An The way between these two cities was over \through/ a Desart through \over/ wch there was an open access from east into Egypt until Sesach fenced Egypt on that side wth a great ditch of water carried from Pelusium to Heliopolis. The Ethiopic nations are in scripture called Chus & Lud & Phul. Phul is Phylæ & Elephantine a country next above Thebais Lud      A

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twelve princes reigning in so many castles (Gen. 25.16) & as the posterity of Iacob according to the number of his sons continued in twelve distinct bodies or tribes in Egypt wch afterwards were seated in twelve distinct regions in Canaan each with his own Prince, Army & Standard (Num. 1, 2|&| 2) so the Egyptians according to the number of their first fathers were distinguished from the beginning into several tribes or nations seated in several parts of Egypt each with its own Prince or chief Captain & Army. And as Moses made laws for Israel & united the Tribes under one Temple & High Priest & Sanedrim or Common Council so Thoth made laws for Egypt & by uniting every Tribe \or Nome/ under one common Council & Metropolis & Market & Temple & mode of worship & Banner, prevented its breaking into such little kingdoms as were to be met with in Syria & other places. And this I take to be the original of the Nomes in Egypt. But how these Nomes warred upon one another or confederated, what kingdoms arose out of them & what changes they underwent and untill they became one Monarchy is not to be found in history, excepting what we m|m|eet with concerning the kingdome in the lower Egypt under wch Israel was in bondage, the invasion of that kingdome by the shepherds & the conquest & expulsion of the shepherds by the kingdome of Thebais.

In the kingdom where Israel was in servitude are mentioned these cities, Pithom, Ramsesses, On & Zoan Gen. 41.45. Exod. 1.11. Psal. 78.12, 43. Pithom was a city at the entrance of Egypt in the way from Syria about thre miles from the sea. It was otherwise called Sethron, Abaris, Sin & Pelusium. On or Aven was Heliopolis a city in the eastern border of Egypt about 1500 furlongs above Pelusium. The way between them was over a Desart through wch there was an open access from the east into Egypt untill Sesach fenced Egypt on that side with a great ditch of water carried from Pelusium to Heliopolis. Almost parallel to this ditch ran the eastern stream of the Nile called the Bubastic river or Pelusiotic ostium lay the country of Tanis or Zoan an ancient city wch was built seven years after Hebron, ( Num. 13.22). These thre cities were the Metropolises of three Nomes, the Sethroite, the Helipolitan & the Tanite. Vpon the eastern bank of the Bubastic river was the city Ramesses & Pharaoh's c|C|ourt & the <9r> between Pithom & Ramesses lay the land of Goshen. For Pithom & Ramesses were cities of treasure (that is fortified cities,) wch the children of Israel built for Pharaoh (Exod. 1.11) & therefore were seated in or neare the land where Israel dwelt. &|A|nd that land was in the territory or country of Ramesses (Gen. 47.11) bordering upon the River (Exod. 1.22. & 2.3, 8) & in the way from Syria to Pharaohs court (Gen. 46.28, 29) & Pharaoh's court was seated upon the same bank of the River (Exod. 2.5 & 7.15, 20 & 2|8|.20) or so neare to that land that Ioseph (the second man in Egypt) upon notice given by his brother Iudah went thence to meet his father in Goshen (Gen. 46.28, 29) & that when the first born of the Egyptians were slain at midnight, Pharaoh sent for Moses & Ara|ar|on & by their hand sent away the children of Israel the same night & they prepared for their journey & borrowed jewels & rayment of the Egyptians the same night, & in the morning under the conduct of Moses & Aaron began their journey from Ramesses the city wch they had been building & journied that day to Succoth a place in the desart where they baked cakes of unleavened bread (Exod. 12.29, 31, 37 & Num. 33.2). From all wch it may seem that Pharaoh then resided in the city of Ramesses tho Zoan became afterwards the roy{illeg}|al| city of the lower Egypt wch is therefore called the field of Zoan, Psal. 78.12, 43.

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Doves in the ancient fables of the Greeks are put for Priestesses as Bochart has shewed, the same Greek word πελειαδες signifying both. The |[Editorial Note 2]the Temple of Iupiter Trophe And this housing ye ye dead with glorious names, building \& Oracles &/ temples to them with Festivals \& sacrifices/ Oracles & Festivals & sacrifices, made it easy for Sesostris \&Iris & Orus/ to set up the worship of the|ir| priests in all Egypt. the Nomes of Egypt, & for the Greeks after the Example of the Egyptians to set up the worship of their kings & great men in all Greece. All this being done in Egypt before the death of Isis & in Greece before the Tr fall of ruin of Troy \& no/ so that {series} {the} & new \Gods with/ Oracles or Gods having been since recon admitted \by the nations/ into the number of the old ones we may safely conclude yt ye 4|f|our ages of the Gods so much celebrated by antiquity ended in Egypt wth the death of Isis in Greece wth the destruction of Troy.|

Strabo places the Soanes or Suanes upon the mountain Caucasus on the north of the Cochos in the nei{illeg} & Dioscurias \& Ptolomy on the north side of the mountain. And Strabo/ & saith that they were the stoutest of all tho|e|se northern Scythian nations, & had a king & a c|C|ouncil of 300 men & had an army of 200000, & that the torrents brought gold to them from the mountains wch they It seem wch they gathered wth \woolly/ sheepskins, whence {illeg} whence the fable of ye golden fleece might be occasioned. It seems ye {illeg} progress of Sesostris \after his conquest of Persia & India/ was stopt by Sesostris & this nation, & therefore he left turned back & left leaving \left/ Prometheus at mount Caucasus with a part of his army to guard his conquests from them, & \&/ proceedin|ed|g through Asia minor into Egypt; & meeting there with new repulses he returned throuhg Asia into Egypt leaving \several/ Colonies of Egyptians. to cultivate & guard the pass between ye Euxine & Caspians \seas/. So Valerius Flaceus.        And Strabo tells us that there was another body of Amazons \{illeg} seated/ in Albania, doubtless a colony of Se

– & the Oracles \Th|e|ples/ of Apollo at Delos, at Didyma \of the Milesians/, at Larissa, \of the Argives at Abæ in Phocis./ at Claros in Ionia, at Eutresis in Bœotia, {illeg}|a|t Orope \& Tegyræ/ in Eubœa, at Corype in Thessaly, the \several/ temple|s| of Apollo \one/ in ye Island Delos, &|a||not|that|er| \also of Apollo/ at Larissa a fort of the Argives, that of Apollo \another/ at Didyma in Ionia built by the Milesians, that \another/ of Apollo at Abæ in Phocis, that

1 the Temple of Lucothea \that is of Ino/ the daughter of Cadmus built in the kingdom of Cholchos by Phryxus \Strabo. l. 11. p. 498. c.)/ |th|at 5 of Ceres at Patræ a city of Patræ in Achaia. (Pausan l. 7. c. 21) that of Hercules Mercury at Pharæ a city of Achaiæ of Æsculapius at Epidaurs|u|s a city of Peloponnesus (Pausan 3 Pasiphae in|at| Thalamiæ a city of Laconia (Plutarch in Agide. . ) 2 {tha}t of Ino or Leacoth in the way between Thalamiæ & Oel|t|ylus in Laconia (Pausan l. 3. c. 26) 4 that of Æsculapius at Epidaurus a city of Poloponnesus frequented by sick for remedies revealed to them by dreams .|(|Pausan l. 2. c. 27.

– such as were the Oracle of Apollo \Iupiter/ at Dodona,              that of Apollo at Delpos {sic}

such as were

the Temples of Apollo at Delos in the {illeg} at Delos

the \several/ Temples of Apollo one \that ofAppollo {sic}/ in the Isand {sic} Delos (                            ) another \of Apollo/ at Larissa a fort of ye Argives (Pausan l. 2. c. 24.    ) \of Apollo Branchides built by the {illeg}es Macrob. Saturnal. (l . 1. c. 171. Herod l. {illeg}|4|1. c). another/ {illeg}|a|t Didyma in Ionia built by the Argives Milesians \& consulted by all the Ionians & Æonians /, another at Abæ in Phocis \Herod l. 1. c. 46. Steph. in Αβαι) another of Apollo Da{pna}/ &c the Temple of Ceres at Patræ a city of Achaia (Pas|u|san l. 7. c. 21) that of Pasiphae at Thalamiæ a city of Laconia (Plutarch in Agide) that of Leucothea that is of Ino the daughter of Cadmus built in the kingdom of Colchos by Phryxus (Strabo l. 11. p. 498. c.) another of Ino in the way between Thalamiæ & Oetylus in Laconia (Pausan l. 3. c. 26.)

And in like manner the w

Oracles were set up in

And in like manner the worship of Dead men was set up in Greece by Oracles & b & these Oracles began to be erected about two generations before the Argonautic expedition, the \two/ first Oracles in Greece being that of the Pelasgians at Dodona, brou \set up to/ erected by an |a woman brought frō| Egyptian woman [ at the same time that another Egyptian woman at set up the Oracle of Iupiter Ammon in Ly|i|bya {illeg} in a Temple built by Danaus. [And Herodotus tells us that before the Greeks began /& that of Iupiter consulted by Minos in a Cave in Crete And the Oracles of Iupiter consulted by Minos in Crete was of a Cave in Crete was of about the same age\. to set up Oracles they had no variety of names of Gods for various Gods but called them only by the name of Gods, or P & that by the dictates of the Oracle of Dodona the Pelasgians received the names of - - - - - - - - to the weomen attending on Venus.] And after the example of their Oracles there were a great multitude of other Oracles soon erected in \all/ Greece as the Oracle of Iupiter Olympus Apollo in the Temple of Delphos, that of Iupiter Olympius in the Temple at Olympia near Elis, the temple of Oracle of Apollo in a temple in the Island Delus the Oracle of Iupiter Trophonius in a cave, the Oracle of Apollo <10v> Branchides at D in a temple at Didyma built erected \built/ by the Milesians, f & frequented by all the Ionians & Æolians, another of Apollo in a temple at Larissa a fort of the Argives, another of Apollo in a temple at Abæ in Phocis, another of Ceres in a temple at Patræ a city of Achaia, another of Pasiphae at Thalamiæ in a temple at Thalimiæ in a city of Laconia another of Leucothea, that is of Ino the daughter of Cadmus in a temple built in the kingdom of Colchos by Phrixus, another of Ino in a temple built in the way between Thalamiæ & Oetylus in Laconia, another of Amphiaraus one of the seven captains who warred against Thebes. Mercury had his Oracle at Pharæ a city of Achaia, the Muses theirs at Træzen a city of Peloponnesus, set up by Adalus the son of Vulcan \from whence they were called Ardalides,/ Hercules had his at|n| |Oracle at| Bura in Achaia, & Apollo had one at Claros instituted by Manto the daughter of Tiresias in the time of ye second Theban war called the war of the Epigoni. And divers \several/ other Oracles there were in Greece were in those days erected in Greece some of wch remained in vogue till the times of the Persian Empire & are mentioned by historians from that Empire \& some till the times of the Roman. But when the Romans prevailed the Orac{illeg}|l|es gre{illeg}|w| siled|n|t meeting with no encouragement. For they did not use to give answers at any time but to such men as brought them presents./

Herodotus tells us that before the Greeks - - - - - - - clouded the history of the ages of the Gods

Now by honour the kings & \Princes/ Priests of Egypt \& Greece/ by honouring their dead men with great men after death with glorious new names \& with hymns composed to honour of their memory in their praise/ & wi{illeg}|t|h altars & Temples & Priests for sacrificing to them, & with Oracles at \& furnishing/ their Altars to|&| Temples with Oracles to make the nations beleive that they \dead/ were still alive & took care of \knew things present & to come & governed/ humane affir|ai|rs & knew things to come. & by causing the Oracles to dictate wo the worship of \the/ dead men {illeg} & the forms & ceremonies of worshipping them & to give such answers \upon occasions/ as might tend to the honour \credit/ of the Oracle, the wealth of the Temple {illeg}|&| the \honour &/ advantage of |the \kings &/ Priests| the Priests & great men the Kings Priests & great men of the country nations: \& great men: the kings & Priests of Egypt & Greece bu/ |were enabled| in a short time to set up the worship of their dead ancestors in all Egypt & Greece. For Sesos \By/ These practices made it \was it became/ easy for Sesostris Orus & Isis to|&| set up the worship their great counsellour Thoth to set up the worship of their dead friends in all Egyp the Nomes of Egypt \before the death of Isis/ & for the Greeks afte\after/ the example of the Egyptians to set up the worship of their dead kings & heros in all Greece: & \For/ by these practises the worship of the dead overflowed all Gree{k}|c|e wth such a torrent \spread Greece so quickly/ that Hesiod who lived in the age next after the Trojan war wrote that there were then so great a multitude of Gods in Greece, that \there were three thousand deified daughters & as many deified sons/ deified daughters of Occanus & Thetis were amounted to three thousand & their \deified/ sons were as many [18] \then thirty thousand Gods in Greece/ besides \all/ the rest of their \greater/ Gods & their deified sons & daughters \of all the rest of the Gods./. And after Greece was replenished with Gods & \the worship of the chief of the chief of/ these Gods, by were established by began to be celebrated by began to be reve\re/nced \was established & by f custome by the custome \& antiquity/ of worshipping them & ant/ for their \some/ &|a|ntiquity & celebrated by the Poets, it grew difficult to make any new Gods take place amongst the old ones wth equal credit & honour. The custome of consecrating dead men continued in use in all ages while the heathen religion lasted, but no new Gods could ever attain the honour of being numbred amongst the Dij magni majorum gentium. Seing therefore that the worshop of the great Gods of Egypt wer|as|e set up in all the Nomes of Egypt before ye death of Isis & the worship of the th|g|reat Gods of Greece was set up in all Greece before the end of the Trojan war: we ret ruin of Troy:|;| & the wa & no new Gods wth Oracles have been since admitted by the nations into the number of the old ones: we may safely conclude that the number \four ages/ of the Gods so celebrated by antiquity ended in Egypt with the death of Isis & in Greek|ce| with the return of the Greeks from the Trojan war.

We have told you that when Bacchus invaded Greece he was enterteined by Amphi|y|cty|i|on the son of Deucalion - - - - - - - - - - - - - enterteined Bacchus & his great men & erected an altar to him & building a temple to Iupiter Phyxius instituted an annual festival to him \another alter {sic} to the twelve Gods/ in memory of his escape built a Temple to Iupiter Phyxius, & instituted an annual festival wch was kept at Athens.

They tell us that when the rain fell wch overflowed the kingdō of {illeg} Deucalion - - - - - the fleece to Iupiter Phyxius. This re They tell us also that when Deucalion instituted an annual festival to Iupiter Phyxius & that the Athenians observed this festival \in the temple of that God/ th upon the first day of the month Anthesterion \in the/ & shew pouring an offering into a hole in the earth <11r> in memory of the waters the flowing down there in the time of the flood: all wch savours of a allegory. When Bacchus with his army had conquered Thrace & invaded \invaded/ the kingdom of Deucalion invaded Greece, Deucalion fled from this army as from a flood. He fled to Athens, for there he built a temple & instituted a festival to Iupiter Phyxius, there Amphictyon the son of Deucalion enterteined Bacchus & erected an altar to him & there Deucalion built an altar to ye 12 Gods of Egypt wch was the first step of setting up the worship of those Gods in Greece.

Deucalion is reputed a Scythian - - - - - - - - son of Iupiter.

We have told you that Bacchus invaded Greece in the days of Amphictyon the son of Deucalion & was enterteined by Amphictyon at Athens. This was that Amphictyon who by the advice \& assistance/ of Deucal Acrisius erected the Amphictyonic Council appointing it to meet every spring & autumn at Delphos in the temple of Apollo & at Thermopylæ in the temple of Ceres|.| & his \And whose & whose His/ father Deucalion w|b|uilt an altar to the twelve Gods, & thereby made the first step of introducing the worship of the Gods into Greece, This is that Deucalion \&/ In whose \his/ days, \as/ the ancients feigned, that a great great f|G|reece was overflowed, meaning by the flood {illeg} (if I mistake not) the overflowing of Greece by the armies of Sesostris. For in the allegorical language of the ancients a flood was an invasion was called a flood. In this|e| days \of this Deucalion/ Greece was overflowed not by a flood of real waters but by ye armies of Sesostris. For in ye allegorical language of the ancients, w \nations & {illeg} waters & armies/ peoples were ca called represented by waters & an invasion by a flood. Whether there \was/ another Deucalion the father of Hellen & king of Athens I leave to {illeg}|be| examined.

<11v>

These & \several/ others were set up before the end of ye Trojan war

<12r>

Doves in the ancient fables of the Greeks are put up for Priestesses, as Bochart, & Marsham \& Potter/ [19] have shewed. And, saith Herodotus [20], the Oracle at Dodona is the oldest in Greece & is very like that at the Egyptian Thebes, & the way of divining in temples came from Egypt. Oracles were set up by the Politicians for give|i|ng \divinity to dead men &/ laws to ye people \living/. Zaleucus pretended to receive his laws from the Goddess Vesta, Numa his from the Goddess Egeria, Minos his from the Cretan Iupiter. Lycurgus [21] backt his laws by the authority of the Delphic Oracle. When Acrisius erected the Amphictyonic Council & {sic} built a temple \was built/ at Delphos for them to meet in, the Temple was furnished with an Oracle not for governing the Council but for influencing the people \& bringing wealth to the Temple & credit to the God./. And the same is to be understood of all the Oracles in Temples built by publick authority.: such as were the Temple of Iupiter in Thebes built by the king of Egypt who reigned in that city; the Temple of Iupiter Ammon in Libya built by Danaus in the reign of his brother Sesostris; [the The {sic} Temple of Iupiter at Dodona built \at the same time/ by the Pelasgians for all Pelasgia; the Temple of Iupiter Olympius in Olympia neare Elis.] \/ < insertion from f 12v > [22] that of Apollo in the island Delos, another of Apollo Branchides at Didyma built by the Melesians & consulted by all the Ionians & Æolians, another of Apollo at Larissa a fort of the Argives, another \of Apollo/ at Abæ in Phocis, the temple of Ceres at Patræ a city of Achaia, that of Pasiphae at Thalamiæ a city of Laconia, that of Leucothea, that is of Ino the daughter of Cadmus, built in the kingdom of Colchos by Phryxus, another of Ino in the way between Thalamiæ & Oetylus in Lacomia < text from f 12r resumes > & as many of the Temples of the Nomes or Provinces of Egypt as had Oracles in them. For Sesostris divided Egypt into 36 Nomes & built a Temple for every Nome \or Church/ & all these Temples had their Councils of Elders or Senators who met at set times of the year to consult & regulate the affairs of the Nome & Temple, the people of the Nome also coming together to sacrifice & feast together & to buy & sell. For the several Nomes had their several Gods & several ways of worshipping their Gods & these Gods had their Oracles some of wch continued in vogue till the days of Herodotus, as the Oracles of Hercules & Apollo in their cities, that of Minerva in the city Sais, that of Diana in the city Bubastis, that of Mars in the city Pampremis, that of Iupiter in Thebes, that|os||e| of Apis \& Serapis/ in the|ir| temples of Apis; but of all the Oracles that of Latona in the city of Buti remained most in repute. And these Oracles were not all alike but delivered themselves in different manners. And indeed I do not see how Sesostris could have set up \so many Gods &/ so many religions in Egypt as there were Nomes & Temples, if he had not furnished the temple of every Nome wth an Oracle in the beginning.

Herodotus[23] tells us that before the Greeks began to set up Oracles they had no variety of names for various Gods but called them only by common names of Gods: By \& that by/ the \& that by the/ dictates of the Oracle of Dodona the Pelasgians received the names of the Gods of Egypt & propogated them into all Greece|.| before And soon after [24] by the dictates of the Delphic Oracle & prophesying of Pegasus Melampus & Orpheus the Greeks received the worship of Bacchus. But under these names they worshipped their own dead men, it being usual to consecre|a|te the dead by new names \for promoting their worship , as {sic}/; as by giving the name 3|2| of Bacchus to the son of Semele, 2|3| that of Hercules to \Alcæus/ the son of Alcmena, that of Pan to the son of Penelope, 1 that of Iupiter to Minos \Trophonius, Agamemnon & other kings/, {illeg}|4| that of Neptune to Erecth|h|theus & Æolus, |7| that of Mars to the father of Alcippa <13r> |6| that of Mercury to the son of Maia, \9/ that of Thetis to the mother of Achilles, \{4}|5|/ that of Leucothea to Ino the daughter of Cadmus, \5|6|/ that of Palæmon to her Melicertes, \10/ those of the Muses to the daughters of Pierus, & those \11 those of the Graces to the weomen attending on Venus, And so the Egyptians & other nations gave the names of {sic}/ of Osiris, Bacchus, Belus, Hyperion, Ilus, \Dionysus/ Mars, Hercules to Sesac And this confusion of names & persons |& those of the Gods of the Nomes of Egypt to the great men of {illeg}|his| court, & those of Baal, \Baalim/ Melech, \Melcone/ Asteroth to the k dead kings & Queens of the cities of the east. And this changing of names & calling several dead men by the same new name & the same dead man by several new names| has very much clouded the history of the ages of the Gods.

When Bacchus invaded Greece he was entertained by Amphictyon the son of Deucalion, & in memory thereof there were set up at Athens in a cell consecrated to Bacchus, many earthen statues & amongst them the statue of Amphictyon enterteining Bacchus & the Gods, & also the statue of Pegasus of Eleutheris who first introduced the worship of Bacchus amongst the Athenians. This was that Amphictyon who by the advice of Acrisius erected the Amphictyonic Council appointing it to meet every spring & autumn at Delphos in the temple of Apollo & at Thermopylæ in the temple of Ceres. They tell us that when the rain fell wch overflowed the kingdom of Deucalion in Thessaly \& Lycorea/, he fled from the rain to Athens & in memory of his escape built there a Temple to Iupiter Phyxius. This cannot be understood literally without a miracle. For Athens was lower then Thessaly & Lycorea, & no man without a divine admonition would fly from rain before he was in danger by the rising of the waters, & then the waters would hinder his flight. Iupiter Phyxius signifies the Iupiter of them that fly escape by flying. So the Scholiast of Pindar [25] tells us that when Phryxus fled from his stepmother & came \escaped/ to Colchos he consecrated the fleece to Iupiter Phyxius. When Sesostris invaded & overflowed Thessaly, Deucalion fled with his son Amphictyon to Athens & there they made their peace with Bacchus. For there Amphictyon enterteined Bacchus & his great men There Deucalion erected an Altar \also/ to the 12 Gods & \& erected an altar to him, & th th{illeg} as/ instituted an annual festival to Iupiter Phyxius wch was long observed. And by these & such like practises the worship of the Dij magni majorum gentium was set on foot in Greece.

Deucalion is {by} reputed a Scythian, & might with a body of Scythians invade Thessaly & erect a kingdom there before the coming of Sesostris. \ Strabo[26] relates that the Delphic Oracle was a Bæo a woman of Delphos in a hymn composed by her related th wrote that the Delphic Oracle was dedicated to Apollo by a people coming from the Hyperboreasis amongst whom were Pagasus, Agyieus, & {Oben} & Deucalion might be their king./ And whether thes|r|e be another Deucalion the father of Hellen \& son of Prometheus/ & another Amphictyon the son of that Deucalion & king of Athens I leave to be examined. For Prometheus was an Egyptian contemporary to \Atlas &/ Sesostris, & Hellen was much older & b is by some called the son of Iupiter[27].

<14r> [Editorial Note 3]

between them T without naming the kings who reigned \in those intervalls/. Those intervalls were therefore invented since the days of Herodotus & are to be neglected, & no more kings allowed then those which he names. And they are these. Iupiter, Ammon & Iuno, Osiris & Isis, Horus, Menes, Busiris I, Busiris II, Osymanduas, Vchoreus, Myris, Sesoosis I, Sesoosis II, Amasis, Actisanes, Mendes vel Marrus, Proteus, Remphis, Chembis, Chephren, Mycerinus or Cherinus, Gnephactus, Boccaris, Sabacus, Duodecim Reges Psammiticus, ** Uaphres, Amasis. In reciting the kings wch follow Actisanes & some of those wch precede him, namely Menes, Myris, Sesoosis I, & Sesoosis II, Diodorus agrees with Herodotus. Amasis & Actisanes an Ethiopian who conquered him I take to be the same wth Anysis & Sabacus in Herodotus. Osimanduas is the same with Menes in Herodotus, & Busiris is the same with Osiris, the Greeks deducing the names from the Egyptian lamentations O-Siris, Bu-Siris. \For/ Diodorus saith that the Tumb of Osiris where they sacrificed red men was called Busiris, & the building of Thebes he ascribes to both Osiris & Busiris. He {illeg} omits Nitocris & Nechus & Psammis & next before Sabacus adds Gnephactus & \his son/ Boccaris. These two kings reigned successively at Memphys \after Asychis/. And at the same time Anysis or Amosis reigned \in the lower Egyp/ at Amysis or Hanes (Isa. 30.4.) Petabastes Osorchon & Psammis at Tanis, Stepanates, Nechepsus & Necheus as|t| Sais, \Senscoris or Sesonchis, Osorchon & Tacellotis at Bubaste/ & perhaps others at some other places. And Egypt being weakened by this division was invaded & conquered by the Ethiopians under Sabacon|us|, who slew Boccharis & Nechus & made Anysis fly.

Isaias[28] speaking of the times next preceding the reign of Sabacon, mentions the kingdoms seated at Zoan or Tanis & Noph or Memphis. I will set, saith he, the Egyptians against the Egyptians & they shall fight every one against his neighbour, city against city & kingdom against kingdom — And the Egyptians {illeg}

After the study of Astronomy was set on foot{illeg} of navigation, & the Egyptians by the heliacal ri{sing}{illeg} of the stars had determined {the} length of the so{lar}{illeg} days & by other observations had fixed the so{lar}{illeg} the fixt stars into asterisms ({all} which was don{e}{illeg} Ammon Sesak & Memnon:) it may be pres{umed}{illeg} {con}tinued to observe the motions of the Planets{illeg} them after their Gods; & Nic{illeg}psos their{illeg} of Petosiris a Priest of Egypt, {in}vented A{illeg} upon the aspects of the Planets. {A}nd{illeg} Sabacon invaded Egypt, a bo{dy}{illeg} Babylon & ca{illeg} Astrology A{illeg} & this wa{illeg} of Asa i{illeg} reign, t{illeg} years{illeg} re{illeg}

<14v> [Editorial Note 4]

In the Dynasties of Manetho, Sevechus is made the successor of Sabacus, but I take them both to have been one & the same king. He is that So or Su{illeg} with whom Hoshea king of Israel in the conspired against the Assyrians in the 4th year of Hezekiah, Anno Nabonass. 24. For Herodotus tells us that Sabacus after a long reign relinquished Egypt voluntarily, & that Anysis who had fled from him, returned & reigned again in the lower Egypt, & was succeeded by Sethon, & that Sethon defended Pelusium against the army of Sennacherib & was relieved by a great multitude of mise which eat the bowstrings of the Assyrians: in memory of which the Statue of Sethon (seen by Herodotus) was made with a mouse in its hand. A mouse was the Egyptian symbol of destruction, & the mouse in the hand of Sethom signifies only that he overcame the Assyrians with {illeg}|a| great destruction. The Scriptures inform us that when Sennacherib invaded Iudea & besieged Lachish & Libnah, (wch was in the 14th year of Hezekiah, Anno Nabonass. 34) the king of Iudah trusted upon Pharaoh king of Egypt, that is upon, Sethon, & that Te|i|rhakah was \king of Ethiopia/ came out also to fight against Sennacherib ~ (2 King. 18.21. & 19.1|9|) Which makes it probable that when Sennacherib heard of the kings of Egypt & Ethiopia coming against him, he went \from Libnah/ to Pelusium to oppose them & was there surprized & set upon in the night by them both, & routed with a great a slaughter as if the bowstrings of the Assyrians had been eaten with \by/ mise. After this victory Tirhakah carried his arms westward through Libya & Afric to the straits mouth, & was succeeded by Meores or Ammerres. But Herodotus tells us that the Egyptian Priests recconed Sethon the last king of \who reigned/ Egypt \was/ before the 12 contemporary kings, & by consequence before the invasion of Egypt by the Assyrians.

For Asserhadon king of Assyria in the reign {of} Manasses king of Iudah invaded {& conq}uered Egypt & Ethiopia & reigned over them three years \(Isa. 20.3, 4.)/ {illeg}at is untill \{illeg}wch was/ in the year of Nabonassar 80|1|.

[Editorial Note 5]{illeg}in Abaris. And {illeg}\{H}eliopolis./ And then reigned {illeg}is of the upper {illeg}found in {illeg}t expelling {illeg}ted the

<15r>

Israel conspired against the Assyrians in the fourth year of Hezekiah, three years before the captivity of the ten tribes (2 King. XVII.4.) And Tirhakah reigned over Ethiopia & Egypt in the 14th year of Hezekiah (2 King. XVIII.21, 24. & XIX.9) & therefore succeeded Sevechus between the 4th & 14th year of Hezekiah. And in the reign of his son Manasses, Asserhadon king of Assyria invaded & conquered Egypt & Ethiopia, thre & reigned over them three years untill his death (Isa. 20.3, 4.) that is untill the year of Nabonassar 80. Then \Egypt became subject to/ twelve contemporary \kings/ reigned over Egypt. They reigned 15 years including the reign of Asserhadon whom the Egyptians reccon not among their kings. Then Psammiticus conquered them|ose| \kings/ & built the last Portico of the Temple of Vulcan founded by Menes about 260 years before Psammiticus reigned 54 years including the 15 years of the 12 Kings. For he was one of them. Then reigned his son Nechus or Nechaoh 17 years, Psammis 6 years, Vaphres or Hophra 25 years, Amosis 44 years & Psammenitus six months. Egypt was subdued by Nebuchadnezzar in the last year of Vaphres, Anno Nabnass. 179 & remained in subjection to Babylon 40 years, \(Ier. 44.39||, & Ezek. 19. 12, 13, 14, 17, 19)/ that is almost all the reign of Amasis a plebeian set over Egypt by the conqueror. Cyrus reigned over Egypt & Ethiopia aacording to Xenophon, & the 40 years ended with his death. At that time therefore those nations recovered their liberty, but after four years \more/ they were invaded & conquered by Cambyses, Anno Nabonass. 223, & have ever since remained in servitude as was predicted by the Prophets.

To the division of Egypt into more kingdoms then one both before & after the war of Sennacherib, the Prophet Isaias[29] seems to allude in these words. I will set, saith he, the Egyptians against the Egyptians, & they shall fight every one against his neighbour, city against city & kingdom against kingdom, & the spirit of Egypt shall fail. — And the Egyptians will I give over into the hand of a cruel Lord [vizt Asserhadon] & a fierce king shall reign over them. Surely the Princes of Zoan are fools, the counsel of the wise Counsellours of Pharaoh is become bruitish How say ye unto Pharaoh, I am the son {illeg}|o|f the wise the son of the ancient kings.The Princes of Zoan are become fools; the Princes of Noph are deceived; they have also seduced Egypt, they that were the stay of the tribes thereof.In that day there shall be a high way out of Egypt into Assyria & the Egyptians shall serve the Assyrians.

Pliny tells us that the Egytian Obeliscs were of a sort of stone dug neare Syene in Thebais, & that the first Obelisc was made by Mitres (that is Mephres) who reigned in Heliopolis, & afterwards other kings made others, Sachis (that is Sesochis or Sesak) four each of 48 cubits in length, S|R|amises two, Smarres (that is Marrus or Mæris) one of 48, Eraphius (or Hophra) one of 48 & Nectabis one of 80. Mephres therefore reigned over all the upper Egypt from Syene to Heliopolis. His successor

<16r>

The histories of the Persians now extant in the east represent that the oldest Dynasties of the kings of Persia were those whom they call Pischdadians & Kaianides, & that the Kaianides immediately succeeded the Pischdadians. And the three last kings of the second Dynasty they call Ardshir Diraz, Darab his bastard son & Darab who was conquered by Ascander Roumi, that is Artaxerxes Longimanus \& his son bastard son called/ Darius Nothus & Darius who was conquered by Alexander the Greek. They omit the kings between the two Dariuses, which shews that their history of this kingdom is imperfect: but by the names of the kings here mentioned tis certain that the Dynasty of the Kaianides was that of the Medes & Persians mentioned in scripture & therefore the Dynasty of the Pischdadians was that of these Elam conquered by Cyaxes|r|es a little after the fall of Nineveh.

The oriental historians say that the fourth king of their second Dynasty was Lohorasp & that he was the father of Kishtasp, & the grandfather of Cyrus & the great grandfather of Bahaman the grandson of Kish|c|htasp, taking Bahaman sometimes for Darius His|y|staspis. And by these recconings they make Lohorasp as old as Cyaxeres. They say also that Lohorasp was the first of their kings who reduced their army|i|es to good order & discipline, & Herodotus affirms the same thing of Cyaxerxes. And they say further that Lohorasp went eastward & conquered many provinces of Persia & that one of his Generals whom the Hebrews call Nebuchadnezzar & others call Raham & Gudarz went westward & conquered all Syria & Iudæa & took the city Ierusalem & destroyed it. And by these circumstances {they} take Lohorasp for one & the same king with Cyaxeres, calling Nebuchadnezzar his General because he assisted him in the taking of Nineveh. Seeing therefore that Lohorasp was the fourth king of the second Dynasty of the Persians, this Dynasty began about three reigns or sixty years before the fall of Nineveh & by consequence at that time when the Medes & other nations revolted from the Assyrians. And soon after the fall of Nineveh, in the reign of its fourth king it {inva} conquered the Provinces of Persia, \&/ thereby put an end to the first Dynasty.

< insertion from f 16v > ✝ The first three kings of thes \second/ Dynasty they call Kai Cobad, Kai Caus & Kai Cosros, & derive the name Kaianides from the word Kai wch they say in the old Persian language signified a Giant or great King. The three next kings they called Lohorasp, Kischtasp, & Bahaman & tell us that Bahaman was Ardschir Diraz, that is Artaxerxes Longimanus, so called from the great extent of his power. And yet they say that Bahaman went westward into Mesopotamia & Syria & conquered Balthaser the son of Nebuchadnezzar & gave the kingdom to Cyrus his Lieutenant general over Media Assyria & Chaldea, & here they takae Bahaman for Darius the Mede. By Kischtasp they mean Darius Histaspes. For |Darius Hystaspes the father of Patius & master of the Magis. For| they say that he was contemporary \to Ieremiah Daniel & Ezra & to {sic}/ to Zardust or Zoroaster the legislator of the Ghebers or Fireworshippers, & established his doctrines throughout all Persia. And by Lohorasp they mean Cyaxeres. For they say that Lohorasp was the first of their kings who reduced their armies to good order & discipline, & Herodotus affirms the same thing of Cyaxeres. And they \say/ further that Lohorasp went eastward & conquered the many provinces of Persia, & that one of his Generals whom the Hebrews call Nebuchadnezzar & others call Raham & Gudars went westward & conquered all Syria & Iudea & took the city Ierusalem & destroyed it. And by these circumstances they take Lohorasp for one & the same king with Cyaxerxes, calling Nebuchadnezzar his General because he assisted him in the taking of Nineveh. The oriental historians therefore between Cyaxeres & Darius Hystapis omit \{illeg}{have}/ Darius the Mede, Cyrus & Cambyses, & |by the name of Bahama{illeg}|n|, but| confound the|is| actions of Darius the Mede with those of Artaxerxes Longimanus. They say that Kischtasp was the son of & successor of Lohorasp; whereas Darius whom they call Kishtasp was the son of |& here they take him for Darius the Mede confounding this Darius with Darius| Hystaspes \was/ a Persian who reigned not. By placing telling us that Lohorasp was the fourth king of the second Dynasty they place the beginning of this Dynasty about sixty three reigns or sixty years before the fall of Nineveh & by consequence at that time when the Medes revolted from the Assyrians, & by this kings conquering the Provinces of Persia they put an end to the first Dynasty soon after the fall of Nineveh.

The oriental historians tell us that in those days the Scythians on the north side of the river Oxus - - - - - Afrasiab & his captains.

In the first dynasty of the Persians the oriental historians reccon eleven succ

< text from f 16r resumes >

In this \first/ Dynasty the Oriental historians reccon eleven successive kind|g|s. And these kings at about 18 or 20 years to a reign will take up about 200 or 220 years & thereby place the beginning of this Dynasty about 20 or 40 years before the Olympiads, that is, \soon/ about the time that the oriental nations revolted from Egypt, |or soon after.| But|And| \yet/ the Oriental historians make this Dynasty much ancienter. For they tells us that some of thi|e| Pischdadian kings reigned a lived a thousand years a piece & that they reigned all together above three thousand years. And to the first king of the second Dynasty they assigne a reign of {illeg}|1|20, to the second a reign of 150 years, to the third a reign of 60 years to the 4th a reign of 120 years, to the fift as much, & to the sixt called Artaxerxes Lond|g|imanus a reign of 112 years. So then we need not wonder that the Egyptians have made the kings in the first Dynasty of their Monarchy (that wch was seated at Thebes in the first days of David Solomon & Rehoboam) so very ancient & so long lived, since <17r> the Persians have done the like to the kings who \began to/ reigned in Persia above two hundred years after the death of David king David \Solomon making them older then Adam/.

The oriental historians tell us also that in those days the Scythians on the north side of the river Oxus wch runs westward into the Caspian sea having erected there a potent kingdom called the kingdom of Touran or Turquestan, invaded Persia frequently in the reign of one of their kings called Afrasiab; & that in the reign of the eighth king of the Pischadadians, Afrasiab conquered Persia & reigned over it twelve years together, & then was repulsed by the tenth {illeg}|K|ing of the Pischadadians, & invaded it again in the reign of the eleventh & last king of the Pischadadians called Kischtasp \the son of Zab/; & was at length slain in the mountains of Media by the third king of the second Dynasty. Whence its probable that the three first kings of the second Dynasty were contemporary to the three or four last of the first Dynasty, & that the Scythians whom Cyaxeres slew in a feast in the latter end of his fathers reign \or beginning of his own/ were Afrasiab with \and/ his captains or some of them.

The Persians in their histories have no memory of the wars of Sesac or of the dominion of Egypt over Persia, or of any thing ancienter in Persia then the Dynasty of the Pischadadians. So then before the beginning of the Olympiads & the reign of Pul & the revolt of the Persians from Egypt, there were no great empires in the world (on this side of India) except that of Egypt founded by Ammon & Sesac wch was but of a short continuance. \They begin their history wth that Dynasty as the Ethiopians do theirs wth the Dynasty of their Gods & make it three or four thousand years older then the truth Adam tho it was not much older then the Olympiads. So then the first great Empire in the world on this side India was yt of Egypt founded by Ammon & Sesac & this Empire lost some Provinces upon the Euxine & Mediterranean seas about the time of the Argonautic expedition, but kept its dominion over Chaldea, Elam, Assyria, Armenia & Cappadocia till the reign of Mæris or his successor Sephis. And then those nations becoming free set up the kingdoms of Elam Assyria Babylon & Media. And these are the first great Empires in the world on this side India. Great Empires &c/ Great empires are always accompanied wth great imperial cities, & the first city wch reigned over all Egypt was Thebes, the first wch reigned over all Phœnicia between Egypt & Euphrates was Ierusalem, the first wch reigned over all Assyria was Nineveh, the first wch reigned over all Chaldea was Babylo{n,} the first wch reigned over all Media was Perse Ecoatane, \the first wch reigned over the gr{eates}t part of Asia minor was Sardes,/ the first |wch| reigned over all Greece was Macedon, & the first wch reigned over all ye Italy was Rome. Persepolis was the capital of the Medo-Persian Empire, & Darius Hystaspis built it out of the spoiles carried from Egypt by Cambyses. These great Empires arose out of smaller kingdoms by conquest & were the first that did so; & those kingdoms arose out of others still smaller, & those out of single cities each of wch at first had its own king, & those out of small single cities each of wch at first had its own king, & those out of small villages built by mankind upon the first peopling of the earth, & those began not to be built in Europe before the days of Eli & Samuel.

Herodotus tells us that all Media was peopled by δήμοι towns without walls when \till/ they revolted from the Assyrians & that after that revolt they built Ecbatane with walls for the seat of their kings set up a king over them & built Ecbatane wch walls for his seat, the first town wch they walled about. And it will be difficult to name a town in all Europe wch was built with walls before the warrs of Sesostris. The antiquities of Libya were not much older then those of Europe for Diodorus tells us that the Libyans had a tradition that Vranus the father of Hyperion & grandfather of Helius & Selene (that is, Ammon the father of Sesac) was their first king & caused the people who then wandered up & down, to dwell in towns & cities, & reducing them from a lawless & salvage {sic} course of life taught them to wander in use & lay up the fruits of the earth, & do many other things usefull for mans life. When Ioshua conquered the land of Canaan, every city of the Canaanites had its own king like the cities of Europe before the|y| Olympiads \conquered one another/ : which is an argument that towns began to be built in Canaan \that land/ not many ages before the days of Ioshua. For the Patriarchs wandred there in tents & fed their flocks wherever they pleased, the field of Phenicia not being yet appropriated for want of people. The countries first inhabited by <17v> mankind were in those days so thinly peopled that four kings from the coasts of Shinar & Elam, invaded & spoiled the Rephaims & the inhabitants of the countries of Moab Ammon Edom Amalec & the kingdoms of Sodom Gomorrah Admah & Zeboim & yet were pursued & beaten by Abraham with an armed force of only 318 men the whole force wch Abraham & the Princes confederate with him could raise. And Egypt was so thinly peopled before the birth of Moses that the king Pharaoh said of the Israelites; Behold the people are of the children of Israel are more & mightier then we; & to prevent their multiplying & growing too strong, caused their male children to be drowned. These footsteps there are of the first peopling of the earth by manking|d| not long before the days of Abraham & of the overspreading it with villages towns & cities & their growing into kingdoms first smaller & then greater untill the rise of the Monarchies of Egypt, Elam, Assyria, Babylonia Media & Persi{illeg}|a|, Greece & Rome, the first great Empires on this side India.

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out of gratitude for the benefits received of him they had received of him. He being therefore king of Cyprus & part of Phenicia & in so great esteem & honour among them for his benefactions, 'tis not to be doubted but that after his death his friends & subjects deified him according to the custome of that age. In several respects he had several names. His proper name was Thoas or Theias. From his skills on the Harp he was called Cinyras; from his skill in works by fire את;שא בא, Ἥφαιστος Ignis-piter, & Διαμίχιος Baal machinator; & perhaps from the place where he was worshipped Baal-Cana, Volcanus, the God of Canaan.

While Sesostris & his great men were thus deified by the nations, the commander of his fleet in the Mediterranean was not to be buried in obscurity: for he was the great Neptune of the ancients. For the Cretans a[30] affirmed that Neptune was the first that began to handle sea aff{illeg}|a|irs & set out a Fleet having obteined this Prefecture of Saturn, whence posterity recconed things done in the sea to be under his government, & mariners honoured him with sacrifices. By Saturn I understand here the father of Iupiter Belus, Neptune & Pluto. For Ammon who was the Iupiter of Egypt \& Libya/ was the sa|Sa|turn of some other nations. Neptune was therefore an Egyptian being the brother of Iupiter Belus & Pluto. And even his name Neptune is Egyptian signifying a Lord of the sea coasts. For the b[31] outmost parts of the earth & promontories & whatever borders upon the sea the Egyptians call Nephthys. The God c[32] was first worshipped in Africa & from thence his worship was propagated into other countries & therefore he was king over som{illeg}|e| part of Afric bordering {f} on the sea where there were good harbours for shipping. Now d[33] in all the sea coasts of Egypt from Ioppa in Palestine to Parætonium in Afric, for the space of 625 miles there was not one safe harbour to be found except Pharus. At Parætonium was a very good harbour & from thence along the sea coasts of Cyrene (including Marmonica) were several other good ones, & there Bochart & Arias Montanus place the Naphtuhim a people sprung from Misraim Gen. 10.13. For all this region as far the river Triton was imbued wth the manners & language of the Egyptians, being peopled by colonies from Egypt as we mention shewed above. Stephanus e[34] tells us that this region had many names as Libya properly so called, Olympia, Oceania, Hesperia, Ammonis, Cyrenæ. Its probable that it had the name Hesperia from its bordering westward on Egypt & the name Oceania from its being a long & narrow tract of land bordering on the sea & being fitted with good harbours. The names Naphtuhim Ammonis, Nap\h/tuhim, Hesperia & Oceania discover it to be the kingdom of Neptune Ammon & his son Neptune, the people Naphtuhim & their king Neptune bar deriving their names from the sea coasts wch the A|E|gyptians called Nephthys. {illeg}Oceania Cyrene was famous for the breed \& management/ of good horses. And thence f[35] Neptune Pallas & the Amazons were called Equestres. The scholiast upon Pindar (Ptyh. Ode. 4) saith: Equestrem Neptunum \Poeta/ vocat non ex præsenti occasione sed quia Neptunus Libyes docuit equos currui jungere. And Pausanias: Equestris Neptunus vocatur quod equitationem Neptunus invenisse dicatur. And Pamphus, h[36] who is reputed the author of ye <19r> oldest Hymns amongst the Athenians calls Neptune Ἵππων τε δοτῆρα, νεῶν τ' ἰθυχρηδέμνων The inventor of horses & of tall ships with sails.

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Herodotus (l. 6.) tells us that Leocides the son of Phidon & Megacles the son of Alcmæon at one & the same time courted Agarista the daughter of Clisthenes, king of Sicyon, & the Amphityons by the advice of Solon made Alcmæon & Clisthenes & Eurolycus king of Thessaly commanders of their army against Cyrrha. And hence Phidon Megacles Alcmæon, Clisthenes, Eurolycus & Solon were all of them contemporary to one another & the war against Cyrrha was in their days. They were also contemporary to Crœsus For Solon in his travels|l|s visited Crœsus, & Alcmæon enterteined & conducted the Messengers whom Crœsus sent to consult the Oracle at Delpo|h|os An. 1 Olymp. 56 according to the Marbles, & for so doing was sent for by Crœsus & rewarded with much riches. < insertion from the middle of f 20r > — rewarded wth much riches. Megacles the son of Alcmæon married Agarista, And Pisistratus when he obteined the tyranny at Athens married the daughter of Megacles & Agarista, & Clisthenes the son of Megacles & Agarista expelled the sons of Pisistratus An. 1 Olymp. 67 according to the Marbles. And t The Cyrræans therefore were conquered about two generations by the eldest sons before the con expulsion of the sons of Pisistratus, or about the 53 Olympiad. And thus the Legislature of Solon may have been about the 55t Olympiad – – – Draco about the 50th Olympiad. But {illeg} \the old/ Chronologers placed the conquest of Cyrra An. 2 Olymp. 47 A & thereby made Solon older t too old to be conversant with Crœsus, P as Plutarch complains.

The kingdom of Macedon – – p. 13, 14 - - - - - upon the 46th Olympiad or thereabout. It could not be older because earlier because Phidon was contemporary to Alcmæon Cly|i|sthenes Eurolycus & Solon as above.

Iphitus presided – p. 15 – not to be admitted. < text from f 20r resumes > The \According to the/ Marbles place the message of Crœsus \was/ a|A|n. 1 Olymp. 56 & the war of Cyrrhæans were conquered An 2 Olymp. 47. But \that of Solon may be contemporary to C/ I had rather place the first \message of Crœu/ And|.| {illeg}|1| Olymp. 57 & the second \conquest of Cyrrha/ An. 1 Olymp. 53. And thus the Legislature of Solon may have been about thee 55th Olympi{ad} the return of Solon to Athens after a travel of ten years, about the 58th Olympiad, the conversation of Solon with Crœsus about the 58|9|th Olympiad, & the taking of Sardec an 2 or 3 Olymp. 59 & the Legislature of Draco in the 50th or 51th Olympiad.

Iphitus presided both in the Temple of — p. 15 — not to be admitted.

Between the taking of Troy & the death of Codrus king of Athens their reigned six kings over Athens vizt Demophoon Oxyntes Aphidas Thymetes Melanthus & Codrus; the third & fourth of wch reigned together but nine years according to Chronologers. If we should allow 21 years a piece to ye other four, the death of Codrus will be 17|3| years after the return of the Heraclides. Then reigned twelve Archons for life successively wch being if we should reccon them|ir| \reigns/ one with another at about 15 or 16 years a piece one wth another (for they were \all elected & by consequence/ grown up to years of discretion before they were elected \reigned/) they might take up 180 or 190 years. Then reigned seven decennial Archons wch might take up 40 or 50 years some of \them/ dying before their tenn years were expired. And then reigned the annual Prytanees till the tyranny of Cypselus & his son Periander reign \tyranny/ of Pisistratus wch might begin about the 58th Olympiad. About two years after the death of Codrus - - -

Pausanus represents that Melas – – – –

Thus do these four prophesies, that of the image composed of four metals, that of the four beasts, that of the Ram & He-goat & that of the scripture of truth \treat all of them the same subject &/ tend all of them to the same purpose, as if the latter were but repetitions of the former under vare|i|ous modes & forms of representing things. And therefore I consider them all together as four parts of one great prophesy wch each of w wch must be compared wth one another for understanding them whole; each of them conteining the state of the Iews, & of Christians & of the kingdoms wch they live under during all times till the day of judgement & the resurrection of the dead & day of judgement. When the first of these prophecies was given, Daniel by recovering the dream of Nebuchadnezzar & interpreting it, gained the reputation of the wisest of men from whom no secret could lye hid, as is mentioned by Ezekiel who lived in those days. Thou art wiser then Daniel, saith he to the king of Tyre, there is no secret that they can hide from thee. Ezek. XXVIII.2. The first prophesy of the four was therefore certainly Daniels. And they were all of a piece. And the Apocalyps is written upon the same subject & in the same figurative style.

240-6         From Ægialus to Xeuxippus were twelve kings inclusively, & there reigns after the rate of 20 years a piece one wth another take up 240 years. And so long it was fro |Apis or| Epopeus or Epophus & Nickus were slain in battel & in th about the 10th year of Solomon as above & And from Apis to Xeuxippus wer {sic} {ten}|eight| reigns inclusively wch at 19|20| years a piece one with another am\o/unt unto 1{illeg}|60| years wch recconed counted from the 10th year of Solomon end in the 122th year after the place the death of Xeusxippus death <20v> 122|30| years after the death of Solomon or     46|55| years after the d|t|aking of Troy & there so long after the taking of that city Eusebius places it. And the four preceding kings might reign 80 years & so place the begin̄ing of the reign of Ægialeus & P his brother Phoroneus about the 10th year of Samuel.

For Epopeus & the \first/ four kings, Sicyon \Agialeus/, Europs, Telchin, Apis, after the rate of \about/ 20 years a piece one wth another take up about 80 years, & Apis &|or| Epopeus & Nicteus were slain {at} in battle about the tenth year of Solomon, & the 80 years counted upwards\3/ from\1/ thence\2/ place the beginning of the reigns of Ægialeus & his brother Phoroneus about the tenth \eleventh/ year of Samuel. And the eight reigns following {illeg}|tha|t of Apis, after the same rate, take up 160 years wch to be \wch/ counted \forwards/ from the death tenth year of Solomon, place the death of Xeuxippus about 55 years after the taking of Troy, & there Eusebius places it. And [Between Adrastus & Pelasgus I have omitted Polyphides as being unknown to the ancienter Greeks. If he be inserted, the death of Xeuxippus \will/ be about 75 years after the taking of Troy, which recconing agrees better with the opinion of those who tell us that M \Melanthus/ upon the return of the Heraclides into Peloponesus, Melanthus fled from them to Ath was \was by them from them/ expelled Messene & flying \Melanthus king of Messenæ fled from them/ to Athens \&/ became their king of that city.]

\be delivered/ every one that shall be found witten {sic} in the book. And many of them that sleep in the dust shall awake some to everlasting life & some to \shame &/ everlasting shame to contempt. And they that be wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmament, & they that turn many to righteousness as the starrs for ever & ever.

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I place the end of the reign of Sesac upon the 5th year of Asa because Asa at that time \in that year/ Asa became free from the dominion of Egypt so as to be able to fortify Iudæa & {get} raise that great an army with wch he beat \met/ Zerah & routed him. so that he The Libyans under therefore under Typhon \(that is Iapetus {illeg})/ & his son Atlas, invaded Egypt in \the/ 5t year of Asa & raised that famous warr between the Gods & Giants from whence the Nile had the name of Eridanus. But Orus by the assistance of the Etiopians prevailed, & reigned till the 14th & \14th or/ 15th yeare of Asa. And then A the Ethiopians under Zerah invaded Egypt drowned Orus in Eridanus & were \& were/ routed by Asa And the lower Egypt revolting from under Osarsiphus, & {illeg} |so that Zera could not recover himself them| & Zerah \who could not recover himself/ was succeeded by Amenophis a youth {illeg} king of thero an Ethiopian youth, {illeg} a youth of the royal family of the Ethiopians. But the people of the lower Ægypt revolted from him & set up Osarsiphus a priest over them & called {illeg} in to their assistance a great body of men men from Phœnicia I think a part of the army of Asa, & thereupon the Amenophis with his army of Ethiopians retired to Memphis & \there/ turning the river Nile into a new channel fortified that city against Osarsiphus, & then retired into Ethiopia & stayed there 13 years & then returned, \came back wth a great army &/ subdued the lower Egypt|.| & When|ile| Amenophis was in Æthiopia & Ægypt was in its greatest distraction, \And then it was as I/ conceive was that the Greeks hearing thereof contrived the Argonautic expedition, & sent the flower of Greece in the ship Argo to perswade the nations upon the sea coasts &|of| the Euxine & Mediterran {sic} seas to revolt \from Egypt/ & set up for them selves, as the Libyans & Ethiopians \& Iews/ had done before. And this \is/ a further argument for placing that Expedition about {illeg} 44 years after the death of Solomon. Amenopis|his| might return from Ethiopia & conquer the lower Egypt about 8 or 9 years after that |e|e|x|pedition & having subdued the lower Egypt, & expelled the Phenicians f might lead h \& setled his government there over it he/ might, for putting a stop to the revolting of the nations, la|e|ad his army into Persia & build the Memnonia at Susa, fortifying that city as the Metropolis of Persia his dominions in those parts.



Pag. 26. lin. 25. Danaus, Perseus &c are setled.

After navigation in long ships with sails & about 50 \one order of/ oars had been propagated from Egypt to Phœnicia & Greece & thereby the Tyrians had carried on their trade with Spain & Britain & other remote nations about {illeg} one hundred & \forty or/ fifty years, the Corinthians began to improve navigation by building bigger ships with three orders of Oars called Triremes. |p. 18.| For Thucydides tells us that the Corinthians were the first who b of the Greeks who built long ships wth three orders of — later then the days of Solomon & Rehoboam.



And \at/ that time \And in those days/ the king of the north (who reigneth over besides his \newly/ northern countries \dominions/ reigneth over Iudea, Egypt, Libya & Ethiopia, \shall go forth with great fury to destroy & to make away many & he/ shall plant the tabernacle of his palace between the seas (the dead Sea & the Mediterranean) in the glorious holy mountain; but he shall come to his end. And at that time shall Michael stand up, the great Prince who standeth for the children of thy people & was annointed that to reign over them. And there shall be —



And [until the time of the end] a||\the/ king shall do according to his will & he shall exalt himself & magnify himself above every God & shall speak marvellous things against the anci God of Gods [the ancient of days,] & shall prosper till the indignation [or long captivity of the Iews] be accomplished: for that \that/ is determined shall be done. Neither shall he regard the God of his fathers [those who were holpen with a little help] nor the desire of weomen [in lawful matrimony, but set up the professions of Muncks & Nuns] nor regard any God; for he shall magnify himself [&|or| his own will] above all. And in his estate shall \shall he honour/ \& togetherwth/ Mahuzzims [\putting his trust in/ potent saints, the souls of dead men] honnour \shall he together with/ a strange God a new God whom his fathers, he [those who were holpen with a little help] knew not, shall he honour them with [things dedicated to gold & si{h}|l|ver & with pretious stones & & valuable things [dedicated to them.] Thus shall he do in the most strong holds [or temples of his Gods] with a strange God whom he shall acknowledge & increase with glory & cause them [the Mahuzzims \or Guardians/ to to rule over many & divide \[among them]/ the land [over which he reigns] for a patrimony.

And at the time of the end shall the king of the south [or the Empire of the Saracens] push at him. And the king of the north shall come [the Empire of the Turks shall come against him like a whirlwind with chariots & with horsemen & with many ships, & [by conquering Constantinople A. C. 1453] he shall enter into the countries & shall overflow & pass over. He shall enter also into the glorious land [of Iudea] & many countres {sic} \[in those parts]/ shall be overflown. But these shall escape out of his hand, even Edom & Moab & the chief of the Children of Ammon [to whom his caravans in their way to Mecca pay tribute.] He shall stretch forth his hand also upon the countries, & the land of Egypt shall not escape. But he shall have power over the treasures of gold & silver & over all the pretious things of Egypt. And the Libyans & the Etiopians shall be at his steps.

But tidings out of the east & out of the north shall trouble him: therefore he shall go forth with great fury to destroy & utterly to make away many. And he shall plant the tabernacles of his palace between the seas in the glorious holy mountain: yet he shall come to his end [in the battel of the gret {sic} day] & none shall help him. And at that time shall Michael stand up the great Prince wch standeth for the children of thy people [the prince of princes, he & his army on white horses shall stand up] & there shall be a time of trouble such as never was since there was a nation even to that same time. And at that time thy peo{ple}

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as he left sons surviving him.

The first kingdom after the flood was that of Noah reigning over all his posterity till the confusion of languages. For in his reign the whole earth was one language & of one speech \by living together in one society/ Till that time all mankind lived together in one socit|e|ty & by conversing together the whole earth was of one language & of one speech. And it came to pass as they journied from the east that they found a plane in the land of Shinar & they dwelt there (Gen. 11.1, 2) And they said to one another Go to, let us make brick & burn them throughly. And they had brick for stone & slime had they for mortar. And they said, Go to, let us build a city & tower whose top may reach unto heaven & let us make a name least we be scattered abroad upon the face of ye earth Gen. 11. This was Noahs kingdom \the people/ building the city Babel for its seat & raising a Tower so high that in seeking for food for themselves & their cattel they might see the same from all parts of the great plane of the land of Shinar & know whether to resort least they should be scattered from their main body.

The river Tigris just below Bagdad becomes divided into two streams one of wch runs South south east & compasses \between Susiana & on ye east & Eden &/ the land of Chus \on ye west/ the other runs \between Eden & Mesopotamia/ about 40 /or 45\ miles between Me to the point of Mesopotamia where it meets with the river Eufrates. Eufrates runs from thence by \to/ Babylon & from Babylon to

The river Tigris run at the ruins of Seleucia a little below Bagdad becomes divided into two streams, one of wch runs south or south & by east between Susiana on ye east & Eden & the land of Chus on ye west till it meets wth Eufrates about 440 miles below at Gorno

But the Lord came down to see the city & tower & said: The people is one & they have all one language; & this they have begun \begun/ to do: & now nothing will be restrained from them wch they have imagined to do. Go to, let us go down & there confound their language that they may not understand one anothers speech. So the Lord scattered them abroad from thence upon the face of the all the earth, & they left of to build the city. That is, by the counsel of God they were forced to leave relinquish their city Babel & the fruitful land of Shinar to an enemy & were scattered abroad from thence abroad to |fell out amongst themselves & (by discord) were forced to separate & leave the| seek new seats \& build new cities/, going into in several bodies to several places parts of ye earth according to their tribes & families, & by cea the want of conversation becoming various nat peoples & nations & tongues & languages. Sem seated his sons {illeg} Elam Ashur Arphaxad & Aram {at} Elymais, Assyria, Araphachitis above Assyria & Syria on both sides Euphrates |upon the E the river Tigris Euphrates & Euley or Choaspis gazing upwards from the land of Shinar|. Ham seated his four sons in Arabia Egypt, Afric & Canaan & Iapheth went into Asia minor & spread thence into Scythia & Europe, every father seating his sons in distant regions to avoid new discord. And this division happened abo at \or soon after/ the birth of Eber Peleg wch was 101 years after ye flood.

Nimrod being the youngest son of Chus was & by consequence two little generations older then Peleg was in his prime at the division of the earth & at that time or soon after began to be potent \a mighty one/ in the earth,                                Sem staid with his the eldest son of Noah staid wth his \father &/ family upon the rivers Euphrates & Tigris, th \placing/ His second son Ashur seated himself in Assyria \in Assyria a region next above Shinar &/ the most fruitful region next \after/ Shinar, & \his third son/ Arphaxad \setled/ in Arraphachitis \a region next/ above Assyria & next to Assyria in fruitfulness: & therefor the eldest son Elam staid wth his father Sem & Grandfather Noah {in}|at| the most <22v> Babel most fruitful region of Shinar in Shinar \in Shinar that being the most fruitful region./ The youngest son Aram seatled himself on both sides the river Euphrates & h having many \placing/ his eldest son Vts inhabiting \in/ Cælosyria & his younger {song} higher up the river. And \Ham & Iapheth/ the younger sons of Noah went from those rivers to

~ Noah sent away his younger sons Ham & Iapheth & staid with \Sem/ his eldest at \in th/ Babel. And Sem sent away his younger children placing them upon the rivers Tigris & Euphrates above the plains of Shinar, via his second son & staid with his eldest Elam his eldest at Babel. For he placed his second son Ashur in Assyria a count region next above Shinar & next to it also in f degree of fertility, & \his/ third son Arphaxad in Arraphathitis a region next above Assyria & next to it also in fertility & his fourth son Vtsor Vz or Guz in the count between Arraphachitis & the Caspian sea in Gauzania \& also & in the northeast part of Mesopotamia lying upon Tigris, the sons of Ioctan dwelling there./ & his youngest son Aram in all the country \in the country/ on both sides Euphrates called Aram by the Hebrews, that is, in Syria Mesopotamia & Armenia. \T|A|rphaxad possessed also the northeast corner of Eufrates lying upon Tigris, the sons of Ioctan dwelling there./ Cham placed his four sons in Arabi Chus Mizraim Phut & Canaan in Arabia, \round the Persian gulph & in/ Egypt, \&/ Africa beyond Cyrene & \Mauritania/ Cyrene & Ind{illeg} Canaan & Iaphet divided Asia minor & the regions upon placed his sons in several \w round the Euxine sea & in other/ parts of Asia minor & the isles of ye Gentiles. And again the Grandsons of Noah t subdivided their territories among their children as is {illeg} manifest by the Geography of Moses, And explained by Ba & particularly Chus placed his sons {round} upon the borders |& particularly Chus stayed wth his eldest son in Euxiana called the land of Chus by Moses, & Cutha in 2 King. 17. & Chazestan by the Arabians & Cossæans by Ptolemy & his second son Havilah was seated or the mouth of Euphrates westward.| But Nimrod \being/ the youngest son of Chus & therefore seated after his brothers & being a mighty hunter & by conquering wild beasts being emboldened \emboldened & inured to violence &/ enabled to conquer men was not content with his lot but invaded the land of Shinar & thereby grew mig began to be a mighty one in the earth. For the beginning of his kingdom was Babel & Erech & Accad & Calneh in the land of Shinar. And he went out thence into Assyria & conquered built Nineveh And Elam the eldest son fled from him & seated himself on the \next/ river Choaspis or {Euley} giving the name of \Vlay to the river &/ Elymais to the region /& leaving Babylonia to be peopled by Nimrod: Whence Babylonia is called the land of Nimrod Micha 9.\ |And| This was done soon after the division of the earth because Nimrod was two {illeg}|g|enerations older then Peleg in whose days the earth was divided. And \Afterwars {sic}/ Nimrod being not yet content with his seat went out{illeg} thence to conquer \invade/ Assyria & then built Nineveh & Rehoboth & Calah the metropolis of Calachene & Resen (le{illeg} Resen Larissam) between Nineveh & Calah. \And all this was And thence Nineveh \Assyria/ is called the land of Nimrod days soon after the division of ye earth because Nimrod was/ But as|it| being the custome in those days for every father to divide his territory between \all/ his sons: so it is to be conceived that Nimrod bet divided his territory \& cities/ between his sons & they theirs between their sons so \& so on till every city had its king./ And thence it is that we hear nothing more of {illeg}raly \the kingdoms Empires kingdoms/ founded by Nimrod {illeg}|This| kingdome by division & subdivision quickly becoming as small splitting into kingdoms as small & numerous as in other parts of the earth. \And thence it is that we hear nothing more of the kingdome foun/ /And thence it is that we hear nothing more of the kingdome founded by Nimrod\ For I shall shew presently that the Assyrian Empire so much established in history grew up by conquest out of many small kingdoms long after the days of Nimrod. |Yet Nimrod by {illeg} reason of the greatness of his conquests & dominion being called ye Lord, wch in the Chaldean language is Belus, seems to have retained that name after death amongst his subjects, & to have been the first king whom they worshipped by that name. For idolatry began soon after < insertion from f 23r > his death amongst the Chaldees. Ios. 24.2, 14. < text from f 22v resumes > |

And as Nimrod invaded the Babylonia & Assyria so other wars arising \frequently/ between the lords of \kings of/ cities \or countries/ in some places sooner in others later about their possessions put things frequently into disorder Which made it nea as in the case of the five \kings/ invading Arabia Petræa & the southern parts of Canaan in the days of Abraham. And this made it necessary for those of of a Tribe or neighbourhood to consult together for their common safety & chuse out wise & valiant men to lead their armies against their enemies & fortify places wth walls wthin which should be many houses for the people to resort unto out of the fields & villages in time of danger. And this ....... proper king

After this manner the most fertile places upon the rivers Vlai Tigris Euphrat{es} & the Nile seem to have been planted wth cities {illeg}|&| the cities planted at thinly peopled before the days of Abraham. But places less fertile were planted later. The Holy land was so thinly peopled \wth villages/ in Abrahams days that he & lot fed their herds & flocks <023r> wherever they pleased, Abraham built {founded} the city Beersheba in that southern border of Canaan |& that Abraham fo{unde}d room {illeg} to build the city Beersheba in the southern border of Canaan.| And Arabia Petræa was so thinly peopled as to be subdued invaded & subdued by the four kings whom Abraham beat wth 318 men, & that Ismael the twelve sons of Ismael found room dwelt from Havilah unto Shur that is before Egypt as thou goest to Assyria, & were named by their towns & by their castles twelve Princes according to their nations (Gen. 25.) that is, Princes of twelve cities wch they founded & wch were founded by them & grew into 12 nations. And about ye same time that ye Israelites peopled this country the Horites peopled mount Seir. For Seir the son o Horite or Son of Hori placed his sons \Duke/ Lotan Zibeon Shobal Zibeon Anah Dishon Ezer Dishan, And in this mount. And these were Dukes of Seir that is \{the or} heads of the families reigning in Mount Seir/ /of Seir, or heads of families according & founding of cities, \ & Timnah their sister was Esau's concubine, & Aholibamah the daughter of Anah was his wife. And in ye next generation, he \Esau/ seated his sons the Dukes of Edom in the same mout|n|t, & they in time expelled the Horites. Neither was the lower Egypt people much sooner. For Tanis or Tsoan a royal city of thereof was built 7 years after Hebron. And after the same manner it may be conceived that the lands of Moab & Ammon \were peopled/ first by the Emims & Zuzims & then by ye the Moa sons Moab|ites| & Ammon|ites| in the days of Abraham & Isaac & Iacob. And even in that fertil country the lower Egypt they continued building new cities till Abrahams days For Tsoan or Tanis a royall city thereof was built seven years after Hebron And Hebron was \founded in Abrahams days being/ first called Mamre & the fields of Hebron the field of Mamre from Mamre the Amorite the brother of Eshcol the brother of Aner who were contemporary to Abraham, then Kirjath Arba from Arba the father of Anak & lastly Hebron by the Israelites when they took it from ye sons of Anak in {illeg} Sheshai Ahiman & Tolmai the three sons of Anak in the days of Ioshua.

So then the first kingdoms were single cities

<024r>

parts of Egypt wch renders them the less memorable. In the time of ye monarchy of Egypt has given the best account of & sets them {illeg}

The Monarchs of Egypt Herodotus {sets} /sets\ down \their kings/ in this order. Sesostris {illeg}

Sesostris. Sabbacus the Ethiopian \Anysis again./
Pheron. |Tirhaka.| Sethon Priest of Vulcan. 2 King. 1|2|8.21, 24. & 19.9.
Proteus. Twelve Kings.
Rhampsinitus. Psammiticus.
Cheops. Necho. 2 King. 23.29. Ier. 46.2.
Chephren. Psammis.
Mycerinus. Apries Ier. 44.30.
Asychis. Amasis.
Anysis. Psamminitus.
Sabbacus ye Ethiopian Cambyses.

Between Rhampsinitus & Cheops are to be inserted Amenophes & Mæris, |.| & {illeg} to Anysis \or Amasis/ are to be added his contemporaries Baccharis & Nechus and contemporary to Anysis are to bed added {Bocchis} {illeg} T|G|nephactus wth his son Boccharis & Nechus the father of Psammiticus {illeg} \For Manetho reccons Sesostris Rampsinitus & {illeg}/ For Ma\ne/tho reccons

The Kings of Thebes

Eusebius \out of Manetho/ thus reccons these Kings Sethos, Rhapsaces, Amenephthes Ramases Amenemes Thuor where that is Sesostris R\h/ampsinitus



- - over \Proteus/ \Proteus/ ye lower Egypt. For he is distinguished from ye race of ye \{Thebain}/ Kings by his being a Memphite & reigning there, & Herodotus tells [the name being Proteus being not an Egyptian name word but a Greek \one translated from ye Egyptian as Herodo/ it seems to be not ye proper name of a man but \an appellative,/ a title of honour like Adad in ye Syrian tongue & Princeps \or Prince/ in the Latin &|o|r English|.| {illeg} For & therefore translated into Greek according to its signification For Proteus, Adad, Princeps, a Prince are work||s of ye same signification, {&} & no doubt the/] and ye word Proteus {illeg} \is a Greek word/ of ye same signification with Adad in Syriac & Primus or Princeps in Latine & therefore {illeg} that {illeg} \or a Prince in English, & therefore seems to be/ not the proper name of a man but a title of honour|.| like For Herodotus tells us that it For had it been a proper name the Greeks would have retained ye Egyptian word without translating it whereas Herodotus tells us that it is the Kings name in Greek. |Pr|h|ruron, Nilus.|

In the chronical canons of \chronical canons of Eusebius &/ {illeg} A Dynasties of ye Kings of Egypt published by Africanus \publis/ out of Manetho Suphus \Pyr/is put ye successor of Soris, Lachares \the ✝ of ye Labyr./ of Sesostris, Thuor of Amenemes      Saophis of Ayres Siphaosis of Maris

In ye Greek chronical canons published by Home Scaliger      Th\u/oris is the successor Amenophis or Amenemes & said to be the Polybus of Homer in whose reign Troy was taken. And Aiyres, Soris, & Maris are the predecessors of Saophis \& or/ Syphoasos or Hermes. So that Amenophis Mæris & {illeg} Saophus or Cheops succeeded one another.

Αμμενέμμης, Θούωρις by Homer called Polybus under whom Troy was taken Ἀιύρης, Σαῶφις. Μαρις Σιφωασος ὁ καὶ Ηρμῆς Αμενωφις, Θούαρις Σῶρις Σοῦφις

Saophis called also Phiops Cheops Chembis & Chemmis was a merchant - - - - Pyramids. For among ye successors of Sesostris Herodotus & Diodorus reccon ye founders of the three great Pyramids neare Memphys & ascribe the biggest of them to Cheops or Chemmis. & the next \another of them/ to his brother & successor <024v> Cephren &|(| called also Suphis Sen Saophis Mente Iuphis \Metha {Saphis Achescas Ocharas}/) & & the third either by the daughter of Cheops or by Mycerinus the whom Manetho calls Nitocris or by Mycerinus the son of Suphis & successor of Cephren |who| In the Chronical canons {illeg} is called \also/ Moscheres & Mencheres.

His successor Asychis – – – – wifes & children.

After ye reign of Asychis {Aiyres} the kingdom became divided

In ye reign of Anysis the Kingdom of Egypt seems to have been divided between & For Gnephacthos & his son & successor Boccharis reigned in another part of Egypt & Stephanathis Necepsos & Nechos {A reigned} \successively/ in Sais & Gnephacthos \(called also Neochabis & Technatis)/ & his son & successor Boccharis reigned \reigned/ in some other part of Egypt. For Sabbacus the Ethiopian invading Egypt took Boccharis & burnt him alive, made Anysis fly & slew Nichus. \This Nechus was the father of Psimmiticus who reigned afterwards & his predecessor Nicepsos/ Boccharis is Diodorus makes Boccharis the 4th from King from Mycerinus but names not the intermediate Kings. \And in another place calling him Uchoresus {Uchoresus}/ He saith that Uchoresus the son of Uchoresus & \was/ eighth King from Osymandes & built Memphys \& fortified it wth a lake & reigned there/ & |ye| most of ye following Kings preferred it to Thebes & removed their court thither, & from that time the magnificence of Thebes decreased & that of Memphys increased to ye times of Alexander the great King of Macedon who built Alexandria that \\drained/ lessened &/ outgrew Memphys \as that had done Thebes/. By making \This/ Uchoresus \by being/ ye 8th from {Psynandes} he {illeg} \seems to/ be \the same wth/ Boccharis or some other \contemporary/ King of that

{illeg} Some take Sabacus or {Sua} \or Sevacus/ to be {So} \So Sua \or {illeg}cus/ who reigned in Egypt at ye time of ye/ king of Egypt & his son {went fled} \captivity of ye ten tribes/ {illeg} 2 King. 17.4. After his reign A\n/ysis returned to his kingdom & Sethon Priest of Vulcan su succeeded him or rather reigned at Memphys for he was Priest of Vulcan. Herordotus tells us{illeg} that Sethon was beseiged at in Pelusium by Sennacherib king of Assyria & freed by mise eating the Bowstrings \&/ Quivers of ye Assyrians leathers \{latchets}/ \strings/ of their Arms, in memory of wch his statue seen by Herodotus was {erected} of him \& this/ ho|e|lding a mouse in his hand. The scripture relates his the Assyrians went at that time against {illeg} \{illeg} king fou/

After him reigned 12 kings together in several parts of Egypt \The Assyrians:/ which makes it probable that Tirhaca succeeded Sabacus in how Tirhaca king of Ethiopia at that time came out against ye Assyrians. Which makes it probable that Tirhaca succeeded Sabacus in \the Ethiopians still reigned in/ Egypt, Tirhaca succeeding Sabacon In ye T|D|ynasties of Africanus Sabacon \the Ethiopian/ reigned \in Egypt/ eight years in Egypt Senechus his son 14 & Tirhaca 18. \These were kings of both Ethiopia {&} Egypt./ & Senechus seems to be ye So or Sua who reigned in Egypt at ye capt time of captivating the 10 tribes 2 King. 17.4. When Sennacherib invaded Iudea & Tirhaca king of ye \& Tirhacah was that Tirhakah who king of Ethiop who came out against < insertion from f 25r > Sennacherib in behalf of Hezekiah < text from f 24v resumes > / Eth & Tirhakah \king of Ethiopia (a king who came out against Sennacherib king of < insertion from f 25r > Assyria 2 King. 19.21. < text from f 24v resumes > / {illeg} seems to be that Pharaoh king of Egypt on whom Hezekiah trusted when Sennacherib king of Assyria came & invaded Iudea 2 King. 18.21. For Tirhakah Fof Herodotus giving account how they \{army} of the/ Assyrians was|ere| slain, saith that Sethon Priest of Vulcan was beseiged in Pelusium by Sennacherib & freed by mise eating the bowstrings & Quivers of the Assyrians & ye latchets of their Arms & that he saw the statue of Sethon holding a mouse in its hand in memory of this notio deliverance. Whence its probable that Herodotus took him to be king of Egypt.

After Ægypt freed it was freed from ye Ethiopians there was an interregnum 2 years & then \reigned/ 12 Kings together for 15 years, & Then Psammiticus \the son of Nechus, &/ one of those twelve /the twelve\ subdues the rest & reigned became king of all Egypt.

<025r>

Æ \Herodotus tells us th/ The reign of ye Ethiopians \over Egypt/ according to Herodotus lasted fifty years & began & ended und {sic} Sabacus: but in ye Dynasties of {Syncellus} \Africanus/ Sabacus {illeg}|r|eigned but 8 years & had 2 successors     Senechus his son who reigned 14 year & Tirhakah who reigned 18. Senechus seems to be the Sua or So who reigned in Egypt at

<025v>

Sr

The day appointed by ye Commissioners of the Navy for {hearing} \considering/ Monsr Barderis matters being put off by himself &I designed to

But whether it was or was not the Sheephers (as they called the s{illeg} Arabians) at length invadin|ed|g Egypt became & reigned over both Ægypt for a long time together

These were called Misraim in the dual member that is Ægyptus utra \And/ Out of these four kingdoms & perhaps some others at length arose the Monarchy of Egypt but how those \kingdoms/ arose out of smaller kingdoms \ones/ is harder to relate.

<026r>

About 60 years after it began to spread into Syria & from that time we may reccon that it began to \& grow great/ flourish to \& soon after arrived to/ its greatness. The kings wch reigned henceforward at Nineveh were P

The {illeg}|k|ings wch reigned henceforward at Nineveh were Phul, Tiglath P\h/ulassar, Palmanassar, Señacherib, & Assarhaddon \Assar-haddon-phul or Sardanapalus./. Phul invaded Israel in the reign of Menahen \king of Israel/ but was bought off. In the reign of Tiglath Paleser\hulassar/ \about the beginning of his reign/ the Kingdom & City of Babylon was founded by Assyrians under ye conduct of Nabonassar, & thereby the Assyrian Monarchy became divided into two kingdoms, the one reigning at Nineve the other at Babylon. Whether this kingdom \division/ was founded \made/ by a revolt or by ye last will & testament of Phul \or by some otherwise by the consent of T. Phulassar, is not said in history. One of the two latter is/ is not said in history. I The latter is more probable because the king of Assyria was now \Tiglath Philasar was/ potent enough to have made war upon Nabonassar & yet bent his forces another way. For about this time he captivated made wared {sic} up Syria & \in Phœnicia/ captivated Galile wth ye two Tribes & an half \& placed them in Chalah & Chabor Chara & to ye river of Ssozan, places lying in the western border of Media between Assyria & the Caspian sea./ (2 King. 16|5|.29. & 1 Chron. 25.26.) & about ye 4th or 5t year of Nabonassar {his he} came to ye assistance of ye king of Iudah against ye kings of Israel & Sanaria \Syria/ wch had been seated at Damascus ever since the days of King David \& led the Syrians captive & carried away the Syrians into captivity to Kir/ (2 King. 15.{37}37. & 16.5, 9.) & captivated the Assyrian Syrian (2 King. 15.37. & 16.5, 9.) \that is with b[37] the region of uper {sic} \or {mountainous}/ Media & b[38] placed other nations in the {illeg} \{region}/ of/ [However this is certain that ye Damascus. {king} Babylon \Kingdom \& city/ of Babylon/ was founded by Assyrians (Isa. 23.13.) & that \Damascus {&} Whence I gather that the/ \were newly conquered/ the kings of this kingdome were Assyrians untill the reign of Darius the Mede. For the title wch Ptolomy has given to his canon of the Kings of Babylon For Ptolomy in thi|e| title of his canon of all ye Kings of Babylon wch preceded Cyrus calls them {illeg} For ye title wch Ptolomy has given to {illeg} his canon of all the kings of Babylon wch preceded Cyrus is Canon Regum Assyriorum et Medorum. The last of them was Darius the Mede called Nabonadius by Ptolomy, the rest were Assyrians unless perhaps ye last but one was \also/ a {N}|M|ede. For as Nab he was the father of Belshasser by ye daughter of Nebuchadnezzar: & as the wife of Nebuchadnezzar was a Mede so by her influence might Nebuchadnezzar mary {sic} his daughter to a Mede of ye blood royal. You may know also that they were assyrians {sic} by their names compounded of Assyr, |as| Nabon-assar, {Nabap{o}|u|l-assar} \Nabop-pul-assar/ Nabacol-assar, Bels{illeg}-assar, Nercassol-assar \Nabacol-assar, Nabuch-adon-assar, Nabu-assar-adon, Beltes-assar, Bels-assar, Shesheb-assar/ Neri|g|al{illeg}-assar, \Nabuch-adon-assar, Nabo\u/-assar-adon/ Beltes-assar For so \were/ the Assyrians names often compounded, as in these instances <026v> Phul-assar, Salman-assar, Assar-adon. \Shar-assar/ The same is confirmed by ye word Adon, {as d} Dominus, used by both both in the composition of their names, as in these Bel-adon, Chissil-adon.] The next king Salenassar \(called Enem-assar by Tobit ch. 1) a[39] invaded all Phœnicia/ took \the city/ Samaria & captivated Israel {illeg} \& placed them between Assyria kingdom & the Caspian sea in Chalah/ And now the Assyrian monarchy {illeg} to have arrived at & C {Chabor} by ye river Gozany & in the \neighbouring/ cities of the Medes[40] & in the b{illeg} \in Chalah & Chabor by the river Gozany &/ {illeg} greatness extending westward to ye Mediterranean sea & western border of Media between Assyria & the Caspian Sea in Chalah & \where the Syrians were placed before./ eastward as far as Media & Persia. For the Medes were now Chabor by the river of Gozany. Whence I gather that these {illeg} \Chalah & Chabor/ regions became subject to it (2 King. 17.6. & Tobit 1.14.) besides those other nations who of the afterwards (as Herodotus tells us) fell \& {illeg} the Medes & {illeg} \{illeg}/ other people upon ye {Ca} were but newly/ conquered

F from it The next king Sen\n/acherib invaded Iudea \Phœnicia/ & \& b[41] Egypt, but {all} & took several cities of the Iews Pha{illeg} \Iudah/ but laying < insertion from f 27r > siege to Ierusalem he lost < text from f 26v resumes > / but in one night lost 185000 men & {illeg} ye plag by a vehement plague \seized 185000 men/ & thereupon to save ye reliques of his army returned in hast {sic} into Ch to Nineveh, \And The same year did Merodach \Bal-adon/ or Mardokempad king of Babylon send an embassy to Hezekiah (Isa. 39/ And from & |the| this time the \Medes \on that occasion/ revolted {illeg}./ Monarchy began to decline by the defection \The so At the \same/ time did Merodach Bel-addon or Mardopkempad king of Babylon send an embassy to Hezekiah king of Iudah. Isa. 39./ first of the Medes & that of some other nations. At this time did Merodach or Mardokempad king of Babylon send an embassy to Hezekiah. The next king Assarhaddon (\corruptly/ called Sarchedon by p[42] Tobit, Asar-dan by ye seventy & Sargon q[43] Sar-gon by Isaias \& ye great & {illeg}|{not}| Asnappar by r[44] Ezra/) {illeg} of {Iudea} reunited the kingdoms of Nineveh & Babylon \to that of Nineveh/ so reigned over the whole Assyrian Monarchy. He invadedc[45] Iudea \took {Azot} d[46] carried/ & captivated Manasse{b} \captive to Babylon/ & e[47] peopled Samaria wth {illeg} \captives/ brought f[48] from Babylon & \from/ Cuthah or Susa & \from/ Ava & \from/ Hamath or Antioch, & from Sepharvaim, Whence I gather that he conquered \the kings of/ all these nations the kings of all these nations for ye \nations/ whose kings he had g[49] conquered \He & h[50] captivated also Egypt & ye Ethiopia \wch was/ above Thebais./. And now the Assyrian Monarchy seems arrived to its greatness being united under one Monarch & conteining C Assyria, Susiana, Babylonia Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Syria, Phœnicia & part of Arabia. And in this state ye kingdom seems to have continued till the Medes made war upon it that is \for above 40 years dated together dated/ from ye year of Nabonasar 67|8| – which Assar-haddon took \conquered the/ babylonians to the ye tear till after ye year 10 for above forty years together. & Then \it/ b{o}|r|ake again into two kingdoms the one seated at Nineveh ye other at Babylon as before; but & soon after |Nebuchadnezz {sic}| the king of Babylon by the help of the Medes overthrew the Kingdom of \recovered \Mesopotamia/ Syria & Phœnicia from the Egyptians who had invaded those parts & destroyed/ Ne|i|neveh & became lord of all all ye dominions of the kin which had heretofore belonged to the kingdo {sic}f {illeg} \of/ Assyria excepting some par what the Medes had seized beyond Tigris. For Nebuchadnezzar reigned over Susiana, Chaldea, Mesopotamia Syria Phœnicia & part of Arabia \He {illeg}|conquered| also Idumea & Moab & Ammono &/ & made the king of Egypt tributary & adorned Babylon wth sump stron walls & other sumptuous <027r> sumptuous buildings, & if we may beleive S|X|enephon, he reigned also over the Province of Assyria. But whether he or the Medes had ye Province & uncertain & are would or whether they parted it between them is uncertain. However this is certain that by the building of Babylon & fall of Nineveh ye kingdom of ye Assyrians {B} did not cease but was only translated to a new seat, For the kingdom of Babylon was founded by Assyrians. Beheld the land of the Chaldeans this people was not till the Assyrian founded it |Herodotus who ascribes the subversion of the great Nineve to the Medes t alone reccons that they subdued Media. But Nubucadnezzar {sic} & the Medes joyned &c may be disputed, but whilst Assyria belonged originally to the same kingdom wth Babylon its most probable that ye Medes conceded in this to the Babylonians & were requited by something else. However this is certain {illeg}|that| {&}|by| {illeg} \the full of/ building b.|for these reasons

First because ye Kingdom \& city of/ of Babylon was founded by Assyrians. Behold, saith Isaiah, \saith Isaiah[51],/ the land of the Chaldeans this people was not till the Assyrian founded it for them that dwell in the wilderness: they set up the towers thereof, they raised up the palaces thereof.

Secondly because the Kings of Babylon were all of them a|A|ssyrians till the reign of Darius ye Mede. For Ptolomy to his Canon of all the Kings of Babylon wch preceded Cyrus prefixes this title Canon r{illeg}|e|gum Assyriorum & Medorum. And {Canon} th This appears also by {c} Thirdly the people of Assy the names of the names of the kings \Babylons|i|ans Kings & Nobles/ compounded of Asse|y|r, {as} \such as are/ nabon-assar, Nabo-phul-assar, Nabu-chadon-assar, Nabu-assar-haddon, Beltess-assar, Bels-assar, Nergal-assar, Shesheb-assar, For so were the Assyrian names often compounded as in these instances, Tiglat-phul-assar, Assar-hadon Salman-assar, Shar-assar. Where Where note that chadonhadon or adon signifies Dominus.

Thirdly ye people of B Chaldea & Babylonia & Assyria were of ye same stock, their common father being Nimrod. For he reigned first in Chaldea ye Shinar & then in Assyria.

Fourthly Babylon \the dominions of Babylon & Assyria \Nineve/ were the \very/ same/ reigned over all excepting that Babylon reigned over Moab & Ammon & Edon & perhaps not over all Assyria.

Fiftly Lastly the ancients used to reccon the kingdom of Babylon & \one of the two/ branches of the Assyrian Monarchy. So a[52] Herodotus \Strabo/:b[53] Sola Assyriorum regia fuit Babylon post eversam Ninum & Herodotus b[54] Strabo Assyrij Babylone ac Nini regiam habuerunt. & c[55] Herodotus: Sola Assyriorum regia fuit babylon post eversam Ninum. And again: {illeg} Medi et Ninum ex pugnaverunt et Assyrios subi|e|gerunt excepta portione Babylonica. And hence it is that ye Greeks & Latins in recconing <027v> up all the great Monarchies, never reccon the Babylonian Monarchy distinct from ye of ye Assyrians but include it therein. For they reccon ye Assyrian Monarchy the first, & that of ye Medes ye second & that of ye Persians ye third & that of ye Greeks & Latins ye fourth & fift.

<028r>

quered his kingdom became a Province with wth {illeg} more cities in it then one. And this I take to have been ye the oriI|g|inall of Cities & Kingdoms.

The first Monarchy of great extent is generally recconed ye Assyrian seated at Nineve. It stood 520 years according to Herodotus \520 years untill ye defection of ye Medes/ & fell a little before \about fifty years/ the reign of Cyrus king of Persia \about an hundred years more untill Nebuchadnezzar & Cyaxerxes overthrew it & so began about 150 years before the reign of Saul./ But we are not to reccon ye it stood all that time in its greatness. The cities of Rome, Athens Sardes, C Athens, Corinth, Tyre & others kept long registers of their kings while their dominions were but small, & ye like it is to be understood of Nineve. In \During/ the time of ye Iudges of Israel & in \unlike after/ the reign of David or longer \Syria &/ Mesopotamia was|er|e subject to other kings \of other cities/ & (Iud. 3.8. 2 Sam. 8 & 10) & therefore Nineve did had not yet extended it dominion on this side Euphrates. The Prophet Ionah who flourished about 100 hundred \230/ years before ye fall of Nineve, this city was a great one of three days journey & had a{illeg} king. The first mention I meet wth of a king of Nineveh is in ye prophesy of Ionah who lived about \about/ 22|3|0 years or {a} before ye fall of this kingdom. And at that time this|e| City was a very great one of 3 days journey, but the greatness was rather in extent of ground then multitude of people. {illeg} The {illeg} \For it/ conteining|ed| not much above 120000 \persons wch could not discern between their right hand & their left Ionah 4.11. Reccon these {exceeded} not to be infants under 2 years old & that there were six times more people in ye city & the whole number of people will be but about 720000 whereas in the Egyptian Thebes there were numbred 700000 persons fit for war./ souls \(Ionah 4.11.)/ & so was short of either London, Paris & some other {c}|C|ities of moderate kingdoms kingdoms now in being. {illeg} About 60 years Whence |Whence| we may reccon that the kingdom \of Assyria/ was now grown a considerable one but not yet arrived to its greatness. About 5|6|0 years after it began to spread into Syria: & from that time reigned \grew & flourished in the reigns of \these/ its kings/ Phul, Tiglath Pil{illeg}|es|er, Salmanassar, Senacha|e|rib, & Asarhaddon. Phul invaded Israel \in the reign of Menahen/, but was {illeg} but was bought off. \(2 King. 15.19./ Tiglath Pileser was bought of captivated \first {Gihad} & Galilee wth/ the two tribes & an half \in ye reign of Pekah king of Israel/ (2 King. 16|5|. & 29.) 1 Chron. 25.25.) & then the Kingdom of Syria wch had been reigned \seated/ at Damascus ever since the days of \king/ David (2 King. 16.9.) \Afterwards/ Salmanasser captivated took Samaria & captivated Israel & \then/ Senacherib invaded Iudah \& Assarhaddon {illeg}|carried| Manasses king of Iudah captive to Babylō./{sic} Hitheto this kingdom seems \And now monarchy/ /In the reign of these kings this Monarchy\ to have arrived to \was in/ its height, extending westward to ye Mediterranean sea, & east reaching as far eastward as westward. For the reigned ove Medes were now become subject to it (2 King. 17.6. 1 Tobit 1.14.) besides some <028v> other nations who \afterwards,/ as Herodotus tells us, fell off from it.

The kingdom being now in its hight {sic} began from this time to decline by the defection of some of ye conquered nations. {illeg} And ye first of ye nations who fell off ye Medes. For They first asserted their liberty without a king & then made Dejoces \f{illeg} made Dejoces king over/ |them &| lived under four \successive/ kings, Dejoces, Phraortes, Cyaxerxes & Astyages {and} for about 150 years together till ye reign of Cyrus, & by consequence fell off from ye Assyrian Monarchy in ye reign of {illeg} Sennacherib soon after ye great slaughter \loss/ of his army \by a plague/ in Palestine Palestine \by a sudden plague/, 2 King. 19. For \that loss happened 156 years before ye reign of Cyrus & by reason of the subsequent defection of the Medes, Tobit tells us that the reign of/ by reaso {sic} of this defection of the Medes, Tobit tells us that the could not go from Nineve into Media reign of Sennacherib was troubled so yt he could not go from Nineve into Media as he had done before in the reign of Enemessar[56] (so he calls Salmanassar) the former king. Tobit 1.12. There \Dejoces the/ first king Dejoces \of the Medes/ fa|o|unded Ecbatane reigned 53 years & propagated ye kingdom westward \into Armenia/ as far as ye river Halys on this side the common bound of {p} his & the Lydia kingdoms. Phraort the son & successor Phraortes \his son/ reigned 22 years & conquered the Persians & made war also upon the king{d}|s| of Assyria but was overthrown by him in battel & slain. Cy Thereupon \Th/ Cyaxerxes ye son of Phraortes \thereupon/ prosecuted|ing| ye ye war, overcame ye Assyrians in battel & laid siege to Nineve but was forced from ye siege by a great incursion of Scythians who overcame him in battel & reigned {illeg}|ov|er his kingdom for 28 years together but there Phraortes invited them to a feast \made them drunk/ & slew them, in drink & having thus recovered his kingdom returned to ye war against ye king of Assyrians & by the help of Nebuchadnezzar overthrew th{is}|at| kingdom. The \In confirmation of all this you may see the very/ great slaughters of ye P Assyrians & Scythians by Cyaxerxes & of the Persians by Phraortes you may see described {Cy} in Ezekiel chap. 32.22, 24, 26.

The kingdom

\The city & kingdom of/ Babylon was founded \by Assyrians Nabonassar an Assyrian/ about 34 years before ye {de}{de}fection of ye Mede

<029r>

& compare them wth ye records of ye Greeks. This I note to shew ye uncertainty of such hypotheses \opinions about this monarchy/ as rest upon ye authority {illeg}|o|f ye Iews: {illeg} of wch kind are ye opinions yt ye return of ye captivity was in ye 28th year of Cyrus, &yt A{x}|r|taxerxes was the common name of \all/ ye kings of S|P|ersia, & that Sanballat lived in ye time of Darius Codomannus & built ye temple of ye Samanites in mount Gerazim \in ye very end of his reign/ when Alexander ye great made wars upon him.

Another pred|j|udice in these things |is| are the writings of Ctesias \Tables credit wch ye/ For fabulous writings of Ctesias have obteined in the world. For For he makes ye kingdoms of Babylon Assyria Babylon & Media much older then they were What a liberty he took in f{illeg}|a|bling may be easily seen by his

The Assyrian monarchy is much celebrated for antiquity & yet {y} seems to have been of no great extent before ye reigns of P{u}|h|ul & Tiglath Pe|i|leser. For in the time of the Iudges Mesopotamia had in had a king of its own {Iud.} (Iud. 3.8.) & so had Syria had its from the time of \King/ David do \b[57] so Syria/ till ye reign of Tiglath Peleser Lyc had its own king reigning at Damascus & {n} in the reign of David Damascus \Hamath or Antioch/ had one king, & Hamath, \that is/ so Antioch another & Sobah Sobah (a town of Syria, upon Euphrates) another & the king of Sobah reigned over the Syrians of Mesopotamia & {we} other kings of Syria Damascus {illeg} some other kings of Syria. And from this time Damascus had also a king of its own How ye King of Nineve could be potent & yet not once conquer the adjacent region of Mesopotamia nor so much as once (that we read of) make war upon those of \people of/ Syrians & Phœnicians before ye reign of Phul is hard to be conceived. This the king therefore may be recconed ye first who enlarged ye dominion of Nineve Yet was Nineve a very great town city befo in ye days of Ionah who prophesied before

The earth was at first divided into many small kingdoms according to ye number of cities. These by conquering one another {g} grew greater & greater till they arrived at ye bigness of the four Monarchies \they are now at/.

The first Monarchy of great extent is accounted ye Assyrian. Its seat was Nineve founded by a city founded by \Ninus or/ Nimrod who was mighty in the earth. The beginning of his kingdom was in ye land of Sennaa|r|r & thence he went into Assyria & built Nineve Gen. 10. {illeg} As Egypt is called ye land of Ham not because he peopled it (for so he did {Phœ} all Phœnicia & all Afric,|)| but because he reigned there it was his kingdom: so Assyria f is called ye land of Nimrod because it was his kingdom ( Micha 5.6.

Nineve was \of old/ a very great city. {illeg} in ye days of Ionah He \Ionah who/ lived above an hundred years before the captivity of the 10 tribes {s}|(|2 King. 14. <029v> {illeg} tells us it was \then a very/ a great city of three days journey, that is in compass he Strabo's account \makes/ it was 48 miles, by Diodorus is 60 miles about, Ionah {illeg} so yt it was much greater then Babylon. By ye greatness thereof \even/ in Ionah's days it may be gathered that it ha{illeg}|d| been then the seat \metropolis/ of an ancient flourishing kingdom. Yet there is no evidence of its being {illeg} then \And yet if it conteined not above much above 12000 people (Ionah 4.11.) it was only great in extent of ground & fell much short of Paris & London in \number of people/ {illeg} & others/

If ye race of kings borrowed \by Eusebius/ from ye fabulous writings of Ctesias be rejected, we have \little or/ nothing certain of this kingdom before ye reign of Phul. Till then it seems to have been \kept/ within the bounds of Assyria: for Syria & Mesopotamia had kings of their own (Iud. 38. 2 Sam. 8 & 10.) Phul was the first king of Assyria who \is read to have/ made war up Israel (2 King. 15.19 on this side of Euphrates {illeg} He This (2 King. 15.19.) he This was about 40 or 50 years before ye captivity of ye 10 tribes. He Soon after Tiglath Peleser {illeg} ruined & ca the Kingdom of Syria & captivated it wth ye two tribes & an half (2 King. 16.9. 1 Chron. 5.26.) & afterwards Salmenasser Shalmanesser captivated all the rest of Israel. And as this kingdom was propagated now as far westward as to ye Mediterranean so it was no doubt it was propagated at ye same time \into other quarters/ eastward & northward \& southward/. For the Medes were now \become/ subject to ye Assyrians (2 King. 17.6. Tobit 1.13, 14.)

Out of this kingdom the|u|s grown great were two others split: that of Babylon & that of the Medes. First Nabonasse|a|r an Assyrian founded \both the city & Kingdom & people of City of/ Babylon & peopled it wth the neighbouring Arabians collected thither into a body from the neighbouring regions (Isa. 23.13.) These a|A|rabians seem to be of ye posterity of Chavilah ye son of Chus. For Chus after he had lived some time in Egypt wth his f|F|ather Ham, in|w|ent thence into ye east & placed his sons round the Persian gulf from ye \most furthest/ southern part of {the} Arabia felix to ye furthest \part/ of Persia, & the lot of Chavila {sic} was between ye Persian gulf, & Babylon \& the country of Amaleck lying/ in ye way from Egypt to Assyria (Gen. 2.11, & 25.18. 1 Sam. 15.7.) These Arabians ye a[58] Greeks & Latins called Chaulotæi|a|ns whence {illeg} came ye name of Chaldæans to those in Babylon.

The C Chaldeans dated \all/ their years from ye begi first year of \the reign of their founder/ Nabonassars wch \year/ was 747 years before ye vulgar account birth of Christ according to ye vulgar account{.} And these years consisted \always/ of 365 days \wthout any leap year/ & in ye time of the Babylonian & the & Persian Monarchies began in winter.

T At length by the fall of the Assyrian Monarchy the {B} Kingdoms of Babylonia & Media grew great. For till then the Kingdom of Babylon seems to have comprehended <030r> nothing more then the Provinces of Babylon & Susa. But before I explain ye growth of this kingdom its necessary to settle the connect the Chronology \thereof/ of this kingdom wth that of Iudah. But upon but when {illeg} Assyria \the {ye} kingdom of this kingdom/ fell Nebuchadnezzar inv{illeg}|a|ded Syria Phœnicia & Mesopotamia wch had hitherto belonged to ye A King of Assyrians & were newly taken \by were newly upon their/ \fall were newly /seized\/ from him by the King of Egypt. But for understanding these things its requisite to connect ye chronology of {illeg} ye kingdom of Babylon wth that of the kingdom of Iudah.

The years of Nabpolassar the father of Nebuchadnz|e|zzar &c

Zedekiah therefore began



Before all this, Paraoh Necho in passing through Iudea to make war upon ye king of Assyria & take from \beseige/ him Carchemish or Cerusium a town of Mesopotamia upon by \upon/ Euphrates, slew Iosiah King of Iudah who opposed him & three months after where he had beaten ye Assyrians & taken Carchemish \n|&| {illeg}|w||as| returned through \into/ the land of Hamath or Antioch, sent &/ captivated Iehoabaz ye successor of Iosiah & made Iehojakim king in his stead & put ye land to tribute (2 King. 23. 2 Chron. 35.:) whence Iehojakim, began his reign in {illeg} towards ye end of summer in ye 37th year of Nabonassar. For he reigned 11 years incomplete, & his 4th year fell in wth the first of Nebuchadnezzar over Iudea (Ier. 25.1.) Thus Pharaoh became Lord of what the King of Assyria had hitherto possest on both sides Euphrates & mak|d|e Iudea ye King of Iudah also became his servant. I know some \would/ by \have/ the King of Assyria against whom Paraoh {sic} {illeg} now warred \{illeg}/ {illeg} understand \to be/ ye King of Babylon \as if there were \now/ more kingdoms of Assyria then one. For/: {illeg} where as its certain that the Kingdom of Assyria was still in being & at this time distinct from that of Babylon.

T About {illeg} this time the king of Egypt

This war of Pharaoh seems occasioned by a conspiracy of the Kings of Media & Babylon at ye same time against the Kings of Assyria. C For Ahasuerus or Cyaxerxes King of ye Medes & {C} Persians & Nebuchadnezzar ye son of ye king of Babylon now joyned together against ye king of Assyria {illeg}|o|verthrew his kingdom & destroyed Nineve \Tobit. 14.15./. And so great was ye fall of this kingdom that Ezekiel has d|t|hus described it. Thus saith ye Lord God, in the day when he went down to ye grave, I caused a mo{illeg}|ur|ning, – I covered caused Lebanon & all the to mourn for him, & all the trees of the field <030v> fainted for him. I made ye nations to shake at ye sound of his fall when I cast him down to hell wth them that descend into ye pit Ezek. 31.15. And The same Prophet describes at large how very great this kingdom was before its fall & how {th} at its fall \the tributary kingdoms \nations/ deserted him &/ ye neighbouring nations \kingdoms/ shared hi{t}|s| provinces. Strangers, saith he, & the terribl{e} of ye nations have cut him off & have left \cast/ him {illeg}upon ye mountains, & in all ye valleys his branches are fallen, & his boughs are broken by all ye rivers of the land, & all ye people of ye earth are gone down from his shaddow & have left him. Upon his ruin shall all ye fowls of the heaven remain & all the beasts of ye feild {sic} \(that is all the kingdoms)/ shall be upon his branches. Ezek. 31.12. So then this kingdom continued a great one till the day of its fall. The occasion of the war \its overthrow/ was this.

The Medes as Herodot{l}us relates, fell off from ye kingdom of ye Assyrians about 150 years \(or a little more)/ before ye reign of Cyrus, Th that is in the reign of Senn|a|cherib aft a little after that the great overthrow of his army in Iudea Palestine Palestine. For by reason of this defection \of the Medes/ Tobit tells us yt the reign of Senacherib {sic} was troubled to yt he could go not go. into {Palestine} from Nineve into Media as he had done before in the reign of Enemessar \(so he calls Salmanassar) {illeg} ye former king (Tob. 1.15.)/ {p} for so he calls Salmanassar. For so he calls Salmanassar They \Medes/ first asserted their liberty wthout a king & then mak|d|e Dejojes king over {ym}. He founded Ecbatane & conquered west propagated the kingdom westward as far as the river Halys wch in Armenia the common terminus of his & ye {illeg} Lydian kingdoms. His \son &/ successor Phraortes \made war upon the Persians &/ conquered them. Persia & \He Phraortes/ made war \also/ upon the king of Assyria who but was overthrown by the|i|m in battel & slain. His son Cyaxerxes {illeg} prosecuting the war \overcame ye Assyrians in battel & laid siege to/ besieged Nineve in the beginning but of Nineve but was forced from ye siege by a great incursion of Scythians & who overcame him in battel & reinged over f his kingdom 28 years together, b|B|ut then Phraortes were returned invited then to by Phraortes to a feast & slain in {illeg} drink. \{This} {illeg} Herodotus/ {illeg} Phraortes having \therefore/ thus released the \freed {illeg} his/ kingdom of ye Medes & Persians from servitude a foreign power \& {illeg} his kingdom into/ returned to the war against the Assyrians & by the assistance of Nebuchadnezzar overthrew \over/ that kingdom conquered that kingdom excepting the east belo portion of Babylon \& the relation is well confirmed by what Ezekiel writes of the great ✝ |✝slaughters wch had \then/ happened to ye Persians Scyt Assyrians Persians & Scythians. Ezek. 32.22|4|, 24, 26.|/ Thus far Herodotus. He makes no mention of the Babylonians assisting the Medes as Tobith doth: but \Diodorus out of/Ctesias, {e} who makes Ba Nineve destroyed by the Medes & Babylonians together, tho he has placed the destruction of it 250 years too soon. The Iews in their Chronicle Seder Olam Rabbah {&} not only make the ascribe the action to the Babylonians & [Editorial Note 6] <031r> note also ye time \placing it the year before Nebuchadnezzars \first/ expeditio{n into} Iud{ea}/ T Anno primo subegist Nebughadonozor Niniven, secundo ascendens in Iudæam subjugavit Ioachim factus est Ioachim illi servus annis tribus. \that is/ In ye first year of Ioachim \of his reign (that is in the fourth of Ioachim's)/ Nebuchadnezzar subdued in Nineve, in the second we ascending into Iudea he subdued Ioachim. & Ioachim became his servant three years The chronicle make Nea{illeg} \The chronicle/ means in ye first & second year of Ioachim \Nebuchadnezzar/ For a little after he was makes ye seventh \eighth/ year of Nebuchadnezzar to be ye seventh of from Ioachims subject But whilst Nebuchadnezzar in his first year warred against Pharaoh at {Earchemish} by Euphrates, its more reasonable to referr \place/ ye fall of Nineve to ye year \or two/ before|.| {illeg}

After this some Scythians being banished from home & \by reason of their skills in hunting/ r received by Cyaxerxes, one day &presented Cyazerxes \him one day/ with a boy drest like veneson & fled to Alyattes king of Lydia, & Cyaxerxes demanded them & Alyattes refused to deliver them & thereupon {th} arose a war between the two kings wch lasted five years & ended wth a battel in the sixt predicted by Th by means of a total Eclips of the Sun predicted by Thales w{illeg} wch ha happened in ye time of y|a| battel & parted them \by the darkness./. This eclips by the computation of Petavius fell upon ye 9th of Iuly in the 151th year of Nabonassar & by consequence ye war began in ye 145th year. Herodotus places ye eclips in ye reign of {th} Cyaxerxes; Tully, a[59] & Pliny,[60] c[61] Eusebius & d[62] Solinus in ye reign of his Son Astyages his son \Eudemus saith that Thales predicted it in ye reign of Cyaxerxes/: the first perhaps \by inadvertency/ because Cyaxerxes began ye war & ye Thales predicted ye Eclips \(as e[63] Eudemus writes)/ h in his reign, the last because the &c it came to pass in his son's reign. {illeg} Suppose therefore that Cyaxerxes died a year or two before ye eclips & {illeg} an. Nabonas. 149 & the clips will fall since he reigned 40 years (as Herodotus writes) his reign will begin an. Nabonass. 109 & \if/ the slaughter of ye Scythians be placed in his 28th year & ye fall of Nineve in his 30th year, that fall will be happen |ne|is|ar|e ye end of ye 2d year of Nabonass Iehojakim & Cy as above. I know that \from/ the reign of death of Cyaxerxes to ye reign of Cy{a}|r|us there will be 40 years according to this acc account but {illeg} & yet Herodotus makes ye reign of Astyages the successor of Cyaxerxes & predecessor of Cyrus to be but 35 years. {In} But Eusebius & Syricellus make his reign 38 years & by a canon among the Isagogical Canons published by Scaliger makes it 40, wch is oe account.

<032r>

To the most Honourable the Lord

Aleppo ta{s}|k|en by ye Tartare in ye reign of Nasser Iosef Sultan of Syria & Egypt p. 63. 1 Malek at {Anss} Dhaler 3d so{illeg}|n| of Saladin succeeded his father \at Aleppo/ An. Hegir 589 & (18|{6}| 1193 or 94) & died an. Hegir. 613. 1216 {d}|&| was succeed in ye kingdom of Alepp{o} by his son Malec al Aziz who died an Hegir 634, 1238. & was succeeded by his son Malek al Nasser who took Damascus & was slain at the taking of Aleppo by Hatagu Holagou 1259.

Aladin Caicobad ben Kaichosrou tenth king of Natolia reigned 26 years was at length subdued by Hocata Kan, {illeg}|&| died An. Hegine 636, 1236 or 1238

Alp-Arslan succeeded his unkle Thogrulbeg an. Hegir. 445. 1063, & reigned over all Persia beyond Tigris as far as the river Oxus. He was slain an. Hegir 465. A. C. 1072

Almansor laid the foundation of Bagdat in An. Hegir 145 & finished the building of it in a. 149.

Malech shah the son & successor of Alp Arslan, in an. Hegir 467 sent his cousin Soliman the son of Cutlu Cutulmish wth an army to conquer Syria & in a little time he conquered it as far as Antioch. Malec sha died an. Hegir. 485 after a reign of 20 years. In his life time he distributed a great part of his dominions amongst his friends. He gave his Couzin Soliman the son of Cutulmish the country of Roum wch he had taken from ye Greek Emperor, extending from Euphrates into Asia minor, the village Arzeroun \(now called Erzertim)/ being the capital. The country of Aleppo to T {Touschteghin} Aksankor: that of Mosul to Tchaghimisc{h}|c|h, & Maredin to Catmour.

\Gaiathoddin/ {Caicosru} son of Caicobad reigned tenth king of Roum reinged 8 years & then was deprived by the Tartars, an. Hegir. 644. A. C. 1246. \Solyman reinged 20 years & {illeg}|di|ed A. H. 664/ Caicosrum ye son of \Rocknoddin/ Solyman ye 12th King son of Caicosru, ye 12th Sultan of Roum reigned 18 years & then was killed an. H. 682, A. C. 1283 by order of Ahmed Khan Emperor of the Moguls or Tartars, & \Garathedden/ Massud the son of Cai Kaus succeeded him by order of Argum K\h/an the successor of Ahmed K{illeg}|ha|n. Masud died A. Hegir. 687, & was succeeded by his Nepheu Caicobad the son of Feramorg the son of Caicans He revolted from the Tartars & Gazan Khan Emperor of ye Tartars slew him & put an end to his kingdom A. Hegir. 700. A. C. 1300.

Rocknoddin Solyman \Melec/ cum fratre Aladin. Solyman poisoned his brother Aladin & then was poisoned by the Tartars.         |Raconadius = Melec = Azatines|

\Aladin fidius & successor/ Giathoddin = Gaiazadin =|| Iu Azatines Michaelem Palæologum ad se profugum comiter habuit, in bello contra Baidonem Palæologum Ducem Tartarorum Græcas copias Palæologo commisit, proditione suorum fugatur & magna ditionis parte exutus, pòst regiam quo amittit & exul ad Palæologum tum Imperatorem se deportare cogitur cum simul uxorem & liberos secum ducens. Aliquandint Constantinoploi substitit, deinde ad Ænum oppidum. Postea a Tartanis captus & abductus in Tartari{n}|s| a bijt. C Filios habuit \1 Salyman/ Raconaduim \Suliman/ 2 Azadinum, utros Melicum dicto 3 Aladinum \Caicobad/ Roc|o|nadinus Soliman parti susccessit 1244, 1245 or 1246. Ha|e| poi{n}|s|oned his brother Aladin & was soon after poisoned by the Tartars having reigned 20 years Or rather he & his Za Azatines (or Gaiathoddin) & his brother Melec Roconadinus Solyman fled were beaten by the Tartars as above & fled to the Greek Emperor & died in exile & the 3d son (a child of 7 years old \1 at his fathers death)/ to whom of right the kingdom belonged the others being bastards, succeeded in part of the kingdom. {And} And Melec the son of Azatines sometime after endeavt|o|ured to recover the kingdom

– & died A. C. 1244 & left three young Children Melec Rocknodin Solyman 119 years old, Gaiathodin or Azartines 9 years old & Aladin Caicobad 7 seven years old the right heir, the two elder brothers being bastards. But Gai Solyman reigned first & his brother Azartines in the first or second year of the Greek Emperor {illeg} Iohn Palæologus (A. C. 16 1261) was beaten by the Tartars & fled wth his brother Melec to the Azartines to ye Greeks, & Aladin succeeded in part of the kingdom being in subjection to ye Tartars. His kingdom was weak <032v> & the Princes of the Turks who fled the Euphrates & sheltered themselves under his protection.



For the better understanding these things I should tell you that in the Histories of Persia written since the conquest thereof by the Saracens there {illeg} the oldest Dynasty of the Kings of Persia are called Ca Pischdadians in the first Dynasty are calls|e|d Pischdadians, those in the second Caianides in the third.                     The three last kings of the Cainides are Ardshir Daraz, Darius his bastard son & Darius who was conquered by Askander Ro{illeg}|u|mi, that is Artaxerxes, Longimanus, Darius Nothus & Darius who was conquered by Alexander \the Greek/ the great \king of the Greeks/. The kings between the two Darius's are omitted wch shews that the history is imperfect This Dynasty was therefore that of the Medes & Persians founded by Cyaxerxes \And {s} before Ardshir they name but five kings They reccon Ardshir the sixt king of this Dynasty/ {illeg} \And therefore \for these reasons/ this Dynasty was that of the Medes & Persians founded by Cyaxerxes. And/ the Dynasty of the Pischdadians was that of the Persians wch fell in ye reign of Cyaxerxes for these \& Nebuchadnezzar/ according to Ezekiel. And mentioned by the Prophet Ieremy threatened by the the Prophet Ieremy & mentioned by that P Ezekiel as newly destroyed. For the Persian historians make the first Dynasty end where the second begins.

They tell us also that there was a king potent kingdom of {Turesmans} Tartars or Scythians seated \in Turguestan ot Usbec/ Tartary/ on the north side of the river Oxus {illeg} & east side of the Caspian sea, wch \whose king Afrasiab/ in the reign of the seventh king of the Pischdadians race was conquered the Persians & were soon after repulsed & driven bak|c|k again beyond the|a|t river Oxus, {wit} by Zab or Zoub a Prince of the royal r descended from the former kings of Persia but returned wth a potent army from bey t beyond that river, & overcame Gushtasp the son of Zab & conquered all Persia putting an end to ye race of ye Pischdadian kindg|gs|, & after a few weeks was driven out of Persia by the assistance of the \first king of the second Dynasty/ Medes & returning wth a fresh army was routed & slain in the mountains of Media by ye third king of the second Dynasty. [Whence it seems to me that \in ye reign of Cyaxerxes/ these nations \Tartars/ invaded Persia on both sides the river Caspian sea, sending Madyes westward to invade the Medes & Assyrians while Afrasiab inv{illeg}|a|ded the Persians from the north east; & that the kingdom of the Pischdadians r|a|rose about the same time wth the kingdom of the Assyrians there being but seven kings of the r|d|ynasty before it was invaded by the Tartars.

The eastern historians tell us indeed that the seven first kings of the Pischdadian Dynasty reigned \lived/ some of them a thousand years a piece & reigned all together above three thousand years. But this amounts to no more then to let us know that the Pischdadians \& their contemporaries {illeg} the Assyrians/ reigned in the fabulous ages of the Persians. And having hitherto treated of ye fabulous ages of the several nations we now proceed to the times wch commenced with the taking of Nineveh by Nebuchadnezzar & Cyaxerxes. And hence it is that

The sam {sic} historians have made the kings of the second Dynasty also \reign/ too long lived, Particularly they make the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus to have lasted 112 |7| years To the first king of this Dynasty they assyg|i|ne a reigne of 120 \years/. To ye second a reign of 150 years. To the third a reign of 60 years. To ye 4th a reign of 120 years. To the fift, as much to the fift who was \they/ called called {illeg} Kishtasp or Darius Hystaspis s To the same \the sixt called/ Artaxerxes Longimanus \a reign of 112 years/ 112. By wch it may be understood that we are to expect little of certainty from the Persian records concerning these times ancient times.

<033r>

While the Assyrians reigned at Nineveh \& the Medes at Ecbatane & the Chaldeans at b|B|abylon there were some other /some other kingdoms in P\/ there were Persia was divided into several kingdoms. \And particularly/ There was the kingdom of Sheshack or Susa Elam, & the kingdom of the Medes & the kingdom of Sheshak or Susa \conquered by Babyl/ (Ier. 25.25, 26) [& 51.5|4|1.) T And this kingdom of Elam was The Histories of E Persia{c}|ns| written since the conquest of \there/of Persia by the Saracens tell its \of several Dynastics of/ that the \kings/ three \of the two/ first Dynasties of the Persians were called the Pischdadians \&/ the Caiarides & that the three last kings of this second Dynasty were Darab Ardsahir Diraz, Darab his bastard son & Darab who was conquered by Ascander Roumi, that is Artaxerxes Longimanus, Darius Nothus & Darius who was conquered by Alexander the Greek. The kings between the two Dariuse's are omitted & this shews that the history is imperfect: but by the names of these kings it appears that this Dynasty was that of the Medes & Persians mentioned in scripture. They tell us this Dynasty immediately follo{w}ed the first Dynasty \they/ of the Pischdadians: & therefore this first Dynasty was that mentioned by Ieremy (c. 25.25.) & Ezekiel.

Those oriental historians tell us also ..... third king of ye second Dynasty. Whence it seems to me ..... ages of the Persians & borders upon Usbec Tartary. For this kingdom had frequent wars with a kingdom potent kingdom of those Tartars \or Scythians then/ seated on the northern f side of that river. & The historians|es| of the Persians written since the conquest of the Persia by the Saracens mention these two kingdoms calling \them/ the kingdoms of Persia & \Touran or/ Turguestan, & say that this kingdom of Persia was the first \or oldest/ Dynasty of their kings \of Persia/ & was immediately succeded|ed| by the second Dynasty. The kings of the first Dynasty they call Pischdadians, those of the second Caianides. And the three last kings of ye 2d Dynasty they name Ardsahir Diraz, Darab his bastard son & Darab who was conquered by Ascander Roumi, that is D|A|rtaxerxes Longimanus, Darius Nothus & Darius who was conquered by Alexander the Greek. They omit the kings between the two Darius's wch shews that their history of this kingdom is imperfect. D|B|u{illeg}|t| by the names of the three kings its easy to understand that by the second Dynasty they mean that of the kings of Media & Persia mentioned in scripture b|&| by consequence by the first Dynasty they mean that wch was contemporary to the kingdom of Assyria & fell in the reign of Zedekiah.

Those oriental historians tell us also that Afrasiab king of the Turcomans bey \Touran/ or Scyth{a}|i|an beyond Oxus, in the reign of the seventh king of the Pischdadians passed that river & conquered the ....... & Cyaxerxes

Now while there were but seven kings of the Pischdadians before these wars of the Scythians began, it seems to me that this kingdom of the Persians arose about the same time with the kingdom of the Assyrians. The eastern historians tell us indeed that \some of/ these {illeg} kings Pischdadian Kings lived some of them a thousand {& others} years a pea|ie|ce & that they reigned all together above {d}|t|hree thousand years. But .... of the Persians.

<033v>

Illustrissimo Domino Is. Newton

Illustrissimo Domino Dno L' Abbati{illeg}|o| de Bignon Is. Newton Salutem Salutem.



Quod munuscalum meum ad manus vestrad pervenerit gandeo maxime vero quod vobis non ingratum fuerit quam maxime gandeo. cum Inde {illeg} Inde enim {illeg} Nam quo tam quod vobis non d Et vestro judicio \apprime/ tribuendum esse ceses{illeg} \nero/ si vestratibus viris doctis viris doctis qui {apu} \post hac/ non displis\uerint/{cent} qui|æ| in Libro meo tractantur. Que|i|ppe quæ numia brevitate propemodum redduntur subobscura, et a receptis hypo {illeg} reo ab hypothesibus Philosophicis hypotheticarum minus grata redduntur sunto, & ob rerum difficultatem a paucissimus legi possunt, At auspicijs \&/ favoris vestis scientiæ|es| florent \florere/ in Gallia \in omnium ore est/, et {ijsdem} auspicijs Mathesi{e}|s| Philosophicam ad Philosophiam spectant|s|em, {illeg} uti spero, flerebit. Vale

[Editorial Note 7]

While the Assyrians reigned at Nineveh, there were some other Kingdoms in the remoter parts of Persia. For the Persian Historians tells us that the old dynasty of the kings of Persia was that of Pischdadians, & the second Dynasty was that of the Caranides

[Editorial Note 8] <034r>

and his successors at length by conquering all Greece and the East erected the third Monarchy.

The rise of Kingdoms in Italy was like that in other places for Dionisius Halicarnass\a/us writes how the Region where Rome was afterwards built was first peopled by barbarians called Siculi. This Region saith he was afterwards taken from them by a long war by the Aborigines who till then lived in the Mountains in towns without walls spread all over the Region, but after ye Pelasgi and other Greeks intermixed with them & helped them in their war against their Neighbours, the Siculi being expelledthey compassed many Cities with walls & became possest of all the territory between the two rivers Livis and He speaks of the Aborigines & Pelasgi here as of two peoples intermixed, but a little after he takes them to be but two names of one and the same people brought hither out of Peloponesus by Oenotrus the son of Lycaon as above; and thus describes how in the beginning they peopled the western part of Italy. Oenotrus saith he having found a larger Region fit for pasturage & tillage but yet for the most part uninhabited and where it was inhabited peopled but thinly: in a certain part of it purged from the barbarians he built Cities little and numerous in the Mountains: which manner of building was familiar to the ancients. Then he tells how after they were grown numerous so as to want room they made war upon the Siculi as above and forced them to leave Italy & seat themselves in the next Island, which was ever since from them called Sicily. This was that war in wch the Aborigines first compassed many cities with walls as above. Out of such Cities as these arose afterwards divers <034v> Kingdoms in Italy amongst which the Aborigines or Latines for a long time made but a small figure tho augmented by the new Colonies of Ianus & Saturnus and Evander. They had a King before ye Trojan war but without being united under him. For about 32 years after that war Afranius the son of Æneas built the City Alba and instituted there a Council of all the Cities under him with Sacrifices to Iupiter: In the time of which solemnity one of the young men of best note governed the City; and this Council was no doubt (like those of the Greeks) erected for uniting all the cities into one policy. The Vestal fire was also kept in Alba. This Kingdom allowing their Kings a reign of 21. years a piece one with another continued about 294 years, and then Romulus with a few Latines layd the foundation of Rome about 20 miles from Alba. Strabo[64] tells us that this Æqui, Volsci and some Aborigines and the Rutuli & other greater and lesser Cities dwelt about Rome when it was first built and that they dwelt there freely village by village without being subject to any com̄on nation and that Romulus built Rome in a place assumed not by choice but by constraint which was neither fortified by nature nor had ground enough to supply the City nor men to inhabit it. For the Inhabitants of the Region lived each a part and rearhed to the very walls of the City, and regarded not the Albani. Suchwere Collatia Antonna Fidena, Lavinium, and other such like small Cities not above 4 or 5 miles from Rome. To get men therefore he built an Asylum wthdrew a conflux of people, and with these he warred with the Kings of the Sabines at Lavinium & by compact inhabited his Kingdom and being now grown strong it may be presumed that other little free Cities around <035r> about easily complyed with him. For Dionysius Halicarnassaus[65] tells us that this new kingdom as Romulus left it consisted of thirty Courts or Councells in so many towns, each with the sacred fire kept in the prytanæum of the Court, for the Senators who met there to performe sacred rites after the manner of the Greeks. Whence the Senators were called Curiales. But when Numa the successor of Romulus reigned, he having the severall fires in their own Courts instituted one com̄on to them all at Rome.

Afterwards Synesius[66] tells us that the Mountain Bombæa in Libya now Cyrene was hollowed and by the concurse of art and nature made a most safe retreat being to one that entered it full of intricate windings and passages like a Labyrinth & difficult to be got out of. And that some compared it to the Syringes and subterranean vaults in Egypt. This Mountain therefore and the Syringes in Egypt were the habitations of the first men; Like the labyrinth in Mount Ida in Crete and the Caturūbi in Italy. In the Syringes were Pillars of brick or stone on which the first inventions of arts & sciences were written by the ancient Egyptians. And no doubt this practice was begun before the Egyptians quitted those habitations to live in towns. A late Author tells us that in the westerne side of the mountain which runs in a right line on the easterne side of the Nile six hundred miles beginning about an hundred miles above Memphys, & ending at Syena, and the lesser Cataracts, there were Cells made all the way of which nothing appeared without but the doors, but upon entring into some of them he found them to be square rooms regularly cut in the rock and painted on the sides of the Rooms with various old paintings of men women and Children and boats upon the nile &c. In some of the rooms were pillars \&/ stateus of men & women and figures of the Gods of Egypt with the heads of birds doggs <035v> oxen &c. In the sides of the rooms were passages into other rooms, and in the floors of all the rooms were square pitts descending downwards to vaults or cellars below: Whence it seems to follow that after the first Inhabitants by digging habitations in the mountains of Egypt had found out veins of mettalls, with the ways of excocting them and working them into tools and utensils they applying such tools not only to digging in rocks for Gold but also to the making these regular habitations and at length to cutting and carving of stones into regular figures; & before they quitted their habitations to live in Towns, they found out also other various arts painting and Navigation upon the Nile & embalming the dead after the way of Mummies. For the Boats upon the Nile were in form of funerall processions, and in Some of the Rooms were figures of Mummies. It seems therefore that most arts & sciences began in Egypt and were propagated thence to the Arabians and from them by the red Sea to the Chaldeans.

Of the original way of living in Caves of the Earth there are severall other instances. The Troglodyles on the Westerne border of the red Sea for many hundred miles together live in Caves of the earth without arts & sciences and government to this day; The Arabians live either in rocks or little hutts or tents. When Sodom and Gomorrha were destroyed Lot and his family returned to the original way of living in a Cave in the side of a hill: And Tavernier in his Iourney from Aleppo through Mosull into Persia describes severall habitable Caves and Grottos made in Mountains and Rocks in Syria <036r> Mesopotamia and Assyria for poor people and sometimes he describes whole towns living in Caves.

When the Egyptians [quitted their way of living in Caves &] began to build houses and towns is uncertain. Probably the invention of sowing Corn put them first upon building houses in the lower Egypt for the convenience of tilling that Country the same being otherwise uninhabitable by reason of the yearly overflowing of the Nile. In Abrahams days the Towns of Syria seem to have been but few and Small and newly built & some of them were built in the days of Abraham as Beersheba Abraham and Lot lived in Tents, fed their flocks where they pleased and had a right to the wells which they dug.

We have showed above that when Cities were first built every City had its proper King and government. These Cities were at first but few in Number with very large fields, but in time as they grew populous sent out people to build villages in their fields for the Convenience of pasturage and tillage.

The herdsmen and Shepherds at first wandered up & down in tents seeking pasturage and water for their herds and flocks as the Arabians and the Tartars do to this day. And in Phœnicia and such other places as were fruitfull and well watered fixing their seats and buildings Cities and villages where they found the best pastures and water. After this manner Phœnicia began to be thinly peopled with Cities a little before the days of Abraham, And as the people encreased the Cities also encreased all the days of Abraham Isaac and Iacob. For when Abraham came first into Canaan the fields were not so far stockt and appropriated but that he and Lot fed their herds and <036v> flocks wherever they pleased, And the wells which they dug were their own. He first wandered in tents and dug the well which he called Beersheba then he built an altar there and planted the place with trees and lived there he & Isaac & Iacob, and ye place became the City Beershaba. Iacob in his way from Mesopotamia came to Succoth and built him an house and made booths for his Cattle: therefore was the place called Succoth (Genes. 33.17.) And this was the Original of the City Succoth. The City Schechem had its name from Schechem the son of Hamor the Hivite Prince of the Country in the days of Iacob (Ios. 24.1, 32) the place where Iacob and Laban made a Covenant in mount Gilead and raised a {illeg}|h|eap of stones for a witness and called the heap Mizpah became the City Mizpah a principal City of Gilead (Gen. 31.48, 49. Iudg. 11.11, 29, 34. The City Hebron was built in the field of Mamre the Amorite the brother of Eschrol the brother of Aner who were contemporary to Abraham, and was thence called Mamre (Genes. 3 13.18. and 23.19. 35.27.) Afterwards it was called Kiriath Arba or the City of Arba: which Arba was a great man among the Anakins being the father of Anak their King & the Grandfather of Sheshay Ahiman and Talmai whom Caleb conquered in the days of Ioshua (Ioshua 14.15. & 15.13, 14. & Iudg. 1.20.) And then the Israelites called this City Hebron (Iudg. 1.10.) when Abraham came first into the land of Canaan, before he had dwelt there tenn years, he came & dwelt in the plane of Mamre & Mamres was then a young man (Gen. 13.18. & 14.13, 24.) and <037r> therefore the City Mamre whose feild was called the plains of Mamre whose was built about the same time that Abraham came into the Land of Canaan: And Tsoan or Tanis a Royal City of the lower Egypt was built seaven years after. (Num. 13.22.)

The Land of Canaan being more fruitfull then Arabia was therefore peopled with towns more early and for that reason Ismael, Moab, Ammon & Esau the Children of Abarham Lot, & Iacob went into Arabia, finding more room in that Country. Ismail had twelve Sons whose names are writed in Scripture by their towns and by their Castles twelve princes according to their Nations. (Gen. 25.16.) that is his twelve Sons built twelve towns and Castles which they called by their own names & reigning in them became twelve princes in the southern borders of Arabia Petræa. Esau had five sons and eleven grandsons which were Dukes that is princes reigning over so many Cities in Mount Seir. And Seir from whom the mountain had its name had seaven sons who were all of them Dukes that is founders of so many Cities & Nations in mount Seir. And this in the days of Isaac. For one of the wives of Esau was Aholibamah the daughter of Anah whose father of Grand father was Seir the Horite or Son of Hori, and the Concubine of Eliphaz the eldest Son of Esau was Timna the Sister of Lotan the Son of Seir. (Gen. 36.2, 12, 20, 22, 25.) Those Horites were driven out by the posterity of Moab Esau; and so were the Emims by ye posterity of Moab, and the Zuzims or Zamzummims by the posterity of Ammon. And how thinly Arabia petræa was inhabited by the Horites, Emims and Zuzims and Amalekites in the days of Abraham <037v> Abraham may appear from hence , that they wer were all invaded and subdued by the four Kings whome Abraham beat with an army of 318 men. Gen. 13.

Ægypt being next to Canaan & Arabia petræa we reckon planted with Cities and towns about the same time with those Countries. For Tsoan or Tanis a Royal City of the lower Egypt was built seaven years after Hebron (Num. 13.22.) But what Kings reigned in the lower Egypt before the shepherds invaded it and what in the upper Egypt before they expelled ye shepherds I do not finde recorded, and therefore shall begin the history of the Kings of Egypt with ye expulsion of the shepherds. For before those days the Egyptians had no Letters, and their hieroglyphicks are not understood.

After Numa Servius Tullius, the field being divided, as above, into about 30 territories, on the hills and such places as being fortifyed by the nature of the place might safily protect ye husbandmen, he prepared refuges which the Greeks call δήμους. Hither every body fled out of the fiels when any enemies came, and how they staid all night. Those had also their Magistrats to whose care it belonged to know the names of the husbandmen who contributed within the limits of that refuge, and their farms whereby they gott their living , and as often as it was necessary to call the Countrymen to their Arms, and to lay a Tax upon them those Magistrates called them together and taxed them. And that the number of the Country people might safily be known and reckoned he com̄anded them to build & dedicate Altars to the Gods who were Inspectors and Keepers of the refuge: which Altars they should yearly <038r> honour with sacrifices being all assembled together and institutes a most honourable feast which they called the village feast and create Laws concerning those sacra which the Romans observe.

Then being very desirous to unite and conjoyn the Cities of the Latine Nation into one body polytick lest being weakened by intestine discords and wars they should be deprived of their liberty by their neighbouring barbarians, he called together the cheife men out of the severall Cities declaring to them for what great designe about their com̄on advantage he had conveyed them. And by this speech he perswaded them to build a Temple with inviolable refuge at Rome at their common charge, in which the people of all the Cities being yearly assembled might performe publick and private sacrifices and buy & sell at set times. And if any quarrell or difference arose between them it might be determined at their\se/ Sacra. The decission of the Controversy being permitted to the arbitriment of the rest of the Cities. He built therefore at the com̄on charge of the Cities The Temple of Diana in the hill Aventinus, and wrote the Laws of the Compact made between these people in a pillar of brasse which remains to this day being erected in the Temple of Diana, and has the Character of the Greek Letters which the Greeks used of old. Thus far Dionysius. By this unquestionable record you may see how difficult it was to unite the Dividend Cities into one polity. You have also in the Refuges or fortified towns a Specimen of the first Cities & Kingdoms into which men convened when they began to make war upon one another. The Franks and Britains continued divided into many small Kingdoms till Iulius Cæsar invaded them, And the ancient Constitution of Spain was like that of other nations. For Strabo[67] speaking in generall of the Collonies which the Greeks sent abroad into this and other Nations saith. <038v> The reason why the Greeks wandered to the barbarous nations seems to be the distraction of those Nations into small parties and Dynasties of such as through haughtiness: would not combine with one another: whence it hapned that they were weake against those who invaded them. This haughtiness prevailed chiefly among the spaniards being accompanied also with their crafty nature and double mindedness. For they following a treacherous and thievish way of life, being bold in little things but attempting nothing great, neglected the acquisition of great power & society. For if they would have combined to defend themselves by their joynt forces, the Carthaginians could not by an incursion have conquered the greater part of Spain without opposition, nor before them the Tyrians and Celti, who are now called Celtiberi & Verones, nor afterwards the Theives Variatho & Sertorius, & if any others designed a greater Dominion. Also the Romans by parts warring upon first one then another Dynasty of the Spaniards, spent much time in subduing them severally untill they conquered them all in the space of 200 years or above.

What Strabo tells us of the Greek Colonies may be safely applied to the Phœnician, namely that they by reason of the smallness & weaknesse of the ancient Kingdoms safily conquered where ever they pleased to seat themselves. Thus Carthage a Colony of the Phœnicians grew great before the Romans conquered it, but in the Region (a)[68] which lay between the Kingdom of Carthage & Mauritania and extended in length from Tritus to Melgonium a[69] six thousand furlongs. Strabo describes ye Kingdoms of the ancient Inhabitants to have continued small and numerous till the Romans invaded them. <039r> For saith he, (b)[70]) that Region was divided after various manners seing those among whome it was divided were very many and the Romans according to their emergent Circumstances were friends to some and enemies to others so as in various manners to give to one and take from another. And as for Mauritania. Tertullian tells us c[71] Unicui Provinciæ et Civitati suus deus est, ut Syriæ Astartes, ut Arabiæ Disares — ut Mauritaniæ Reguli sui. And who those Reguli were St Cyprian d[72]) thus expounds Mauri vero manifesto Reges suos volunt nec ullo velamento hoc nomen obtexunt Inde per gentes et provincias singulas varia Deorum religio mutatur dum non unus ab omnibus Deus colitur sed propria cui majorum suorum cultura servatur.

And in generall all the southerne parts of Africa continue to be divided into many small Kingdoms to this day. East India continued divided into such Kingdoms till the reign of Alexander the Great, Germany & the Northerne parts of Europe till the Empire of the Romans. And America till the Invasion of the spaniards.

Chap. II.

For better understanding the ancient state of the Nations and how the four Monarchies arose, the Chronology of those times is to be rectifyed. That of the Oriental Nations is stated by the Scripture, The Annals of the Phœnicians and the Æra of Nabonassar, but that of the Greeks and Latines is very uncertain. For the Europeans had no Chronology ancienter then the Persian Monarchy And whatever chronology they have of ancienter times has beene framed since by reasoning and conjecture. Plutarch tells a[73] us that the philosophers anciently delivered their opinions in verse as Orpheus, Hesiod, <039v> Parmenides, Zenophanes Empedocles, Thales, but afterwards left off the use of verses: And that Aristarchus, Timocharis Aristillus, Hipparchus did not make Astronomy the more contemptible by describing it in prose after Eudoxus Hesiod Thales had wrote of it in verse./ Among those yt wrote in verse are to be reckoned Pythagoras b & Solon c[74] For Solon c[75] wrote in verse the Atlantic discourse as he had learnt it of the priests of Egypt, but did not finish it. And even all the seaven wise men were addicted to poetry as d[76] as Anaximenes affirmed. Till those days the Greeks wrote only in verse and while they did so there would \c./ be no Chronology, nor any other history then such as was mixed with poetical fancies. Pliny e[77] in reckoning up the inventors of things tells us that Pherecides Syrius taught to compose Discourses in prose in the reign of Cyrus and Cadmus Milesius to write history. And in another place f[78] he saith yt Cadmus Milesius was the first that wrote in prose. And Iosephus g[79] saith that there were no Inscriptions in the Temples and publick monuments of the Greeks so old as the Trojan War, and that the oldest publick writing was the Laws of Draco a little before the days of Pisistratus. And Suidas h that Draco made \his/ laws in ye 39.th Olympiad & that amongst the Greeks there was no publick Table older then these laws. Iosephus i[80] saith further that the Greeks who first attempted to write history, that is Cadmus Milesius & Acusilaus Aegibus and those that followed them were but a little before the expedition of the persians against the Greeks, and that these first writers varied much from one another about the same things. Hellenicus frequently differed from Acusilaus about the Genealogies and <040r> Acusilaus corrected Hesiod & Ephorus corrected Acusilaus & Timæus Ephorus very often. It seems those first Historians indeavoured out of the old Poets to state the Genealogies of the ancient Greeks that by them and the successions of Kings or priests conserved in Some Cities they might recover an Account of times past. One of those Historians was Phererides Atheniensis who in the reign of Darius Hyd|st|aspe|i|s or soon after wrote of the Antiquities and ancient Genealogies of the Athenians in ten books, and was one of the first European writers of this kinde; & one of the best whence he had the name of Genealogus, and by Dionysius Halicarnassensis[81] is said to be second to none of the Genealogers. Another was Epimenides m[82] not the philosopher but an historian who wrote of the ancient Genealogies. Another was Acusilaus Argivus of whom Suidas saith that he was a most ancient historian, & wrote Genealogies out of Tables of Brass which his father as was reported found in a Corner of his house \who hid them there may be doubted./ Hellanicus who was twelve years older then Herodotus digested his History by the ages (or successions) of the priestesses of Iuno Argiva, others digested theirs by those of the Archons of Athens or Kings of the Lacodemonians. And hence it came into fashion in those days to reckon times past either by the Number of Generations or by the successions of Kings counted for so many generations or by round Numbers of years gathered from thence \by conjecture/ as you may see in Herodotus and some others. At length the Greeks attempted to count the number of Olympic victors and to reckon by the Olympiads. And first <040v> Hippias \the Elean/, as Plutarch tells us[83] Published a Breviary of the Olympiads supported by no certain arguments. This design done by conjecture was derided by Plato and gaind credit but slowly |that is by conjecture without the authority of former writers He was contemporary to Plato, & Plato wrote a dialogue to deride him for his ignorance.|. For the Arundelian marbles now composed sixty years after the death of Alexander the great. (An. 4. Olymp. 128) and yet mention not the Olympiads, so that this Æra was not then received, tho it be now the principal Æra of the Greeks. In the next Olypi\ad/ Timæus Siculus a very learned author wrote a history in severall books down to his owne times according to the Olympiads, comparing the Ephori, the Kings of Sparta the Archons of Athens and the preistesses of Argos with the Olympionic Victors so as to make the Olympiads suit with the Genealogies and poetical Histories according to the best of his Iudgment, and where he left off Polybius began and carried on the history. And Istor at the same time wrote against Timæus composing a contrary history of ancient Attica in many books, and calling him Epitimæus for his frequent and bitter reprehensions. About the same time or a little after Philochorus wrote of the Olympiads of the Kings and Archons of Attica against Demon another Historian. And other Authors followed each confuting those that wrote before and adding something of his owne. And this seems to be the original of counting by the Olympiads and of the technicall Chronology of the Greeks: which how uncertain it is, and how little credit it gained among the Greeks of those times may be <041r> understood by this passage of Plutarch.[84] The Congresse saith he, of Solon with Cræsus some think they can confute by Chronology. But a History so illustrious & rectified by so many witnesses and which is more, so agreeable to the manners of Solon, and worthy of the greatness of his mind & of his wisdom I cannot perswade my selfe to reject because of some chronical Canons as they call them, which six hundred correcting, have not yet been able to constitute any thing certain in which they could agree amongst themselves about repugnance. And as for the Chronology of the Latines that was still more uncertain. Plutarch a[85] represents great uncertainty in the originals of Rome, and so doth Servius. b[86] The old Records of the Latines were burnt by the Gauls 64 years before the death of Alexander the great. And Q. Fabius Pictor the oldest Historian of the Latines lived an hundred years later then the King.

Diodorus in the beginning of his History tells us that he did not define by any certain space the times preceding the Trojan war, because he had no certain foundation to rely upon; But from the Trojan war according to the reconing of Apollodorus Atheniensis whome he followed there were eighty years to the returns of the Heraclides into Peloponesus & from that period to the first Olympiad there were three hundred and twenty eight years, computing the times from the Kings of the Lacedemonians. Apollodorus wrote his Chronology about 200 years after the death of Alexander the great, and Diodorus his history about sixty years after that, and yet in all this <041v> time Chronologies could frame nothing \more/ certain about the times between that war and the Olympiads then then by computing from the Kings of the Lacedemonians, that is from their number. Euphorus & his Contemporaries Callisthenes & Theopompus omitted the first ages as uncertain and began their histories with the return of the Heraclides into Pelopon\n/esus. These writers flourished in the reign of Philip and Alexander, Ephorus \& Theopompus/ being the Schollar of Isocrates Varro reckoned all the ages before the first Olympiad to be fabulous & those which followed to be historical. Had the Number of years of every Kings Reign been anciently recorded Chronologers by sum̄ing up those years would safily have determined the length of times past, but for want of such records they were fair to guess at the length of times past by the number of Kings which had reigned in this or that city or by the Number of successive Priests of Iuno Argiva or by the number of successive generations in this or that family. And this guessing has occasioned ye uncertainty of the times preceding ye Olympiads and the many Contradictions of Chronologers about those and the following times down to the reign of the Kings of Persia, the Greeks having no difference Historians before the time of that Empire, no Chronologers before the Empire of the Greeks.

Now all Nations before they began to keep exact Accounts of time have been prone to raise their Antiquities and make the lives of their first <042r> Fathers longer then they really were. And this humor And this humor has been promoted by the ancient contention between severall nations about their antiquity For this made the Egyptians and Chaldeans rayse their antiquities higher then the truth by many thousands of years. The seaventy have added to the ages of the Patriarchs. And Ctesias has made the Assyrian Monarchy above 1400 years older then the truth. The Greeks and Latines are more modest in their Originals but yet have exceeded the truth. For in stating the times by the reigns of those their Kings which were ancienter then the Persian Monarchy they have put those Reigns equipollent to generations &, accordingly made them one with another about an age a piece, reckoning three ages to an hundred years. For they make the seaven Kings of Rome who preceded the Consuls to have reigned 244 years which is one with another 35 years a piece. And the 14 Kings of the Latines between Æneas & Numitor or the founding of Rome to have Reigned 425 years which is above 30 years a piece, & the first tenn Kings of Macedon (Caranus &c.) to have reigned 353 years which is above 35 years a piece, and the first ten Kings of Athens (Cecrops &c:) 351 years which is 35 years a piece, and the 8 first Kings of Argos (Inachus Phoroneus &c.) to have reigned 371 years which is above 46 years a piece. And between the return of the Heraclides and the end of the first Messenian war the ten Kings of Sparta by one race (Eurysthenes, Agis &c) the nine by the other race (Proclos, So{illeg}|u|s &c.) the ten of Messene (Cresphontes Epytus &c) and the nine of Accadia (Cypselus, Olæas &c.) took up 379 years which is 38 years <042v> a piece to the tenn Kings and 42 years a piece to the nine. And between the return of the Heraclides & the beginning of the first Messenian war. The eight Kings of Sparta by one of the races (Eurysthenes, Agis &c) reigned 359 years, that is one with another 45 years a piece, and the five Kings of this race between the end of the first Messenian war, and the beginning of ye reign of Darius Histaspis (Eurycrates, Anaxander &c.) reigned 202 years which is above 40 years a piece Thus the Greeks have made the Kings of their severall Cities who lived before the times of the persian Monarchy to reign about 35 or 40 years a piece one with another, which is a length so much beyond the Course of Nature as is not to be credited. For by the ordinary Course of Nature Kings reign one with another about 18 or 20 years a piece. And if in some instances they reign 5 or 6 years longer, in others they reign as much shorter. Eighteen or twenty years is a Medium. So the 15 Kings of Iudah who succeded Solomon reigned 390 years which is one with another 22 years a piece. The 15 Kings of Israel after Solomon reigned 259 years which is 17 1/4 years a piece. The 18 Kings of Babylon (Nabonasser &c) reigned 209 years which is 11 2/3 years a piece. The ten Kings of Persia (Cyrus &c) reigned 208 years which is almost 21 years a piece. The 16 successors of Alexander the Great in Syria (Seleurus &c) reigned 244 years wch is 15 1/4 a piece. The 11 in Egypt (Ptolome\us/ Lagi &c) reigned 277 years which is 25 years a piece. The 10 in Macedonia (Aridæus &c) 156 years wch is 15 1/2 years a piece. The 28 Kings of England (William the <043r> Conqueror and his successors) 635|4| 1/2 years which is 22 2/3 years a piece. The first 24 Kings of France (Taramond &c) 458 years which is 19 years a piece: The next 24 Kings of France (Ludovicus Balbus &c) 451 years which is 18 3/4 years a piece. The next 15. (Philippus Valesius &c.) 315. wch is 21 years a piece. And all the 63 Kings of France 1224 years which is 19 1/2 years a piece.

So then the Greeks have made the reigns of their ancient Kings too long, & by that means have raised their Antiquities too high. The Olympiads being quadrennial could not be stirred; but in adjusting the Reigns of their Kings to the Olympiads they have made them reign earlier then they really did.

For Lycurgus who in the 18th Olympiad restored the Discus they have made as old as Iphitus who restored the Olympiads, & Iphitus they have made above an hundred years older then the Æra of the Olympiads, and the return of the Heraclides into Peloponesus they have made about 328 years older then this Æra, though it was scarce above 60 or 70 years older; and the Trojan war they have made 200 years older then Sesak, tho by the consent of all antiquities it was later then Sesostris who is Sesak and fell in with the days of Belus the father of Dido.

And as they have raised higher the times of their Kings, so to helpe out their Chronology they have endeavored to raise the Æra of the Olympiads proportionaly higher by feinging that before the first Olympiad wherein Coræbus was victor there were celebrated about 28 other Olympiads, the memory of which was entirely lost. Let these 28 imaginary Olympiads be rejected and the Reigns of the ancient <043v> Kings of Greece be shortened in due proportion & adjusted to the times of the true Olympiads & of the Kings of Phœnicia and Palestine to whome they were contemporary, and we shall finde that those ancient Kings of Greece reigned about 18 or 20 years a piece one with another as the Kings of all nations have done ever since. In all History of certain credit I have not found tenn Kings together who reigned one with another full 30 years a piece. In all the Chronology of the Greeks preceding the Persian Monarchy the Kings of Greece are made to reign one with another above 30 years a piece; and therefore their reigns are feigned too long for the Course of Nature, and must be shortned.

Generations from Father to Son may be reckoned one with another about 34 years a piece or there about three generations to an hundred years. But if the Generations proceed by the eldest Sons they are shorter; so \that/ three of them may be reckoned to Eighty years. And the Reign of Kings is still shorter because Kings are succeeded not only by their eldest Sons but sometimes by their brothers, and sometimes they are slain, or deposed and succeeded by others of an equal or greater age, especially in elective & turbulent Kingdoms. But the Greeks in computing times past by the Reigns of their Kings, and chiefly by those of the Kings of Sparta have equalled those Reigns to Generations, as if the Kings had always succeeded from Father to Son: and by this means they have raised their Antiquities much too high, as we shall finde by repeating the

<044r>

wards Servius Tullius, the feild being divided, as above, into about 30 territories, on the hills & such places as being fortified by the nature of the place might easily protect the husbandemen, he prepared refuges wch the Greeks call δημους. Hitherto every body fled out of the feild {sic} when any enemies came & here they often staid at night. These had also their magistrates to {illeg} whose care it belonged to know ye names of the husbandmen who contributed within the s limits of that refuge & their farms whereby they got their living & as often as it was necessary to call the countrimen to their arms & to lay a tax upon them, those Magistrates called them together & taxed them. And that the number of ye country people might easily be known & recconed s|h|e commanded them to build & dedicate altars to ye Gods who were inspectors & keepers of the refuge, wch altars they should yearly honour wth sacrifices being all assembled together & instituted a most honourable feast wch they called the village-feast & wrote laws concerning those sacra wch the Romans still observe. — There|n| being very desirous to unite & conjo{illeg}|y|n the cities of the Latine nation into one body politick least being weakened by intestine discords & wars they should be deprived of their liberty by the neighbouring barbarians he called together the chief men out of the several cities declaring to them for what great designe about their common advantage he had convened them: — And by this speech he persuaded them to build a Temple wth an inviolable refuge at Rome at their common charge in wch the people of all the cities being yearly assembled might perform publick & private sacrifices & buy & sell at set times & if any quarrel or difference arose between them it might be determined at these sacrl, the decision of ye controversy being permitted to the arbitriment of ye rest of the Cities. he built therefore at the common charge of the cities the Temple of Diana in the hill Aventinus, & wrote the laws i|o|f the compact made between these people in a pillar of brass wch remains to this day being erected in the temple of <045r> Diana & has the characters of the greek letters wch Greece used of old. Thus far Dionysius. By this unquestionable record you may see how difficult it was to unite the divided cities into one polity. You have also in ye refuges or fortified towns a specimen of ye first cite|i|es & kingdoms into wch men convened when they began to make war upon one another.⨳

I have now given an account of the rise of the four Monarchies, but the first kingdome in the world of great extent seems to have been the Ægyptian. Homer knew nothing of Nineveh & Babylon the seats of the Assyrian Monarchy, wch therefore grew up after the wars of Troy, but he celebrates

The Francks & Britains continued divided into many small kingdoms till Iulius Cæsar invaded them, & the ancient constitution of Spain was like that of the other nations. For Strabo[87] speaking \in general/ of the Colonies wch the Greeks sent abroad \into this & other nations/ saith. The reason {why} the Greeks wandered to the barbarous nations seems to be the distraction of those nations into small parties & dynasties of such as through haughtiness would not combine wth one another: whence it happened that they were weak against those who invaded them. This haughtiness prevailed chiefly ~ among the Spaniards being accompanied also wth their crafty nature & double mindedness. For they following a treacherous & thievish way of life, being bold in little things but attempting nothing great, neglected the acquisition of great power & c|s|ociety. For if they would have combined to defend themselves by their joynt forces the Carthaginians could not by an incursion have conquered the greater part of Spain without opposition, not before them the Tyrians & Celti who are now called Celtiberi & Verones, nor afterwards the thieves Variatho {& Ser}\Ser/torius, & if any others designed a greater dominion. Also the Romans by parts warring upon first one & then the another dynasty of the Spaniards, spent much time in subduing them severally untill they conquered them all in the space of 200 years or above.

What Strabo tells us of the Greek colonies, may be applied also to ye Phœnicians, namely that they by reason <046r> of the smalness & weakness of the ancient kingdoms easily conquered whoever they pleased to seat themselves. Thus Carthage a colony of the Phœnicians grew great before the Romans conquered it, but in the region a[88] wch lay between ye kingdom of Carthage & Mauritania & extended in length from Tritus to Melagonium six thousand furlongs, Starbo describes the kingdoms of the ancient inhabitants to have continued small & numerous till the Romans invaded them. For, b[89] saith he, that region was divided after various manners, seeing those among whom it was divided were very many & the Romans according to their emergent circumstances were friends to some & enemies to others so as in various manners to give to one & take from another. And as for Mauritania c[90] Tertullian tells us, Unicui provinciæ et civitati suus Deus est ut Syriæ Astartes ut Arabiæ Disares — ut Mauritaniæ reguli sui. And who these Reguli were d[91] St Cyprian thus expounds: Mauri verò manifestè reges suos colunt, nec ullo velamento hoc nomen obtexunt. Inde per gentes & provincias singulas varia Deorū religio mutatur dum nom unus ab omnibus Deus colitur sed propria cui majorum suorum cultura servatur.

If we pass from hence into India we shall find that country divided into many kingdoms even when Alexander the great invaded it, wch was above two hundred years after Media & Persia was|ere| grown into a Monarchy.

One of the first great kingdoms in the world was that of Egypt. For f[92] Pliny in recconing up the first inventors of things ascribes to the Egyptians the invention of a royal city & to the inhabitants of Attica that of a popular one. Which is as much as to say that Athens was by the Greeks accounted the first city in the world under which other cities united into a popular dominion by a c|C|ommon Council, & the Egyptian Thebes the first city wch became the seat of a \great Monarchy/ kingdom. For Thebes was famous in Homers days when the four monarchies & their head cities were not yet talked of. For, g[93] saith Strabo, Homer knew nothing of the Empires of the Medes & Assyrians, otherwise h[94] naming the Egyptian Thebes & her riches & those of the Phœnicians, he would not have passed over in silence the riches of Babylon <047r> Nineveh & Ectabane. The antiquity of this kingdome makes it difficult to give an account thereof in history of the originals \of Egypt/ but some footsteps there are thereof in history.

For in the seven years of plenty Ioseph laid up the corn in the cities of Egypt, the corn of the field wch was round about every city laid he up in the same Gen. 41.48. And therefore the cities of Egypt being in those days the places in wch the Egyptians inned their harvests they must have been not much further asunder then oR villages & therefore as numerous & small as the ancient cities of Syria & δήμοι of the Medes & Greeks. Which is an argument that the first constitution of Egypt was like that of other nations. For these cities like δήμοι of Greece united under C|c|ommon Councils & thereby grew into kingdoms.

For the common Councils of the Greeks were set up in imitation of those set up before in Egypt, & the remains of such Councils continued in several parts of Egypt till the days of Herodotus. The Oracle, saith he, at Dodona is very like that at the Egyptian Thebes, & the way of divining in the Greeks Temples is taken from Egypt. For the Egyptians were the first authors of making Conventions & Solemnities & Councils & the Greeks learnt thi|e|se things from them. Of wch thing I have this argument that their way was in use from ancient times but that of Greece lately instituted. Neither do the Egyptians assemble once every year but frequently, as in other places so chiefly & most studiously in the City Bubastis to the honour of Diana, secondly in the city Bubastis \Busiris/ to the honour of Isis. In which city seated in the middle of the Egyptian Delta is the greatest Temple of Isis. Isis is she who in Greek is called Δημήτης that is Ceres. Thirdly in the city of Sais to the honour of Minerva. Fourthly in Heliopolis to ye honour of the sun. Fiftly in the city of Butis to the honour of Latona. Sixtly in the city of Pampremis to the honour of Mars. Herodotus adds that these Conventions were celebrated with great sacrifices & {w}|o|ther solemnities & were so numerous that in Bubaste alone there met seven hundred thousand men & weomen besides children. You have a specimen of them in the three annual feasts of the Iews. They seem to have <048r> laid the foundation of several religions in Egypt & to have equalled in number the ancient Temples & capital cities,|.| {c}|E| capital city hav|d|ing its Temple & every Temple its proper God & religion \& Festivals/ & these Gods were most probably the ancient kings \or founders/ of these cities. F Diodorus[95] tells us that in Egypt alone among all the countries in the world are many cities built by ancient Gods as by Iupiter Sol Mercury, Apollo, Pan, Elithia & many others. Which is as much as to say that the Egyptians worshipped those men as Gods who built the p capital cities of Egypt & by consequence were the first kings of those cities.

This was peculiar to the Egyptians that they worshipped their Gods not in the images of men like the other nations but in those of various beasts. The temples of Egypt, saith[96] Lucian, are beautifull & large being built of costly stones but if you seek a God within you will find either an Ape or a Stork or a Swallow or a Cat. To represent things by Hieroglyphics was the sacred language of the ancient Egyptians & the birds beasts & fishes wch they worshipped were nothing else then the symbols o Hieroglyphicks symbols or banners of their first kings & their worshipping them was certainly older then the days of Moses because described & prohibited in the second commandment. Thou shalt not make to thy self any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above or in the earth beneath or in the waters below the earth thou shalt not bow down to them nor serve them (Exod. 20.) that is thou shalt not make nor worship the likeness or image of any fowle in the heaven or beast or insect in the earth or fish in the waters as thy fathers worshipped them in Egypt. Deut.4.16, 17, 18. Iosh. 24.14. When therefore we are told that the Egyptians worshipped c|a| c|C|rocodile in Arsinoe the Ichneumon in the city of Hercules, and Eagle & a Ram in Thebes, a Goat & the god Pan in the temple of the Mendesians, a sheep in Sais, a c|C|at & Diana in Bubastis, a Dog & Mercury in Cynopolis, the fish Oxyrinchus & in the city Oxyrinchus, the fish Latus in Latopolis, a wolf in Lycopolis, a Cynocephalus or Ape in Hermopolis, a Lyon in Leontopolis, a mouse and spider in Athribis & other creatures in other cities: we are to understand that in these Symbols the several cities worshipped their founders & first kings & that this worship was older then Moses & even as old as the idolatry of Egypt. By the founders of cities I mean nor their first inhabitants but those who first raised them \erected common Councils in them & thereby/ founded their dominion over \the/ other \wch/ cities and <049r> built them accordingly. The worshipping of such kings gave the first beginning to Astrology Idolatry in Egypt Chaldea & the neighbouring nations from whom it spread into Europe & other places. And the multitude of cities in Egypt which had their several Temples, Gods, Conventions, High Priests & modes of worship argues the multitude of kingdoms & nations in Egypt when idolatry began.

The manner how the first cities of Egypt grew into kingdomes will be best understood by the constitution of the kingdom of Athens. For the Athenians were a colony of Egypt & Cecrops the first king of Athens was an Egyptian of the Nom{illeg}|e|s or Province of Sais & a[97] formed that kingdome after the mode of the Egyptian kingdoms. He taught Athens the worship of the Egyptian Goddess Minerva who was worshipped in Sais. He distinguished the people into three orders the Gentry soldiers & mechanicks as the Egyptians did, for the Egyptian Gentry were their Priests. He ordeined that the soldiers should be husbandmen & till all the land in time of peace as the soldiers did in Egypt. He first joyned one man & one woman according to a law in Egypt ordeined by Vulcan. He first introduced the Egyptian Gods among the Greeks & as the Egyptian Priests ware linnen garments so did the Athenian. And, saith Diodorus, the sacrifices and ancient customes of the Athenians & Egyptians were alike. Now whilst he thus imitated the Egyptian customes in other things we may reccon that he imitated them also {illeg} in the Athenian polity of uniting many δήμοι & little cities into greater polities by common Councils For we have told you out of Pliny that the people of Attica were the first among the Greeks who thus united & out of Herodotus that the Greeks in these things followed the example of the Egyptians.

It was the custome of the first ages for every king to have in his city a Prytaneum or place of public worship for his whole kingdom \people/. And if any cities united into one polity under any common city they erected a common Prytaneum in that city without abolishing the particular ones. This was done in Italy after the example of the Greeks & in Greece after the example of the Egyptians. And as the Prytanea in the several cities of Greece were the remains of ancient kingdoms, so were the temples conventions & religions in Egypt. So when Moses tells <050r> us that Ioseph married the daughter of Potiphera Priest of On, we may conclude \understand/ that On had been once the Metropolis of a kingdom but before Ioseph's days the Priests of on lost their dominion \as kings/ & became subject to the kings of another city. And the like of as many other cities as had Temples \or Prytanea/, \without kings & also of/ besides the smaller cities whose Prytanea|us| were disused & extinct. For as in Greece when single cities became united into bigger kingdoms, their Prytane{a}|ums| in time became disused & the common Prtytaneum & Conventions the capital city only remained, so it is to be understood of Egypt.

These capital cities with \their/ Prytaneums & Conventions seem to have laid the foundation of the Nomes or {illeg} \nations/ of Egypt, every Nome having a capital city with a Temple & Priest & God and & annual conventions for the whole Nome {illeg} & a Iudge for doing justice: so that the Nomes were \seem to be/ the remains of ancient kingdoms, the Priests of the capital cities retaining their Priesthood & judicial power long after they lost their armies & power as kings. For in the first ages all kings were high Priests & Iudges, [& all high Priests were kings (after Melchizedec's order of Priesthood)] till they became subject to other kings more potent then themselves. These little kingdoms of Egypt began to grow into bigger kingdoms before the days of Ioseph & by degrees grew in one monarchy before the days of Solomon. And then Sesak made a new regulation of the Nomes & built their Temples more sumptuously. How they grew into one monarchy is the next thing to be explained.

<051r>

those Councils with great sacrifices & festivals for assembling the people, & by means of those great councils grew into kingdoms first less & then greater, the captains of their armies becoming their kings. For the remains of such Councils continued in Egypt several parts of Egypt till the days of Herodotus. Luna {ita} The Oracle, saith he, at Dodona is very like that in|at| Egypt \the Egyptians/ Thebes, in Egypt & the way of de|i|vining in the Greeks Temples {so was} is taken from Egypt. For the Egyptians were the first authors of making conventions & solemnities & Councils & the Greeks learnt these things from them. Of which thing I have this argument, that their way was in use from ancient but that of the Greeks lately instituted. Neither do the Egyptians assemble once every year but frequently, as in other places, so chiefly & most studiously in the city of Bubastis to the honour of Diana, secondly in the city of Busiris to the honour of Isis. In wch city seated in the middle of the Egyptian Delta is the greatest temple of Isis. Isis is she who in Greek is called Δῃμήτηρ> that is Ceres. Thirdly in the city of Sais to ye honour of Minerva. Fourthly in Heliopolis to the honour of the Sun. Fiftly in the city Butis to the honour of Latona. Sixtly in the city Pampremis to the honour of Mars. Thus for Herodotus, mentioning only the principal Conventions & omitting the rest. They seem to have laid the foundation of ye Nomi \or provinces/ into wch Egypt was distributed & by consequence were as numerous as these These conventions he saith were celebrated with great solemnities sacrifices & other solemnities & were so numerous that in Bubaste alone there met seven hundred thousand men & weomen besides children. You have a specimen of them in ye a|t|hree annual festivals of the Iews. They seem to have laid the foundation of the Nomi or Provinces into wch Egypt {divided} & by {{consequence}} to have been as numerous {illeg}\{illeg}his testi{illeg}/{illeg} ges united under δήμοι towns \& towns united into g{illeg} Poli/ the {illeg} & kingd by the means of after the same manner afterwards by their ex reigns of Cecp|o|ps \Amphict{yon}/ & the first kingdoms I & that when Pliny so quickly & \early/ so recconed. Athe{ns} knew <051v> make Herodotus[98] say that the Egyptians could nevet|r| live {illeg} \a moment of/ time wthout a king.

<053r>

fift year of Asa & then began to revolt, that is at the death of Sesostris. For Herodotus tells us that Sesostris was the only king that enjoyed the empire. Sesostris therefore began his reign in the 17 year of Solomon & warred till the 14th year of Rehoboam & then returned from his wars into Egypt & reigned there eleven years more in which time he employed the conquered nations in building the c|C|ities & t|T|emples of Egypt & {illeg}|do|ing other great works & then died in the fift year of Asa. Whence I gather that he was th{illeg}|e| brother of Solomon's Queen. For since he warred \conquered the Libyans/ in his fathers lifetime, he may be recconed above 20 years old when he began to reign & so was about the age of Solomon's spouse & her little sister who had no breasts.

Pheron is said to be the son of Sesostris. Pliny calls him Nuncoreus & Diodorus Sesostris the second. They say he made no wars {u}|b|ut upon throwing a dart into the river Nile became blind & after ten years upon a miraculous recovery of his sight placed memorable guifts in the Temples & particularly in Heliopolis two Obelisks an hundred cubits long & eight broad, one of wch was carried to Rome by Caius. I suspect that he{illeg} reigned only under his father & died before him because according to Manetho Rhampses was the eldest son & successor of Sesostris. Or rather I suspect that he was the samk|e| king with Sesostris. For one of his names was Sesostris & another Pheron or Pharaoh the common name of the kings of Egypt, & as Pheron fell blind so Sesostris in his old age fell blind & slew himself. And if Pheron was once blind I had rather beleived that he died blind like Sesostris then that he recovered his sight in such a miraculous way as Herodotus describes.

Proteus reigned next after Pheron according to Herodotus, but he seems rather to have been a Viceroy set over the lower Egypt then a soveraign king. Fof he was a Memphite of ignoble extraction & reigned at Memphys & is thereby distinguished from the race of the Theban kings. And the name Proteus being a Greek word <054r> which signifies a chief man or Prince, seems to be not the proper name of a man but a title of honour. For had it been a proper name the Greeks would have retained the Egyptian word without translating it whereas Herodotus tells us that it is the kings name in Greek that is the Greek word of the same signification with his name or title in the Egyptian language, & Diodorus tells us that this man's name was Cetes. There were several Princes of Egypt called Proteus one of which came wth Cadmus into Europe. And its proable {sic} that the frequent changing \of/ the name of the person might give occasion to the Greeks to feign that Proteus put on all shapes. Some make him a Phœnician reigning neare Pharus where Alexandria was afterwards built as Tzetzes[99]

Πρωτεὺς Φοινίκης Φοίνικος παῖς και τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος

Περὶ τὴν Φάρον και ατοικῶν τῆς νῦν Αληξανδρηίας.

And this agree best with his being a God of the sea But the Proteus of Herodotus reigned in Memphys & left a sumptuous Temple there to the south of the Temple of Vulcan. In this Temple was the house of Venus Hospita by which name Herodotus conjectured that Helena the daughter of Tyndarus was meant having heard that she stayed in Egypt with Proteus & was called Venus Hospita & being told so by the Priests of Egypt. For when Alexander stole her from her husband Menelaus the Greek, in his flight he was driven with her upon the coast of Egypt & there suspected by Thonis governor of the place & sent to Proteus at Memphys & Proteus examining the matter deteined Helena \(as Herodotus relates)/ & sent home Alexander. Then the Greeks demanding her of the Trojans made war upon Troy thinking Alexander had carried he thither but after the destruction of Troy Menelaus went for her into Egypt. And to this history saith Herodotus Homer alludes in mentioning the errors of Paris with Helena by sea upon the coast of Sidon before the war & voyage of Menelaus into Egypt after it. By this History the Proteus of Herodotus reigned in the time of the Trojan war, & therefore governed the lower Egypt under Amenophis or Memnon.

<055r>

and by consequence a|i|n or neare the beginning of the reign of Iosiah while he was yet a Minor & the Government was in the hands of the High Priest & Ant|c|ients of Ierusalem: at which time was Phraortes vanquished & slain by ye Assyrians, & therefore he & Arphaxad being were coincident in time & so must be one & ye same of ye Medes. |The{n}|s|e wars were made in the 12th & 13 years of Nebuchadnezzar & Phraortes Arphaxad slain in the 12th year according to Ieromes version wch I prefer of the original Chaldee; & Phraortes was slain by the Assyrians 75 years before the 30 years reign of Cyrus according to Herodotus, & by consequence in the year of Nabonassar 112 or 12th year of Chiniladan. And therefore \if Arphaxad & Phraortes be one & ye same king of the Medes/ Nebuchadonasar & Chiniladan agree in the years of their reign & actions & are \one &/ the same king of Assyria|.| supposing Arphaxad & Phraortes to be \one &/ the same king of the Medes. This 12th year falls in with the 7th or 8th year of Iosiah in the 8th year of his reign while he was yet young began to seek after the God of David his father (2 Chron. 34.3.) & by the extraordinary impression wch this great danger & deliverance made upon him in his youth became the best of all the kings of Iudah. And in ye 12t year of his reign being {newly} delivered from ye army of the Assyrians he began to purge Iudah & Ierusalem from Idolatry, & destroy ye high places & groves & Altars & images of Baalin. And in the eighteenth year upon ye death of his enemy Nebuchadonasar & division of ye Assyrian Monarchy he began to repair the Temple & restore the \true worship./ From that division arose a new Æra of ye Chaldeans \kingdom of Babylon/ to wch Ezekiel relates when he in ye beginning of his Prophesy where he saith: Now it came to pass in ye thirtieth year of the Ch [that is in ye Chaldean 30thyear of ye Chaldeans] or of the \new/ kingdom of Babylon] in the 4th month wch was ye 5th year of Iehojachins captivity, the word of the Lord came unto me in the land of ye Chaldeans. Ezek. 1.1.| Thus for the book of Iudith as {illeg} \agrees/ wth other histories but the three last verses of that book shew that ye author lived many years after ye death of Iudith wrote some things in her commendation of wth he knew not ye certainty.

Cy Phraortes was succeeded by his son Cyaxerxes otherwise called Oxyares Astibares & Ashuerus, who \was more warlike then any of his predecessors & brought ye army of the Medes into good \better/ order & discipline &/ in revenge of his fathers death prosecuted the war against the Assyrians routed them in ye beginning of his reign & laid siege to Nineveh, but was on a sudden set upon & opprest \in battel/ by a great inundation of Scythians who \s/ from thence made their way towards Egypt but were met & bought off by Psammiticus & returning infested the kingdom of ye Medes for about 28 years together \from their first inrode/. But at length Cyaxerxes about ye 24th year of his reign invited the Scythians to a feast made them drunk slew many of them \subdued or/ expelled the rest & recovered his kingdom & then returned to ye war against Nineveh & together with Nebuchadnezzar who \married a Mede &/ commanded the army of his father Nabopolasser king of Babylon took & demolished the City, Sardanapalus being the last king thereof \a[100] Polyistor takes Sardanapalus for this Nabopolasser, but he was rather his contemporary./. This action the Greeks usually ascribe to the Medes the Iews to ye Babylonians Tobit Herodotus Iosephus & Ctesias to both,|.| Herodotus in one place to the Medes in another to the Babylonians

In the meane time Pharaoh Necho the successor of Psammiticus came wth a great army out of Egypt the King of Assyria \or as Iosephus s/ & being denyed passage through Iudea beat the Iews at Magiddo or Magdolus before Egypt, slew Iosiah their king marched to Carchemish or Cerculium a town of Mesopotamia upon Euphrates & took it, possest himself of the cities of Syria sent for Iehoahaz the new king of Iudah to Riblah or Antioch deposed him there, made Iehojakim king in the room of Iosiah & put the kingdom of Iudah to tribute. \And since this expedition was made against the Assyrians Nineve was standing at the death of Iosiah./

But a[101] Nebuchadnezzar b[102] assisted by the Astibares king of ye Medes a in the third a[103] year of Iehojakim, c the year c[104] after they had destroyed Nineveh, \& in the 18th or 19th year of his father Nabopolasser/ came wth an army a b[105][106] of Babylonians, Medes, Syrians, Moabites & Ammonites to the number of 10000 chariots 180000 foot & 120000 {horse} & laid wast Samania, Galilee, Scythopolis & the Iews in Galeatis & soon after the Iews in \bese|i|eged d[107]/ Ierusalem also & took king Iehojakim alive \& bound him in chains for a time/ & carried to Babylon Daniel & others of the people & d[108] part of what gold & silver & brassthey found in the Temple. And in e[109] the 4th year of Iehojakim they routed the army of Pharaoh at Carche <056r> mish by Euphrates & by pursuing this war f[110] took from the King of Egypt whatever apperteined to him from the river of Egypt to the river of Euphrates. And g[111] whilst Nebuchadnezzar was acting in Syria he heard of the death of his father Nabopolasser, & having ordered his affairs in those parts he returned to Babylon leaving the captives & his army with his servants to follow him. And from hence forward he applied himself to adorn Babylon wth magnificent walls & gates & stately p{a}laces & pensile gardens as Berosus relates.

Iudea was now in servitude under the King of Babylon being subdued in the third year of Iehojakim so that the first year of his reign over Iudea was the fourth of Iehojakims (Ier. 25.1.) & tho their kings Iehojakim & Zedekiah rebelled against him yet it prospered not. For the King of Babylon came against them with an army & in the eighth year of his reign over Iudea & eleventh or last year of Iehojakims took Ierusalem & bound him \Iehojakim/ in fetters to carry him to Babylon & after three months more took also his son Iehojakin in the end of the year & carried him to Babylon,[112] & in his 19th year & the eleventh year of Zedekiah in the fourth & fift months of the year took & burnt the c|C|ity & Temple. The|i|s \or the preceding/ year {illeg} was a sabbatic year (Ier. 34.14, 15, 16.) & fell in wth the 158th \or 159th/ year of Nabonassar & therefore his first year fell in with the \140th or/ 14{5}|1|th year of Nabonassar, that is wth the \18th or/ 18|9|th year of his father Nabopolassar who reigned 21 years according to the Canon. |Berosus & Iosephus. Nebuchadnezzar therefore invaded Iudea & Syria in ye \17th or/ 18th year of his father in ye year of Nabonassar \130 or/ 140, & there he after three \or 4/ years, hearing of the death of his father returned to Babylon \& his armies followed him/ & yn Iehojakim King turned & rebelled against him For Iehojakim served him three years & then turned & rebelled against him. 2 King. 24.1.|

Now in the first year of Nebuchadnezzars reign over Iudea & fourth of Iehojakims, Ieremiah prophesised that ye land should serve the king of Babylon seventy years & that at ye end of seventy years God would punish the King of Babylon & make the land of the Chaldeans desolate (Ier. 25.1, 12.) & thereby bring back the Iews from captivity (Ier. 29.10.). To the year of Nabonassar 140 in wch their servitude began add seventy years & the dominion of Babylon will end in the year of Nabonassar 210. And so it did according to the Canon of Ptolomy. For this is ye first year of Cyrus over Babylon according to that Canon.

< insertion from lower down f 55v > Nebuchadnezzar (according to the Canon & Berosus) reigned after the death of his father 43 years & died in ye year of Nabonassar 186. The Iewish year in wch he dies was the 37th of the captivity of Iehojachin, 2 King. 25.{illeg}|3|7. \In this year/ On the 27th day of the last \Iewish/ month of the|is| year his son & successor Evilmerodach brought Iehojakin out of Prison, & by the singular frinedship wherewith he treated him it may be presumed that he released him in the very beginning of his reign & by consequence that Nebuchadnezzar died in the last month of the Iewish year, that is in the \second or/ third month of the year of Nabonasser. From that month of the year Nabonasser 186 {subduct} 37 entire years & the \epocha of the \37/ years of ye/ captivity of Iehojakin will fall upon \or near/ the beginning of the year of Nabonasser 149. |In| This year {illeg} therefore \therefore or the year before (accordingly as you reccon the ye year of ye captivity inclusively or exclusively) began/ the first year of Zedekiah, that is the /& eleven years\ <056v> eleven years after that is in ye year of Nabonasser 160 or the year before Ierusalem was taken & bunt|rn|t|.| Now & therefore in ye year before the year of Nabonasser 159 that being Not in ye year 160 for that was two years after the sabbatick year & therefore in ye year before as we affirmed above.

< text from f 56r resumes >

The same accompt {sic} may be gathered from the reigns of the intermediate kings: For Evilmerodach succeeded his father Nebuchadnezzar in spring in the 237th year of Iehojakim|n|s captivity (2 King. 25.37.) & by consequence in the 45th year of Nebuchadnezzars reign over Iudea. He reigned two <057r> years according to the Canon & Berosus & then a[113] slain by his sisters husband Nergalasser who \in behalf of his young son Laboasserdach/ reigned four years according to ye Canon & Besosus. And then his son Laboasserdach (called Balthshesser by De{illeg} \(according to Berosus,)/ reigned nine months more accord \accord/ ing to Berosus.) besides the four months reign with his father, in his childhood. a[114] By reason of his ill manners his friends conspired against him & slew him in a feast & by common |Some take him for Belsazer but he was too young. Belsazer was born before the 5t year of Zedechiah (Baruch 10, 11, 12) & therefore was above 32 years old at ye death of Nebuchadnezzar. a[115] Laboasserdach was slain in a feast by a conspiracy of his friends who by common| consent gave the Kingdom of Nabonnidus a Babylonian & one of the conspirators \but not of Nebuchadnezzars family Iosephus calls him Belsaser & Herodotus confirms it by saying that he was the son of Nitocris an eminent Queen of Babylon & of Labynitus, meaning that Labynitus who reigned in \Babylon at/ the time of the great Eclips predicted by Thales & therefore was the great Nebuchadnezzar/. [The c|C|anon makes him a Mede & therefore he was Darius the Mede the son of Ahasuerus For the Queen of wife of Nebuchadnezzar was a Queen Mede & therefore its probable that when he & Ahasuerus made a league against the King of Nineveh he married the daughter of Ahasuerus & that of Darius \thereupon/ lived with his sister at Babylon in the Court of Babylon, & there took upon him the Medic Assyrian name of Nebo-nib|{d}|us. For Darius is a Medic name.] In the b[116] seventeenth year of his reign wch by summing up the years mentioned above is the 69th year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign over Iudea Cyrus invaded Babylonia routed the army of Nabonidus in battel & laid siege to Babylon & also \Babylon c[117] held out/ & the next year wch is the seventith {sic} of the Iewsih servitude was taken (Ier. 51.46.) in summer (v. 39) in the time of a Feast when the Babylonians were dissolute & in drink (Herod. l. 1. Ier. 51.39, 57) by draining diverting the river Euphrates & entring the City through ye emptied channel (Herod. l. 1. Xenophon l. 7) & by consequcne after midsummer. For the river by the melting of the snow in Armenia overflows yearly in the beginning of summer but in the heat of summer grows low & Athenæus (lib. 12) tells us out of Berosus that on ye 16th day of ye month Lous (wch answers to August) the Babylonians kept a feast annually wch lasted five days together, in wch the servants ruled over their masters as in ye Saturnalia. This feast therefore by reason of its duration & the lowness of ye river being so fit for Cyrus's purpose was probably chosen to put his designe in execution While Cyrus beseiged Babylon Nabonidus lay shut up in Borsippa & by reason of the great strength of both places the impatient Iews used this Proverb: Babylon & Borsippa are a bad signe to the law. But Babylon being taken Nabonidus surrendered himself & Cyrus gave him <058r> the government of Carmania & released the Iews from their seventy years captivity.

The same accompt {sic} of these seventy years may be gathered from the reign of the Kings of Tyre. For Iosephus relates out of the Phœnician records that Tyre was beseiged by Nebuchadnezzar thirteen years together in the reign of its King Ithobalus. Now this siege began after the eleventh year of Iehojakims captivity when Ierusalem had been newly taken & burnt with the Temple (Ezek. 26.) & it ended in a little before the seven & twentieth year of the same captivity (Ezek. 29.17.) that is in or a little before the 35th year of Nebuchadnezzar reign over Iudea: & in the end of that siege Ithobalus their king was slain (Ezek. 28.8, 9, 10.) & after him according to the Tyrian records Baal & others as in ye following Tables.

years
Nebuchadnezzar —34
Baal —10
Ecnibalus & Chelbes —1
Abbarus —0.3 months
Mytgonus & Gerastratus —6
Balatorus —1
Merabalus —4
Iromus —20
76y.3m

In the 14th year of Iromus say the Tyrian records the reign of Cyrus began in Babylonia. Subduct therefore six years & something more {f}|(|the rest of the reign of Iromus) from the 76 years & 3 months, & there will remain 70 years for the reign of the kings of Babylon over Iudea untill the reign of Cyrus.

Some date the seventy years from the captivity of Iehojakin others from that of Zedekiah, but they are plainly the duration of the reign of the King of Babylon over Iudea & \over/ the neigbouring nations & ended with the|is| fall \of his kingdom/ & with the first year of Cyrus 2 Chron. 36.21, 22. Ier. 25.1, 12. Yet there seems to be another seventy years of Gods indignation against Ierusalem & the cities of Iudah wch began with the sacking \siege/ of Ierusalem & burning of the Temple in ye 19|8|th year of Nebuchadnezzar \Anno Nabonass. 158/ & ended with the |re|building of the Temple in the second year of Darius Hystaspis \Anno. Nabonass. 228/ {illeg} Zech. 1.12.

Now its very remarkable that this Prophecy was the

<057v>

For understanding this matter its further to be observed that the Trojan warr was in ye 3d generation after \ye voyages of/ Cadmus & Europa \recconing about 25 years to a generation to a generation {may} amounts to {illeg} 70 or 80 years./. For Homer represents that Idomenus & Meriones the sons of Deucalion the \& grand/ sons of Minos the son of Iupiter were at the Trojan warr. He allows but one Minos whom he calls the son of Iupiter & father of Deucalion. This Minos was the son of Europa & Asterius king of Crete \king of Crete/ or as others say of Europa & the Phœnician \Cretan Merchant/ who brought her from Phœnicia to Asterius king of Crete & according to ye Poets of Europa & Iupiter. This Minos had many children {illeg} vizt Androgeus, Deucalion, Astrea, Ariadne, Phædra, Acacillis \& was contemporary to Theseus Ægeus \king of Athens/ & his children to Theseus the son of/ To them was Theseus king of Athens \was their/ contemporary \& married Phædra For Minos made warr upon Ægeus and died soon after him & the son Ægeus/ & {Menestheus} the successor of Theseus was in the Trojan warr \For/ Ariadne fell in love wth Theseus & followed him from Crete to Naxos & was there taken away from Theseus \him/ by Bacchus, & Theseus after \who was/ the son of Semele & grandson of Cadmus, & h{illeg} Theseus Afterwards Deucalion reigning at Cre after Minos at Crete gave his sister Phædra to Theseus \King of Athens/ in marriage. {The} Theseus was about 40 years older then t Hellena for being about 50 years old he took her captive when she was but ten years old \& he forty/. And [Menestheus \& Demophoon/ the \a ye/ successor \the other ye son/ of Theseus was at the Trojan warr & so was] Demophoon the son of Theseus & Phædra was at the Trojan warr & so was Menestheus ye successor of Theseus|.| in the kingdom of Athens. \Ino the daughter of/ Cadmus was stepmother to Phrixus & Hellen who sailed from Thebes to Colchos just before ye {came} All which things being compared it seems to me that after Sesach r after his nine years {e} \voyage of the Argonauts/ All wch being compared it seems to me that Sesach after his nine years expedition \{illeg} in ye 14th year of Rehohoboam/ returning|ed| \wth/ into Ægypt wth T many captives amongst wch was Tethonus the brother of Priam, & left in charge of Egyptians \some of his forces/ at Colchos \under Æetes/ to govern the people he had conquered there. The|at| \about that time/ Phryxus & \with his sister/ Hellen flying from the malice of their stepmother Ino the daughter of Cadmus sailed from Thebes in Colchos where the ship in a ship wch had ye {ensigne o} figure of a {illeg}|R|am carved on it, & was there deteined with his \men &/ ships & goods|.| & men: That \Iason &/ other Greeks sailed after him in the ship Argo sailed after him to demand what was deteined, & therewith brought back also Medea the daughter of Æson, & in their return \or soon after/ Hercules \wth six ships invaded the Trojans/ slew Laomedon the king of Troy & brought away his daughter Hesione & horses & placed Priam on the the throne, & Priam sending an embassy \embassies/ to ye Greeks for satisfaction but wthout success, Priam ordered his son Alexander to revenge it privately on ye Greeks & Alexander thereupon stole away the wife & goods of Menelaus, upon wch ensued the Trojan warr within tenn after the rape of Hellena or less. For Homer represents ye {illeg} tenth year of ye war to be the 20th after that rape. And {r} & it was rather less then more becaus made by the Greeks in anger for the rape, & Castor & Pollux who were all the in \the/ Argonautic expedition were young enough it represent brothers to Hellena & you\n/g enough to have been in all the Trojan warr as Homer represents, had they not been slain before.

Now considering all of these things & composing them together it seems to me the rapture of Europa b the daughter affecting the Phœnicians they noted it in their Annals,& there the Phœnician historians above mentioned found it in their Annals conjoyned with the league wch Hy|i|ram made with Solomon. But the rapture of Hellena being {an} & voyage of Menelaus after \in search of/ her not concerning the Phœnicians, they noted noted {sic}not that in their Annals but the Historians understanding that ye raptures of Io, H|E|uropa, Medea & Hellena had relation to one another, concluded that they followed one another within some short time such as might be recconed within the compass of the reign of one king. I place the rapture of Europa therefore in the \beginning of the/ reign of Solomon & thence reccon three generations to to the destruction of Troy three generations, wch after ye rate of 25 or 30 years to a generation {illeg} \may/ end about the 50|4|th \or 60th/ year after the death of Solomon. {In}|About| which time I reccon that Amenophes \Memnon/ was in the vigor of his age making in the East upon foreign nations tho he came not as far as Troy. Homer reccons that the last year of the Trojan ‡|‡ warr to be ye 20th from ye rapture of Hellena. Subduct these 20 years & ye first 14 years of Rehoboams reign & there will remain about 16 or 26 years between ye return of Sesach into Egypt & ye rapture of Hellena, wch I {illeg}|account| a competent time for the voyages of Phyrxus & the Argonauts during the reign of Æetes. For I reccon that Sesack|h| in the return of Æetes wth part of his army at Colchos to govern the nations conquered in those parts, that Phyrxus to avoid the malice of his stepmother Ino the daughter of Cadmus, sailed fled from Thebes to Colchos wth his goods in a ship on wch a Ram was carved & was there deteined by Æetes that the Argonauts followed him to bring back the ship & goods & brought back also Medea the daughter of Æetes ✝ < insertion from f 58r > |Æetes| ✝ that {illeg} in their return or soon after Hercules wth six ships invaded the Trojans slew Laomedon, & brought away his horses & daughter Hesione, & set Priamus on the throne, that Æetes & Priam sending embassadors to the Greeks for satisfaction but without success, Priam ordered his son Alexander to revenge the injury privately & thereupon Alexander insinuated himself into the friendship of Menelaus & at length stole away his wife & goods. All wch might conveniently be done with the space of twenty years. < text from f 57v resumes > |

All nations have be prone to make their first antiquities ancienter then the truth. And this they have done partly by making the reigns of \their/ kings too long partly <058v> & by turning collateral gene reigns into successive s|o|nes, by are & sometimes by repeating the same king under different names, or wthout or some ve\r/tion of ye same name & sometimes under the same name \& by feigning kings/. So \the Greeks/ of one Minos they have made two & I suspect they have done the same by Cecrops, Erictheus & Pandion \& some others/. And the reigns \reigns/ of their ancient kings they have made much too long for the ordinary course of nature. \allotting them one wth another 30 or 40 years apiece or above whereas/ Thirty years a piece for reigns {&} generations & d|t|wenty years apiece for reigns \taken/ one wth another seems to me a reasonable moderate allowance taking them one with another. So {illeg} \And in sometimes the catalogues of kings are in great measure fabulous as in the catalogues of the ancient kings of Assyria Media Ger Peloponasesus & Germany./ the beginning of Inachuss reign to ye end of Agamemnons the Trojan warr they reccon 674 years & lyst from ye beginning of Davids reign to th whom I reccon Inachuss contemporary, to L And yet its usual to make the ancient kings reign one with another 30 or 40 years apiece or above. By these \And by the like/ means they have made Inachus (whome I take to be contemporary /eight hundred\ years older then David the I make them to be contemporary to whom I reccon him contemporary.

For confirming the truth \illustrating {the}/ of these recconings its {illeg} further observable that Theseus was contemporary to Androgeus Ariadne & Phædra the children of Minos the son of Europa & to Bacchus the son of Semele d|t|he daughter of Cadmus & so was two generations later then Cadmus & his sister Europa, {join} the next generation was Helena & Castor Pollux Hellen Hellena & that in \whence/ recconing \the/ 25 or 30 years to a generation And recconing Whence if about 25 years be recconed to one of these And if Hellen \may/ be recconed a generation younger then Theseus, there will be about three generations between the rapture of Europa & that of t On wch accompt if by a mean moderate recconing we allow about 24 years from the rapt one or two years from ye rapture of Europe to ye birth of Minos & about 25|4| years more to the birth of \Androgeus/ Ariadne & Phædra & eighteen \or twenty/ years more to the \murder of Androgeus & ten or twelve years more to the/ expedition of Theseus into Crete & \his/ accquaintance with P|A|riadne & Phædra, \the daughters of Minos/ & about 10 or 15 years t|m|ore to his {cap} so \rapture of/ captivating Hellena & six |six| or eight or ten years more to ye rapture of Hellena \by ALexander/ there will be about 54|5| or 60 years from ye rapture of He Europa to ye rapture of Hellen \by Alexander/. And the like number of years may be gathered by allowing \about/ 2{5}|0| or 30 years from from the \rapture of Europa to/ coming of Cadmus into Europe to ye birth of \grandson/ Bacchus & 25 or \25 or/ 30 \or 40/ years more to the rapture of Ariadne \by Bacchus/ from Theseus by Bacchus & 100 or 15 years more to ye rapture of Hellen \by Alexander/. In these recconing In these recconings I allow but one Minos, him who was the son Of Europa kin & Asterius king of Crete. For the Greeks to as the Egyptians by putting their contemporary kings in successive order, by respecting the name of the same person, & by making their kings reign longer then they did have raised themir \reign/ kings {illeg} much their antiquities so much beyond the truth so have the Greeks much more used the same artifice that they might in some measure cope with the Egyptians & therefore the way to approach the truth in the history of these nations is to {contract} \lower/ their antiquities by all reasonable allowances abatements. [The first Minos is by the Poets called the son of Iupiter, the second was the father of Deucalion Androgeus, Ariadne Phædra & Astræa, Homer mentions them both as the same man] Homer allows but one Minos, whose whose grandson Idomoneus was at ye Trojan war & is made by Homer to speak thus

Ζευς πρῶτος Μίνωα τέκε κρήτη ἐπίουρον

Μίνως δ' αὖ τεκστε{illeg} τέκεφ' μὸν ἀμύμονα Δευκαλίο\ω/να

Δευκαλίων δ' ἐμὴ τίκτε, πολεεσσ' ἄνδρεσσιν ἄνακτα

Κρήτῃ 'εν ἐυρείῃ.

Iupiter primus Minoa genuit Cretæ custodem

Minos autem rursus genuit filium inculpatum Deucalionem

Deucalion autem me genuit filium multis viris regem

Creta in lata

<059r>

To the Rt Honble the Lords Commissioners of his Majties Treasury



May it please yor Lordps



In obedience to yor Lordps Order of Reference of ye 8th of Febr. last, I have considered & examined the Vouchers of Mr Iames Girard's Bill hereunto anexed, for engraving of seals, which

And Pelops, Acrisius De\u/calion, Abas the fath|er| of Acrisius, & Pelops came from Asia minor. And Deucalion or his father might come into Gre from Asia minor into Gr. in the days of Samuel or Eli. And so might Cranaus \Actæus/ the predecessor \successor predecessor/ of Crecrops & Actæus Cranaus



Deucalion and \Hellen/ Asiaties. Babylon taken nine years after Sardes. Pelasgi denominated from Pelasgus.



Chap. 1. The Chronology of the ancient Greeks \from the time of/ since the Trojan war.

Chap. 2. The Chronology of the Greeks before the trojan war.

[Editorial Note 1] The bottom half of this page contains several tables with data related to star observations.

[1] {illeg}|a| Vide Basnagij Annal. ad an\ni/. ante Chr. 40 sect 16.

[2] 1 Kings 9.21, 23.

[3] 2 Sam. 5.11.

[4] Iosep. c. App. l. 1

[5] 1 King. 9. 21, 22.

[6] e Athen. l. 4. c. 23.

[7] f Strabo l. 1{illeg}|8| p. 661. Herod. l. 1.

[8] d Solin. cap. 26.

[9] c Strabo p|l|ib. 3. p. 140.

[10] d Aristot. de mirabil.

[11] e Achil. Tatij. l. 2. initio p. 67

[12] f Phil. ib. l. 2. c. 14

[13] c Vita Homeri Herodoto ascripta

[14] c Vita Homeri Herodoto ascripta

[15] d Herod. l. 2

[16] Pausan. l. 8. c. 2.

[17] a Strabo l 17|6| p 758 \ab/ & l 17 p 819 b, & p. 786 c

[Editorial Note 2] This marginal addition continues materials from a previous page.

[18] Theog. v. 364, 367.

[19] Bochart, Phænic p. 822. Marsham Chron. Can. p. 65

[20] Herod. l. 2

[21] Plutarch in Lycurgo

[22] Virgil. Æn. 4. v. 143 Macrob. Saturn. l. 1. c. 17. Herod. l. 4. c. 1. Pausan. l. 2. c. 24 Herod. l. 1. c. 46. Steph. in Αβαι Plutarch in Agide Pausan l. 7. c. 21 Plutarch in Agide Strabo l. 11 p. 498. c. Pausan. l. 3. c. 26.

[23] Herod. l. 2. c. 50, 52

[24] Pausan. l. 1. c. 2

[25] Ad Pyth. 4.

[26] Strabo l. 10. c. 5

[27] Apollodor l. 1. c. 7. s. 2. Scholiast. Apollon. Arg. l. 1. v. 118.

[Editorial Note 3] The bottom half of this page is torn.

[28] Isa. XIX.

[Editorial Note 4] The bottom half of this page is torn.

[Editorial Note 5] The following — damaged — fragment occurs at the tight hand bottom of the page, and is most likely part of an addition to the main text on fol. 15r. Only the last few words of each line are preserved.

[29] Isa. XIX.

[30] a Apud Diodor l. 5. c. 4.

[31] b Plutarch in Iside.

[32] c Herod. l. 2.

[33] d

[34] e

[35] f Pausan. l. 1. c. 30. Orphei Argonaut. v. 738.

[36] h Pausan. l. 7. c. 21.

[37] b Ioseph. l. 9. c. 12.

[38] b Ioseph. l. 9. c. 12.

[39] a M     apud Ioseph. l. 9. c. ult

[40] 2 King. 17.6.

[41] b Beros. apud. Ioseph. l. 10. c. 1. Herod. l. 2. c. 141.

[42] Tob. 1.

[43] q Isa. 20.1

[44] r Esra. 4.10.

[45] c Isa. 20.1.

[46] d 2 Chron. 33.

[47] e Ezra 4.2.

[48] f 2 Kin. 17.24.

[49] g 2 King. 19.13.

[50] h Isa. 20.4. Nahum. 3.8, 10.

[51] Isa. 23.13.

[52] a Herod. l. 1. c. 178

[53] b. \Strabo l. 16. p. 737./

[54] b. \Strabo l. 16. p. 737./

[55] c Herod. l. c. 178 d & c. 106.

[56] Tobit 1.15.

[57] b Nicholaus Damascenus apud Ioseph antiq. l. 7 c. 6.

[58] a

[Editorial Note 6] The next folio is irregularly numbered 31a. The recto is blank; on the verso we read, in pencil: "These 2 sheets follow — Catch word — And compare them"

[59] a Cic. l 1 de Divinat.

[60] b Plin. l 1

[61] c Euseb. Chron.

[62] d cap. 20

[63] e apud Clemetem Strom l 1 p 302. a.

[Editorial Note 7] The following passage is found at the bottom of the page and written upside down.

[Editorial Note 8] The following passage is an unknown hand, and contains a partial copy of materials present elsewhere in this manuscript. The text has been sparsely edited/annotated by Newton. The unknown scribe has the habit to use multiple words as catchwords, but only repeats the first one on the next page. In order to accomodate for a correct reading the other words have been supplied.

[64] Strabo l. 5 p. 229. 230.

[65] Dionys. l. 2./

[66] Epistol. 104.

[67] Strabo Geog. l. 3. p. 158 a

[68] a Strabo lib. 17. p. 829 c. & p. 832, a

[69] a Strabo lib. 17. p. 829 c. & p. 832, a

[70] b Strabo ibid. 831. b, c

[71] c Apolog. p. 26.

[72] d lib. de Idolorum vanitati

[73] a De Pytheæ Oraculo

[74] c Plutarch in Solon.

[75] c Plutarch in Solon.

[76] d Apud Diog: Laert. in Solon p. 10.

[77] e. Nat. his. l. 7. c. {illeg}|5|6.

[78] f. ibid. l. 5. c. 29.

[79] g cont. Ap. l. 1.

[80] i. Cont. Ap: l. 1:

[81] Dionis. l: 1 initio.

[82] m

[83] in Numa

[84] Plutarch in Solon. p. 151.

[85] aPlut: in Romulo &c Numa.

[86] b In Æn. VII. v. 678.

[87] Strabo Geog. l. 3. p. 158 a.

[88] a Strabo. lib 17 p 829 c & p 832 a.

[89] b Strabo. ib. p. 831 bc.

[90] c Apolog. p. 26.

[91] d lib. de Idolorū vanitate.

[92] f lib. 7. c. 56

[93] g lib. 15 p. 735

[94] h Homer. ιλ 9

[95] Diodor. l. 1. c. 1.

[96] Strabo l. 17. p. 805. Lucian Dial. {de} \in/ Imaginibus.

[97] a Vide Diodorū lib. 1. p. 24, 25, 26.

[98] lib. 2. p. 183.

[99] Chil. 2 Hist. 44

[100] a Apud Euseb. Chrō gr.

[101] a 2 King. 24.2, 7. {illeg}|D|an. 1.1, 2. Ier. 46.2.

[102] b \Expolemus apud/ Euseb. Pr{illeg}|e|p. l. 9 c. 39.

[103] a 2 King. 24.2, 7. {illeg}|D|an. 1.1, 2. Ier. 46.2.

[104] c Sedar Olam Rabba.

[105] a 2 King. 24.2, 7. {illeg}|D|an. 1.1, 2. Ier. 46.2.

[106] b \Expolemus apud/ Euseb. Pr{illeg}|e|p. l. 9 c. 39.

[107] d Dan. 1.2.

[108] d Dan. 1.2.

[109] e Ier. 46.2.

[110] f 2 King. 24.7. Ioseph. Antiq. l. 10. c. 7.

[111] g Beros. apud Ioseph. Antiq. l 9 c. 11 & cont. Ap. l. 1

[112] 2 King. 25.8. Ier. 32.1.& 39.1, 2. & 52.5, 6, 12.

[113] a Berosus apud Ioseph. cont Ap. l. 1 p 1045.

[114] a Berosus apud Ioseph. cont Ap. l. 1 p 1045.

[115] a Berosus apud Ioseph. cont Ap. l. 1 p 1045.

[116] b Berosus apud Ioseph. cont Ap. l. 1 p 1045 & Ca Canon Ptol.

[117] c Herod. l. 1

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