Drafts on the history of the Church (Section 4)

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Now the milk w^ch is proper for Babes ought not

Now the strong meats w^ch are proper for men ought \is unfit/ not to be mixed with the milk w^ch is to be given to babes. The Church has no authority to alter the foundation upon w^ch she {is} \was/ built by Christ & his Apostles ffor the \ffor th/ servant is Men may vary the language in w^ch All the articles of of {sic} faith {illeg} necessary to baptism were put into the Creed by the Apostles & nothing unnecessary \nothing disreputable or mystical/ was to be added afterwards. Men may vary the language in w^ch the articles of the Creed is|are| expressed \(keeping to authentic forms of words)/ but must not vary the sense. They have no authority to increase diminish or alter the faith into which baptism was instituted in the beg by Christ: for the servant is not above his Master. By this B fr By being baptized into this faith the Christians of all nations were united \in the beginning/ into one Church Catholic & one mystical body of Christ \in the first ages of Christianity/, & to alter this fath faith is to loosen the bond of the union & endanger the dissolution of the whole. To impose any new condition of communion which all Christians cannot admit is to deny communion to those who by the institution of Christ have a right to it. To alter the symbol of the Christian religion by the recital of w^ch the Christians of all nations knew one another to be Christians is to make it difficult for Christians to know one another. Hereticks have their Creeds & Christians w^ch differ in their Creeds may be apt to take one another for hereticks. \And therefore all alterations of the Creed tend to discord schism & dissolution of the Church &/ Men may be anathematized |or excommunicated for blasphemy idolatry \profaneness/ neglect of Gods worship or other impiety & for faction deceipt lying, deceiving, injustice \uncleannes/ or other immorality & for| for impiety |&| for immorality or {illeg} for denying or corrupting the faith into w^ch they were baptized but not for being of such open opinions as are \in the beginning of Christianity were/ no{illeg} barr to baptism admission into the Church by baptism, unless on account of those opinions they live vitiously or disturb the peace of the Church |or intoucing {sic} any opinions which tend to ungodly or immoral practices| But where they are ignorant of other truths not requisite to baptism they are to be treated \& by consequence not requisite to salvation they are only to be/, instructed & admonished to study the scriptures & informe themselves better. And such teachers are to be chosen in the Churches as are best able to instruct them. And sys Articles or systemes of Christian faith & knowledge may be drawn up to be taught next after the Creed & subscribed by teachers. As for instance

1 That \God/ the ffather is \an/ infinite, eternal, omniscient, immortal \&/ invisible spirit whom no eye hath seen nor can see, \&/ all other spirits \are/ sometimes appearing visible.

2|7| That Iesus is the first & the last \& was beloved of God before the foundation of the world/ & had glory w^th the father before the world began & was the principle of the creation of God \of God, the Agent/ by whom God crea
ted all things in this wh world & \who/ is now gone to prepare another place or mansion for the blessed; for in Gods house there are many mansions, {illeg} \& God does nothing by himself w^ch he can do by another./

3|8| That he \Iesus/ is the Prophet pro seed of the woman who should bruise the serpents head, the Shiloh predicted by Iacob, the Prophet predicted by {illeg} Moses, \the Paschal Lamb,/ the son of David whose throne should be established for ever, the son of God mentioned in the Psalms, the son of Man predicted in Daniels prophesy of y^e four Beasts, the Messiah predicted in Daniels prophesy of the weeks, & the great Prince called Michael by Iohn & Prince of Princes predicted in Daniels prophesy of the Ram & he He Goat, \&/ the great Prince predicted by called Michael mentioned in the end of Daniel & in the Apocalyps, & the Word \or Oracle/ of God whose testimony is the spirit of prophesy.

That he sitteth at the right hand of God, being next to him in dignity, & shall continue to do so untill God make his enemies his footstool, ffor \the heavens must contein him till/ when the times of the Gentiles are fulfilled & their fulness is come in & the time of refreshing or restitution of all things shall come \from the Lord. And then he/ his shall come from heaven & reign till God hath put all enemies under his feet, the last of which is death ffor he must re that is untill the day of ju all \all/ the dead be <67v> raised & all the day & judged & the day of judgment be ended. And then he shall deliver up the kingdom to the father that God may be all in all, & with the blessed shall return into heaven to the place w^ch he is now preparing for them that they may be with him & behold the glory w^ch God hath given him. {sic}

That all men are sinners & if Christ had not merited a kingdom {illeg} no men could have been his subjects & therefore our being rescued from y^e fate of other men & translated into his kingdom is due to his merits.

That as we may forgive our

4|12| That all men are sinners & as we may forgive our enemies freely without injustice so God may forgive us freely without injustice. ffor we pray to him to forgive our trespasses as we forgive them that trespass against us. But if Christ had not merited a kingdom we could not \no men could/ have been his subjects; & therefore that any of us shall be rescued from the fate of other men & translated to into his kingdom is due to his merits, & this his meriting to chuse any of us to be his subjects is called appeasing & satisfying Gods wrath & making an attonement for us.

135. That all good \pious & vertuous & good/ dispositions of the mind are from above as well as from o^r own endeavours, & therefore they are called graces favours or gifts to put us in mind of praying for them & \of/ returning thanks for what we receive.

46. That as there is one God {so} there is one mediator between God & man the man Christ Iesus & tho we may |as we may give the name of kings to Viceroys but may not say that a king & his Viceroy are two kings \so we may give the name of Gods/ are not prohibited by the first commandm to give| give the name of Gods {sic} to Angels & \mortal/ kings \notwithstanding the 1^st commandment but/ we are prohibited to \may not call/ call {sic} them Gods before him |God almighty or in conjunction with him so as to say there are more Gods then one| yet we are not to have them as Gods before \or {illeg} of or/ God Almighty by worshipping them or praying to them or giving them thanks for the blessings of this life or for any thing w^ch we owe to his g receive from him receive from his omnipotent power & goodness. worship them \neither may we worship \Angels or Saints/ the as Gods in his presence or in conjunction with him/ by prayers, praises, & thanksgiving, or sacrifices for the blessings of this life Nor to invoke them as Mediat \5 Nor may we invoke or pray in the name of/ Angels or the souls of dead men as Mediators between God & Man or as Lords over us, Nor or to pray in their name. ffor \For {sic} as there is but one God so/ there is but one Mediator between God & man, the Man Christ Iesus. And For tho there be that are called Gods whether in heaven or in earth (as there be Gods many & Lords many,) yet to us there is but one God, the father, of whom are all things & we in him, & one Lord Iesus Christ & we by him by whom are all things & we by him. |There is, but one God whom we are to worship as o^r God \the father almighty/ & one Lord whom we are to worship as o^r Lord & King & Messiah the Prince. We are to| If we direct all our prayers to God the father almighty in the name of Iesus Christ, & give glory & honour \& thanks/ to God for cretaing all things \& for {illeg} our daily bread/ & to the son \Lamb/ of God as he {sic} was the Lamb who was slain for & is is the Messiah the Christ o^r Lord & King the Lamb of God who was slain for us & is therefore exalted high all for redeeming us w^th his blood, & to direct our prayers to God the in the name of the Lord Iesus Christ Lamb, but not to the Lamb in the name of the father God.

7|6| That as the father hath life in himself & hath given the son to have life in himself so the father hath \knowledge &/ wisdom & power \& will & counsel & substance/ in himself & hath given the son to have knowledge¹ & wisdom² & power⁵ will⁴ \& counsel³ & substance⁶/ in himself

8|10| That Ierusalem must be troden down of the Gentiles till the times of the Gentiles are fulfilled & Israel must continue in blindness till the times of fulness of the Gentiles be come in, & the heavens must contein Iesus till the times of refreshing & restitution of all things shall come from the presence of the Lord. And then he shall come from heaven to judgment & reign till God shall put all enemies under his feet. ffor being next to God in dignity \and {illeg}/ he sits at the right hand of God for where all powers & princip till God makes his enemies his footstool & the last enemy to be subdued is death. And therefore he must reign till all the dead be raised \& judged/ & the day of judgm^t be ended. ffor reigning & judging are words of the same importance & signi <68r> fication & the day of judgment is the day of his kingdom. \He must reign {illeg} {illeg} & execute judgm^t in the kingdō of heaven/ And when death is subdued & the day of judgment is ended then shalll he deliver the kingdom to his father & \that God may be all in all & shall/ return with the blessed into heaven to the place or mansio w^ch he is now gone to prepare for them that they may be with him & behold the glory w^ch God hath given him |& w^ch he had with God before the world began.|

9|11| That the dead shall rise again with bodies spirituall & immortal but whether with all the body w^ch they ever had, or with all w^ch they had at their death, or with all w^ch they constantly remained in them from the time of their conception to the time of their death or w^th any other part of their mortal bodies is a question as hard to determin as unnecessary to be known in order to salvation.

2 That the God who said \in the 4|1|^st Commandm^t/ Thou shalt have no other Gods before {sic} was the Lord God of the Iews who is said in the 4^th Commandm^t to have made heaven & earth in six days & therefore was God the father almighty & has no equals \as is said in the 4^th Commandment/ & whom we call God the father almighty, signifying thereby that by his almighty power he \made heaven & earth &/ is the first author or father of all things. ffor God almighty, God the first author, & God the father are \equipollent/ expressions, of the same & therefore this God has no equalls. & we are to honour & thank & honour & worship him alone for our being & daily bread & whatever

Idolatry is the worshipping of a vanity the praying to & trusting

3. \That/ Idolatry is the worshipping of a fals God a God who is not what your worship supposes him to be, a vanity fictitious God, a Vanity. The praying to & trusting in a God w^ch cannot help or is not allowed to do it The p thanking & praising a God for what he was not able or was not alowed to do \would not do/ did not or was not able to do, is \idolizing a creature &/ worshipping a false God. There is a|n| \obedience &/ worship w^ch is due to kings suitable to the power \& dominion/ w^ch God has lodged in them. There is a worship w^ch is du We ma The Lamb of God ma there is a We are allowed to There is a worship of {illeg} giving thanks & praise & honour & glory to the Lamb for redeeming being slain & redeming us with his blood. [Because he was obedient to death even the death of the Cross therefore God hath exalted him & given him a name above every name that at the] There is a worship w^ch is due to Iesus as \the Messiah/ our Lord & King & th the Messiah the Prince. ffor because he was exalted was obedient to death even the death of y^e cross therefore God hath highly exalted him & set him at his own right hand far above all principalitie|y|s & power & might & dominion & every name that is nam given him a name above every name not only in this world but also in that w^ch is to come; that at y^e name of Iesus every knee should bow not only in this world of things in heaven & in earth & under the earth & confess that Iesus Christ is Lord to the glory of God the ffather. There is a worship \also/ w^ch is due to God for creating all things by his almighty power & giving us our daily bread. He is to be worshipped as the ffather almighty, the supreme potentate, the first author of all things, the Lord God omnipotent: N other beings \Potentates/ are to be worshipped according to the power & dominion w^ch he has given them over us & the benefits w^ch we receive fom them & w^th such a worship \only/ as he has granted them in order to his own glory ffor all things should be done \in due order/ to the glory of God the father.

9 That the Christian religion was in its purity in the Apostles days & after their death was to decay \& degenerate/ & grow more & more corrupt till the second coming of Christ. Paul told y^e of Ephesus that after his departure grievous wolfes should enter in among them not sparing the flock & that of themselves men should arise speaking perverse things <68v> to draw away the disciples after them. Acts 20.29, 30. And that {the mystery of} iniquity began to work in his days before the second coming of o^r Lord {there shall} come a|n| falling away Apostasy & y^e man of sin should be revealed the son of perdition who sitteth on exalteth himself above all that is called God or that is worshipped sitting changing times & laws & sitteth in εις θεον \as a God/ in the Temple or Church of God & whose coming is after the working of Satan w^th all power & signes & lying wonders & with all deceivableness of unrighteousness. And that this mystery of iniquity began to work in the Apostles days {illeg} & so soon as that w^ch letted (the heathen Roman Empire w^ch hindred the rise of this wicked \Ecclesiastical/ dominion) should be taken out of the way that wicked one should be revealed & should continue till the Lord should destroy him with the brightness of his second coming. 2 Thess. 2. For in the last days perillous times should come & men (the professors of Christianity) should be lovers of themselves, covetous, boasters, proud, blasphemous, disobedient to parents, unthankfull, unholy, without natural affection, truce-breakers fals accusers, incontinent, fierce despisers of those those {sic} that are good traytors heady high minded lovers of pleasures more then lovers of God, having a form godliness {sic} but denying the power thereof – – – ever learning & never able to come to y^e knowledge of the truth, men of corrupt minds reprobate concerning the faith. \& evil men shall wax worse & worse deceiving & being deceived/ 2 Tim. 3. For the time will come when they \Churches/ will not endure sound doctrine but after their own lusts heap to themselves teachers, having itching ears; & they shall {illeg} turn away from the truth & be turned unto fables. 2 Tim. 4. For in the last days For th And there shall come in the last days scoffers walking after their own lusts & saying, Where is the promise of his coming? But the day of the Lord will come as a thief in the night. 2 Pet. 3. For the Apostles taught that Antichrist should come & even before the death of Iohn \the Apostle/ there were many Antichrists or enemies to y^e true Church of Christ \seducers/ who went out from it because they were not of it. And these being the forerunners of the great Antichrist whose reign is called the last time the Apostle foretold from these fore-runners that the last time was at hand & so far as it respected the fore-runners of Antichrist was already begun.

14. \That/ A|a|s faith without works is dead so doctrines or opinions w^ch do not tend to good works are unprofitable \& useless/, & all such as tend as tend to evil {illeg} are deserve an anathema. \Moral Philosophy & religion consist in practical opinions. And/ It is not enough that opinions be fals but they must be \dangerous &/ mischievous to deserve an anathema.

{13}|16|. That men are admitted into the visible Church of Christ by baptism & into y^e invisible by a true & lively faith & sincere \& effectual/ repentance from dead works. [ffor where two or three are gathered together in the name of Christ there he is in the midst of them.] but The government of y^e visible Church of Christ may be taken away by {illeg} the inev Antichrist, tis y^e invisible Church, \the sincere mystical body of Christ/ against w^ch the gates (of hell (or magistracy of y^e wicked) shall not prevail.

{illeg}|15| When Iesus \authorized &/ commissioned his eleven disciples to teach \or t disciple/ all nations baptizing them in y^e name of y^e f. s. & h. g. pr & promised & teaching them to observe all things whatsoever he had commanded them & promised the to be with them alway \even/ to y^e end of the world: \the commission & promise were generall to ll who were or should become disciples. He/ He authorized not only the eleven disciples to make \other/ disciples but also their disciples to make others & those to make others teaching \baptizing/ them what they wh in order to baptism & teaching them what they what they were to beleive & how they were to {illeg} repent & live well, & practise & promised to be with them all to y^e end of the world. ffor where two or three are gathered together in his name he has promised to be in the midst of them. And this commission we g{illeg}t ffor the more effectual propagating \propagation of/ the Gospel, {illeg} as it was reasonable \it was requisite/ that this commission should be general, & by vertue thereof all men Christians were authorized to chuse out of themselves the ablest men to teach \& baptize/ in their publick places of worship & in defect of {other} teachers to teach & baptize themselves Apostasy. \15/ Church {illeg} ffaith & works

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For understanding how the mystery

Now the mystery of iniquity w^ch consisted in these heresies began to work in the \days of the/ apostles & apostolick men who had conversed with Christ, but by their authority was kept under. In the next age days of [the next generation \of those who had seen the A/ many hereticks arose (as Basilides Saturninus, Basilides, Carpocrates, Valentinus, Secundus, Ptolomæus, Cerdon, Marcion, Apelles, Severus, Marcus, Colarbasus, Montanus, Tatian, Theodosion, Bardasaxes, No of those the next generation who had seen the Apostles it worked very much & grew numerous populous but without making a breach upon the Church. In the third generation recconing about 70 years to a generation it made a breach in the Church. In the fourth it made a wider breach. In the fift it prevailed.

I The hereticks of y^e first age were either Iews or Samaritans \of the circumcision \either Iews or Samaritans// as Nicolaus, Simon, Cerinthus \Menander/. Those of y^e second were \usually/ Gnosticks of the as Saturninus, Basilides, Carpocrates, Valentinus, Secundus, Ptolomæus, Cerdon, Marcion, Apelles Severus, Marcus, Colarbasus, Heracleon, Cerdon, Marcion, Apelles \Tatian/. Those of the third \& fourth/ age refining the heresies of the Gnosticks from the grosser absurdities w^ch had been refuted & explode exposed \by the Christians of the/ in the {sic} second age, & proposed heresies much more plausible & dangerous then the former, as Tatian, \{Severus}/ Montanus, \Tertullian,/ Noetus, Praxeas, Artemon, Paul of Samosat & Sabellius. In the first age there was|ere| also the heresy of the Ie \sects of the/ Nazarenes who \& Ebionites who being converted Iews/ were zealous of y^e law & Ebionites who were for imposing the law upon the Gentiles \But these being \circumcised & thereby/ made debtors to the law by circumcision &/ but {sic} these \being Christians of the circumcision who by being circumcised became debtors to the law &/ being of the Church of Iames who were all zealus {sic} of the law & whose zeale was tolerated by the Apostles \& for whose use Matthew wrote his Gospel in hebrew/ I cannot call them hereticks, unless they \any of them/ endeavoured to impose the law upon the Gentiles as necessary to salvation. Certainly Nazarenes was the name by which the Iews called the first Christians of the circumcision in that beginning \those days age./. For they called Paul a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes. Act 24.5. |But the Ebionites accounted Paul an apostate from the Law & rejected his Epistles & therefore were for imposing the Law upon the Gentiles.|

{illeg} The first age I extend to the death of Iohn the Apostle A.C. 100, or f rather to the death of Symeon y^e son of Cleopas bishop of Ierusalem who was crucified A.C. 107, ffor He being 120 years old. ffor Hegesippus mentioning who flourished in y^e end of y^e next age, making mention of the death of Symeon adds that the Church continued till that |This was |in| the virgin age of the Church, For as Hegesippus informs us. For hitherto saith Hegesippus^[1] the Church continued pure & incorrupt like a Virgin pure & incorrupt being not yet corrupted w^th vain speeches.| time like a Virgin {sic} incorrupt & pure, \& was hitherto called a virgin because not yet corrupted w^th vain speeches/ but after the holy company of Apostles were dead, errors & heresies began to spring up very fast. Euseb. Hist.

The second age may extend to the death of Polycarp the disciple of Iohn. A.C. 169, {illeg} [the third to the persecution of Decius AC 230, & the fourth to the end of the heathen Roman Empire A.C. 324. And that the faith \notwithstanding these heresies of/ continued one & the same in all the Churches till this time \as you have heard out of/ Irenæus. {sic} is witness. |For in his days the Gnosticks arose & grew numerous: But the faith notwithstanding these heresies the faith continued one & the same in all the Churches till this time as you have already \heard/ out of Irenæus and as his contemporary Hegesippus confirms. For Hegesippus| And Hegesippus \who wrote in the days of Eleutherus bishop of Rome/ saith that in the days of Anicetus Bishop o his way to Rome he made some stay at Corinth \& conversed/ with y^e bishop of that city \about the faith to his comfort/ & when he came to Rome he conversed \loged also/ w^th Anicetus & /{illeg}\ among other \bishop of that city & conversed with many/ Bishops |of those parts| & found them all agree exactly in one & the same doctrine things remaining in the several cities as they had {been taught} by our Lord. Euseb. Hist. l. 4. c. 22.

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The second age I extend to the death of Polycarp the disciple of Iohn A.C. 169. In his days the Gnosticks arose & grew numerous but without breaking in upon the Church. For Irenæus \who wrote against heresies in the days of Eleutherus B^p of R./ testifies that the faith in his days was one & the same in all the Churches as you have heard above. And Hegesippus^[2] \a travellour/ that in his way to Rome he conversed with the Bishop of Corinth about the faith who to his comfort & when he came to Rome (w^ch was in the days of Anicetus) he conversed with many bishops & found them all agree exactly in one & the same doctrine, things remaining in the several cities as they had been taught by o^r Lord.

The third age may extend to the p|P|ersecution of Decius A.C. 250 & the fourth to the end of the heathen Empire A.C. 324. In the beginning of the third the very dangerous heresy of \the false pretended Prophets/ Monanus {sic} {began} \& his weomen Prisca & Maximilla/ arose in Prhygia Phrygia & in a short time prevailed so much in those parts as to \subvert whole cities &/ be called the \Phrygian &/ Cataphrygian heresy. & \And/ particularly it subverted \& exhausted/ the Church of Thyatira: in relation to w^ch \as Epiphanius saith observes^[3]/ Christ{illeg} saith in his prophetic Epistle to the Church of Thyatira \Angel or Bishop of that Church/: I have a few things against thee because thou sufferest that woman Iezabel who calleth her self a prophetess to teach & to seduce my servants to commit \[spiritual]/ fornication & \[in the Eucharist]/ to eat{illeg} things sacrificed to idols and I gave her space to repent of her fornication & she repented not. By things sacrificed to idols he means the bread in the Eucharist \of the Cataphrygians/ offered to a fals God, & by committing fornication he means \the/ committing idolatry by worshipping the strange God of Montanus & his weomen the Cataphrygians |spiritual fornication {illeg} with the Prophetess Maximilla who taught the worship of that God|: a God composed of the Bythos & two Æons of the Gnosticks to whom he gave the \& recommended to the Christians by the {specious}/ name of the \Trinity or/ ffather Son & holy Ghost. And \hence the Cataphrygians/ in respect of their idolatrous worship of the Cataphrygians, these Christians \the Cataphrygians/ are called the synagogue of Sata those that say they are Iews (that is Christians) & are not & their Churches are called the synagogue of Satan. This heresy by putting on a form of Godliness & being agreeable to the flesh spread it self in all places & \in a short time/ gained so much upon the Church of Rome as to pervert \Victor/ the bishop of that city, as Tertullian \a Montanist in his book against Praxeas written about y^e year 20{illeg}|1|/ thus mentions. Idem [Praxeas] tunc Episcopum Romanum, agnoscentem jam prophetias Montani Priscæ et Maximillæ et ex ea agnitione pacem Ecclesijs Asiæ & Phrygiæ inferentem, falsa defendendo, coegit et literas pacis revocare jam emissas, et a proposito recipiendorum charismatum concessare. Ita duo negotia diaboli Praxeas Romæ procuravit, prophetiam expulit et Patrem crucifixit. Thus the mystery of iniquity began to work in the Church of Rome This B^p of Rome was either Victor or his successor Zepherinus & [most probably Victor because in                                he is called Victorinus.] His predecessors who op had opposed the Montanists were Soter & Eleutherus. For Soter wrote against them at their first rise & was succeeded by Eleutherus the immediate predecessor of Victor, & Irenæus a A.C. 177 was s \sharp enemy to all heresies & a Presbyter of Lions in France/ upon some questions arising at Lions in France \in that city/ about the Cataphrygians, was sent by that Church to \confer with/ Eleutherus & about tha|e|t matter. & what Eleutherus & Irenæus agreed upon was no doubt against that hæresy. Hitherto therefore the Church of Rome continued firm in the faith, but after the death of Eleutherus began to stagger. For his successor Victor excommunicated {Termulia} \with a Council of the B^ps of Italy excommunicated the/ the {sic} Churches of Asia \& the neighbouring Provinces/ for keeping Easter on y^e 14^th day of the Moon, a thing in its own nature indifferent, & practised <71r> in the Churches of Asia & Syria from the days of the captivity. Whereupon Ireneus now bishop of Lions, called the a council {of y^e} neighbouring bishops & in the name of the whole \council/ wrote to Victor reprehending him for his rashness in disturbing the peace of the church upon so slight an occasion, & telling that a him that \Polycarp/ a few years before upon came to Rome to confer with Anicetus bishop of that City about this & some other questions w^ch had been then moved, & when neither could persuade himself to forsake the customes of their churches \would forsake the customes of their churches/ \w^ch they conceived to \have been/ derived down from y^e days of the Apostles/ they communicated w^th one another & parted very good friends without not thinking it a matter of such consequence that they should contend \{dispute}/ about it des mak contend about it. But Victor was of another spirit excommunicating the And herein Polycarp, Anicetus & Irenæus showed themselves men of the same spirit with the Apostle Paul who advised to avoid prophane babling \foolish questions {illeg} vain/ jangling& fables \Iewish fables,/ [disputes about bodily exercise & legal ceremonies & genealogies] \endless genealogies,/ oppositions of science, & & strifes of words whereof cometh envy strifes railings, evil surmisings pervers disputings of men of corrupt minds & destitute of the truth.

When Victor excommunicated the Churches of Asia on account of this festival he seems to have been turned a Montanist, & being corrupted in his mind with the \superstitious/ principles of that heresy, to have laid stres upon holidays \fasting days holydays bodily exercises/ & ceremonies of religion, & soon after he had excommunicated the true Churches of Asia \on this account/, to have sent out communicatory letters to y^e Churches corrupt Churches of \Asia &/ Phrygia with a designe to have united the Church of Rome to that of the Montanists, & the in opposition to y^e excommunicated Churches |of Asia| had not Praxeas perswaded him to recall his letters as contrary to what his predecessors Soter & Eleutherius had taught. For the bishop of Rome who turned first Montanist & then Praxean is in the Appendix to Tertullians \book de præscriptiones/ called Victorinus in these words: Sed post hos omnes etiam Praxeas quidam hæresin introduxit quam Victorinus corroboravit. By Victorinus is meant Po I understand (w^th Basnagius) Pope Victor. ffor Tertullian was a Montanist ^a[4] beforethe year 201 & [wrote against Praxeas presently after his turning Montanist, & by consequence \about the time of the/ either just before y^e death of Victor or presently after it] & had been at Rome ashe mentions in his book de habitu muliebri c. 7 & {illeg} upon his being offended at \ill used by/ the clergy of the Roman Church turned Montanist as Ierome affirms. Which makes it probable that what he wrote about the Bishop of Rome & Praxeas, he learnt at Rome before he turned Montanist, & upon his return to Afric wrote his book against Praxeas by consequence in the days of Victor. ffor he wrote against Praxeas presently after he turned Montanist.

The hereticks allowed one anothers baptism, & admitted one another into communion \only/ by imposition of hands {illeg} \alone/. And this practise was \seems to have/brought \got/ into y^e Church of Rome \& seems to have been brought in/ by the Praxeans. ffor Ierome & seems to have been brought in by the Praxeans. ffor \according to this doctrine/ the Roman Church ^b[5] allowed the baptism of Praxeas: But And whence \at length/ arose great contentions. ffor But the churches of Cappadocia & Ar the East & Afric dissallowed the baptism of all hereticks. For Cyprian tells us that there were more \And/ hence at length arose a great controversy between those Churches In the Church of Rome, the first disallowing the last {illeg} \& those \other/ churches/ allowing {sic} \the first in process of time allowing/ the Baptism of all hereticks, & excommunicating the first \last/ for allow disallowing the same. This \controversy/ was in the days of Pope Stephen A.C. 255. & gave \gave/ the Church more disturbance & greater shock then that w^ch \& laid her more open to heresies then/ any thing w^ch had happened before, & laid her more open to h {illeg}ded heresies, [the {illeg} of baptism again for excluding them being taken away in the west, & [the sacraments of the hereticks \of hereticks/ being \in them/ here allowed in those parts \in the west in the/ Church of Rome w^ch was the greatest step that could be made towards a reconciliation \with the mystery of iniquity/. And {illeg} at this time \also/ anniversary holydays began \{festivals}/ <72r> festivals \to saints/ began {illeg} to be instituted in the Churches, & auricular confession w^th corporal pennance for inviting heathens into the Christian religion by y^e pleasure of such festivals as has been said above. And A auricular confession & penna corporal pennance \came into use at the same time/ for avoiding the shame {illeg} \& tediousness/ of publick {illeg} pennance came into use at the same time the power of judging & excommunicating or otherwise punishing offenders being hitherto lodged in the {hand} of Presbyters \& courts of justice/ |trialls & punishments before the Courts of Presbyters & of the \publick/ punishments inflicted by the Courts. Now these| Which \exercised publicly Now these {sic}/ changes in doctrine & discipline were so very considerable that a new age of the Church may be reconned to begin therewith & therefore I begin the fourth age of the Church w^th the persecution of Decius w^ch introduced them.

The institution of auricular confession & pennance is thus described by Sozomen. ^[6]Cum in petenda venia grave ac molestum ab initio juremerito visum peccatum necessario confiteri oporteat: grave ac molestum ab initio juremerito visum est sacerdotibus, tanquam in theatro, circumstante totius ecclesiæ multitudine, crimina sua evulgare. Itaqꝫ ex Presbyteris aliquem qui vitæ integritate spectatissimus esset, & taciturnitate ac prudentia polleret, huic officio præfecerunt: ad quem accedentes ij qui deliquerant, actus suos confitebantur. Ille vero pro cujusqꝫ delicto, quid aut facere singulos, aut luere oporteret, pænæ loco indicens, absolvebat confitentes, a se ipsis pænas criminum exacturos. And Socrates thus describes the time when this institution began. ^[7]Postquam Novatiani se ab Ecclesia sejunxissent, eo quod cum illis qui persecutione Deciana lapsi fuerant, communicare noluissent, ex illo tempore Episcopi pænitentiarium {illeg} præsbyterum albo Ecclesiastico adjecerunt, ut qui post baptismum lapsi essent, coram presbytero ad eam rem constituto, delicta sua confiterentur.

The contention about the baptism of hereticks was as follows. When the Novatians refused to communicate with those who lapsed in the presecution of Decius, & on that account made a schism, a council of about 80 \many/ African Bishops convened by Cyprian agreed that since they \Novatians/ were out \no part/ of the Church \of Christ/ they coul had no authority from him to baptize. ✝ < insertion from f 71v > ✝ & wrote their sense of the Council to Ianuary & other bishops of Numidia & Cyprian |wrote| their sense \in an Epistle/ to Quintus. And when Cyprian had called another Council of 71 Bishops he wrote {illeg} their sense \sentence/ to Stephen Bishop of Rome, & wrote explained the matter more at large in a letter to Iubaianus, in w^ch he saith: Apud nos autem non nova aut repentina – – – – – – 80 or 100 years. When Cyprian had received an answer from the \Stephen/ Bishop of Rome he wrote to P a letter to Pompeius in w^ch he makes this mention of Stephens answer: Quia desiderasti in notitiam tuam – – – – – – filios Dei nasci. After these things Cyprian wrote called a third Council of 87 bishops of Africa Numidia & Mauritania &c. < text from f 72r resumes > And Cyprian in their name wrote their sentence to Stephen B^p of Rome \& to others/, & received an answer from Stephen of w^ch he makes this mention in his epistle to {illeg} Pompeius: ^[8] Quia desiderasti in notitiam tuam perfeci quæ mihi eo literas nostras Stephanus frater noster rescripserit – – – – – filios Dei nasci. And in another letter directed \when Cyprian had called another Council of {ab} 71 bishops he wrote a letter/ to Iubaianus^[9] Cyprian \in w^ch he/ saith: Apud nos autem non nova aut repentina res est ut baptzandos censeamus eos qui ab hæreticis ad ecclesiam veniunt quando multi jam anni sunt et longa ætas ex quo sub Agrippino bonæ memoriæ viro convenientes in unum Episcopi plurimi hoc statuerunt – – – – consequerentur.^[10] {illeg} Agrippinus was bishop of Carthage{illeg} & called this Council of the bishops of Afric & Numidia in the fl lifetime of Polycarp or soon after his death ffor multi anni & longa ætas can scarce signify less then \{70 or}/ 80 or 100 years. Cyprian called also a third council \of 87 B^ps of Africa Numidia & Mauritania/ about his matter And before the bishops gave their opinions, Cyprian thus put them in mind of their freedom & equality with himself. Superest, saith he, ut de hac ipse re singuli quid sentiamus, proferamus, neminem judicantes, aut a jure communionis aliquam si <73r> diversum senserit amoventes. Neqꝫ eam quisquam nostrum Episcopum se esse Episcoporum senserit constituit aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit; quando habeat omnis episcopus pro licentia libertatis & potestatis suæ arbitrium proprium, tamqꝫ judicari ab alio non possit quam nec ipse potest judicare. Sed expectemus universi judicium. Domini nostri Iesu Christi, qui unus et solus ha{bet} potestatem & præponendi nos in Ecclesiæ suæ gubernati{one} & de actu nostro judicandi. All \this/ relates to the \pride of the facti{on}/ Bishop of Ro{me} who exalted himself & {illeg} above others \his brethren/ & called himself Bishop of Bishops, & tyrannically compelled the|m| brethren to obsequiousness \by excommunications to/ assent to him & h had \having/ newly excommunicated the African Bishops & others for differing from him. After this exhortation all the 87 Bishops voted unanimously against the Bapism {sic} of hereticks & Cyprian gave his vote in the last place in these words Meam sententiam plenissime exprimit Epistola quæ ad Iubaianum collegam nostrum scriptu|a|m est; hæreticos secundum Evangelicam & Apostolicam contestationem adversarios Christi {illeg} & Antichristos appellatos, quando ad ecclesiam venerint, unico Ecclesiæ baptismate baptizandos esse, ut possint fieri de adversarijs amici et de Antichristis Christiani. The votes of the rest of the Bishops are published in Cyprians works, I shall content my self with reciting two or three \a few/ of them. Primus a Misgirpa dixit: Deus unus & fides una et Ecclesia una est in qua stat unum baptisma. \Nam quæ foris exeveintur nullum habent salutis effectum./ Polycarpus ab Adrumeto dixit: Qui hæreticorum baptisma probant nostrum evacuant. Secundinus a Cedias dixit: Cum Dominus noster Christus dicat: Qui non est meum adversus me est et: et Ioannes Apostolus eos qui ab Ecclesia exeunt Antichristos dicat: indubitanter hostes Christi, quiqꝫ Christi Antichristi nominati sunt, gratiam baptismi salutaris ministrare non possunt. Privatianus a Sufatela dixit: Qui hæreticos potestatem baptizandi habere dicit, dicat prius {quis} hæresin condiderit? Si enim hæresis a Deo est, habere et {ind}ulgentiam divinum potest. Si verò a Deo non est, quomodo {gratia}m Dei aut habere aut conferre alicui potest? Privatus a {Susi}bus dixit Qui hæreticorum baptismū probat, quid aliud quam {hæretic}is communicat? Secundinus a Carpis dixit: Hæretici {Christiani} sunt, ex not an non? Si Christiani sunt cur {in ecclesia d}ei non sunt? Si Christiani non sunt, quomodo Christ{ianos faciunt.} Victoricus a Thabraca dixit: Si licet hæreticis bap{tizare &} remissam peccatorum dare, quid illos infamamus, ut hæ{reti}co{s}^[11] appellemus? Ianuarius Muzulensis dixit: Miror cum omnes confiteantur unum esse baptisma non omnes intelligant ejusdem baptismatis unitatem: Ecclesia enim & hæresis duæ et diversæ res sunt. Si hæretici habent baptisma nos non habemus. Si autem nos habemus hæretici habere non possunt. {illeg} Dubium autem non est Ecclesiam solam baptismum Christi possidere quæ sola possideat et gratiam Christi et veritatem. Victor a Gor dixit: Cum peccato non nisi in Ecclesia baptismo remittantur, qui hæreticum ad communi{onem}cationem sine baptismo admittit, utrumqꝫ contra rationem facit, nec hæreticos purgat et Christianos inquinat. Saturninus a Theca dixit: Gentiles quamvis idola colant; tamen summum <74r> Deum patrem agnoscunt creatorem cognoscunt & confiitentur. In hanc Marcion blasphemat, et quidam non erubescunt Marcionis, baptismum probare. Quomodo tales sacerdotes sacerdotium Dei aut servant aut vindicant, qui hostes Dei non baptizant & sic illis communicant Rogatianus a Nova dixit: Ecclesiam Christus instituit hæresin diabolus, quo modo potest habere baptismum Christi Synagoga Satanæ? Saturninus ab Auitinis dixit: Si potest Antichristus dare alicui gratiam Christi, possunt et hæretici baptizare qui appellati sunt Antichristi. And this was the sense of the bishops of Africa & Numidia \& Mauritania/ about this matter.

When Cyprian received the letter above mentioned fom the Bishop of Rome: he sent a copy of it to Firmilian bishop of Cæsarea in {illeg} Cappadocia

After this Council {illeg} Cyprian wrote to ffirmilian Bishop of Cæsaria in Palestine Cappadocia sending him a copy of Stephens letter. And ffirmilian wrote back a notable epistle in w^ch there are these passages. Per singulos annos, seniores et præpositi in unum convenimus ad disponenda ea quæ curæ nostræ commissa sunt: ut siqua graviora sunt communi concilio dirigantur; lapsis quoqꝫ fratribus et post lavacrum salutare a diabolo vulneratis per pœnitentiam medela quæratur; non quasi a nobis remissionem peccatorum consequantur sed ut per nos ad delictorum suorum intelligentiam delictorum suorum convertantur et Domino pleninius satisfacere cogantur. —— Qui κατάφρυγας appellantur & novas prophetias usurpare conantur, nec patrem possunt habere nec filium nec spiritum sanctum quibus si quæramus quem spiritum \Christum/ prædicant, respondebunt eum se prædicare qui miserit spiritum per Montanum & Priscam locutum. In quibus cum animadvertamus non veritatis spiritum sed erroris fuisse, cognoscimus eos qui falsam illorum prophetiam contra Christi fidem vindicant Christum habere non posse Sed et cæteri quiqꝫ hæretici qui si se ab Ecclesia sciderint nihil habere potestatis aut gratiæ possunt, quando omnis potestas & gratia in Ecclesia constituta sit ubi præsident majores natu qui et baptizandi et manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem. Hæretico enim sicut ordinare non licet, nec manum imponere, ita nec baptizare, nec quicquam sancte nec spiritualiter gerere, quando alienus sit a spiritali et deifica sanctitate. Quod totum nos jampridem in Iconio, qui Phygiæ locus est collecti in unum convenientibus ex Galatia et Cilicia & cæteris proximis regionibus confirmavimus tenendum contra hæreticos firmiter & vindicandum, cum a quibusdam de ista re dubitaretur. —— Si non mentitur Apostolus dicens, quotquot in Christo tincti estis, Christum induistis: utiqꝫ qui illic in Christo baptizatus est, induit Christum: si autem induit Christum, accipere potuit et spiritum sanctum qui a Christo missus est. —— Homo animosus parit lites & vir iracundus exaggerat peccata. Litas enim & dissentiones [O Stephane] quantas parasti per ecclesias totius mundi? Peccatum vero quam magnum tibi exaggerasti, quando te a tot gregibus scidisti? Occidisti enim teipsum: noli te fallere siquidem ille est vere schismaticus qui se a communione ecclesiasticæ unitatis apostatam fecerit. Dum <75r> enim putas omnes a te abstinere posse, solum te ab omnibus abstinuisti nec te informare ad regulam veritatis et pacis vel Apostoli præcepta potuerunt monentis et dicentis, Obsecro ergo vos ego vinctas in domino digne ambulare vocatione qua vocati estis cum omni humilitate sensus & lenitate, cumpatientia sustinentes invicem in dilectione, satis agentes servare unitatem spiritus in conjunctione pacis. Vnum corpus & unus spiritus, sicut vocati estis in una spe vocationis vestræ. Vnus dominus, una fides, unum baptisma, unus Deus et pater omnium qui super omnes et per omnia et in omnibus nobis. Hæc Apostoli mandata et monita salutari, quàm diligenter Step\h/anus implevit, humilitatem sensus et lenitatem primo in loco servans? Quid enim humilius aut lenius quam cum tot episcopis per totum mundum dissensisse, pacem cum singulis vario discordiæ genere rumpentem, modo cum Orientalibus (quod nec vos latere confidimus) modo vobiscum, qui in meridie estis? A quibus legatos episcopos patienter satis et leniter suscepit; ut eos nec ad sermonem saltem colloquij communis admitteret: adhuc insuper dilectionis et charitatis memor, præciperet fraternitatis universæ nequis eos in domum suam reciperet, ut venientibus non solum pax & communio, sed et tectum et hospitium negaretur. Hoc est servasse unitatem spiritus in conjunctione pacis, abscindere se a charitatis unione et alienum se per omnia fratribus facere, et contra sacramentum et fidem contumacis furore discordiæ rebellare.

By these things it appears that the {illeg} to satisfy the doubts of some persons, a numerous Council of |y^e| bishops of Asia & Cappadicia {sic} m convened \met/ at Iconium & condemned the baptism & sacraments of the Montanists & \of/ all other hereticks \& schismaticks/ some years before the disputes between Cyprian & Stephen began, & that Stephen quarreled as well the {sic} oriental Churches as the African about the|is| matter, & that Ste brake peace with all the churches about it except the \western/ bishops of his party to whom Europe to whom he wrote not to receive \those of/ the eastern & African \communion/ into their houses: but the eastern & African Bishops did not excommunicate the western. It appears also that Stephen defended the baptism not only of the Cataphrygians & Novatians but also that of Marcion Valentinus, Apelles & all other hereticks, |as Basnage in his Annals has abundantly proved.^[12]|

After the death of Stephen the Church of Abated Rome abated of her heats, let the excommunication drop & returned into communion w^th the other Churches but continued to allow the baptism of all hereticks. For Ierome an hundred years after pleading that in y^e name of the Church \pretended/ defended the doctrine of the Roman Church \against Hilary a Deacon of Rome/ in this manner.^[13] Ad eos venio hæreticos qui evangelia laniaverunt, Saturninum quendam & <75v> eosqꝫ ad jurgia et contentiones excitare equidem nolim. Scriptum est enim non commutabis terminos proximi tui quos parentes tui constituerunt. About 50 years after \this controversy/ Peter bishop of Alexandria |having| \having/ excommunicated {illeg} the Meletians refused to admitted not their baptism. And some years after Athanasius long after this refused the baptism of y^e Arians. Qui quæso – – – – – – hæreseos – – – – – –

<76r>

Ophites & Chaldæos & Cheitum et Carpocratem et Cerinthum & hujus successorem Ebionem & cæteras pestes quorum plurimi vivente adhuc Ioanne Apostolo eruperunt & tamen nullum eorum legimus rebaptizatum —— Si Hæretici baptisma non habent et deo rebaptizandi ab Ecclesia sunt quia in ecclesia non fuerunt, ipsi quoqꝫ Hilarius non est Christianus. In ea quippe Ecclesia baptizatus est quæ semper ab hæreticis baptismum recepit. Antequam Ariminensis Synodus fieret, antequam Lucifer exularet, Hilarius Romanæ Ecclesiæ diaconus ab hæreticis venientes, in eo quod prius acceperant baptismate suscipiebant. Nisi forte tantum Ariani hæretici sunt et ab his solis baptizatum recipere non licet, ab alijs licet. Diaconus eras o Hilari, et a Manichæis baptizatos recipiebas. Diaconus eras et Hebionis baptisma comprobabas, repente postquam exortus est Arius totius tibi displicere cœpisti. Then he makes the Church of Rome speak thus to Hilary. Meretrix sum, sed tamen mater tua sum. Non servo tovi unius castitatem, talis eram quando conceptus {est} es. Cum Ario adulteria committo, feci et antea cum Praxea cum Hebione cum Cerintho, Novato. Hos amplexans, hos in matris tuæ domum jam adulteros recipis. Nescio quid te unus adulter offendat. Quod si negandum quisquam putaverit hæreticos a majoribus nostris semper fuisse susceptos, legat beati Cypriani epistolas in quibus — ipsius Halarij {sic} libellos quos adversus nos de hæreticis rebaptizandis ædidit, et ibi reperiet ipsum Hilarium confiteri a Iulio Malcho Silvestro et cæteris veteribus episcopis similiter in pœnitentiam omnes hæreticos susceptos. What Ierome saith here of {illeg} Ebion & Cerinthus is præcarius. ^[14]There is no ground in antiquity to beleive that the baptism of hereticks began to be allowed in the Church of Rome before the days of Praxeas, as the |& its probable that when he introduced his heresy he introduced the {illeg} \communion/ doctrine of the hereticksof \who/ admitted one anothers baptism.|

The Church of Afric also adhered

As the Church of Rome adhered to her custome of allowing y^e baptism of hereticks, so the rest of the Churches \adhered to theirs of/ of disallowing it, as Basnage has proved.^[15] {illeg} But when the Churches of Afric became divided into two parties headed by Cæcilian & Donatus the party of Donatus Cæcilian, w^ch in the beginning of the sch schism was very small, {illeg} fell off from the Af tradition of the African Churches {illeg} \about baptism/ to that of the Church of Rome & for that reason was supported by the Church of Rome against the other party w^ch adhered retained the ancient tradition of these" churches of Afric, & by the power of the Roman Emperors getting the churches of Afric into their hands, brought in the Roman {illeg}sting custome of allowing the baptism of hereticks religion \it/ prevailed & And in the reign of Iulian the Apostate when the Churches of the whole Roman Empire were in the communion of the Bishops of the Councils of Ariminum & Seleucia, Athanasius & Eusebius Vercellensis & about \14 or/ 15 other bishops returning from banishment & meeting at Alexandria, agreed to receive the Arians \as penitents/ without new baptism \& by this means the western doctrine became universal./ In Alexandrina Synodo constitutum est, saith Ierome,^[16] ut exceptis authoribus hæreseos quos error excusare non poterit pœnitentes ecclesiæ sociarentur: non quod episcopi possunt esse qui hæretici fuerant, sed quod constaret eos qui reciperentur hæreticos non fuisse. Assensus est huic sententiæ Occidens: et per tam necessarium concilium Satanæ faucibus mundus ereptus est.

<76v>

In the end of \After After/ Dioclesians persecution, the Church of Afric became divided into two parties headed by Cæcilian & Donatus, |one of w^ch constituted Cæcilian B^ps of her Majoranus B Carthage & the other meeting in a Council deserted him| & the party of Cæcilian w^ch at first was very small, fell off from the tradition of the African churches about baptism to that of the Church of Rome \& before a Council at Rome \A.C. 313/ accused the other party of rebaptizing & —/ & [for that reason was supported by the Church of Rome against the \other/ party of Donatus [w^ch retained the ancient tradition of the African Churches] about this matter]. |For the difference between the two parties being referred to y^e B^p of Rome & some other B^ps of Italy & Gallia: these B^ps would heare no living evidence against the| < insertion from the left margin of f 76v > y^e said Council at Rome, y^e Council would hear no living evid/ence against the\ the party of Cæcilian & therefore were partial in his favoured him. < text from f 76v resumes >

The Council of Arles in Gallia collected A.C. 314 ‡ < insertion from lower down f 76v > ‡ & The \next year a/ Council of A{illeg} Arles collected in \collecte convened at Arles in/ Gallia A.C. 314 made this canon De Afris, quòd propria lege sua utuntur, ut rebaptizent, placuit ut si ad Ecclesiam aliquis de hæresi venerit, interrogent eum symbolum: et si præviderint illum in Patre et ffilio & Spiritu S. esse baptizatum manus ei tantum imponant, ut accipiat Spiritum S. By Afircans they mean the party \Churches of Afric/ w^ch opposed Cæcilian, & were afterwards called Donatists, & by this Canon they me < text from higher up f 76v resumes > ordeined that y^e Africans \(that is, the party of Cæcilian/ should only lay their hands upon such hereticks as had been baptized in due form of wothe Trinity. But this was observed only by the party of Cæcilian.

The Council of Nice A.C. 325 ordeined that y^e disse Paulinianists \coming to y^e Church/ should be baptized. And Basil thus describes the practise of the churches of Asia in his days: Encratitæ & Saccophori et Apotactitæ eidem subjiciuntur rationi, cui et Novatiani, quia de illis Canon editus est, etsi diversus. . . . . . . . . Nos autem una ratione eos rebaptizamus. Basil epist. can. c. 47

W Peter {had} the predecessor of Alexander in the bishopric of Alexandria having excommunicated the Meletians, admitted not their baptism. And Athanasius refused the baptism of the Arians. Qui quæso \igitur/, saith he, non plane vanū ac inutile fuerit baptisma, quod ab illis [Arianis] datur, cum id non nisi species sit et inane simulachrum, ipsiqꝫ ea re nil solidæ opis afferant ad pietatem? Non enim in patre et filio Ariani baptisma tribuunt sed sed {sic} in Creatore et Creatura [Athanas. Orat.3. cont. Arian. t. 1. 413. The Arians baptized in a right form of words, but because they had not a right notion of what the words signified therefore Athanasius & his followers disallowed their baptism. But a few years after Athanasius retracted his opinion & in the reign of Iulian the Apostate in a small council at Alexandria decreed that the Arians were to be received \as penitents/ without rebaptizing them. And \now by that \joint/ authority of the Churches of Rome & Alexandria/ this doctrine in a very little time overspread all Egypt \Egypt Asia y^e Asia & all the Roman Empire/ & All the eastern empire. In Alexandrina Synodo constitutum est saith Ierome, ut exceptis authoribus hæreseos.

In y^e year 311 {illeg} Cæcilian being made \was made/ bishop of Carthage by a small party th /a small party\ \one Felix {} \one Felix &// rejected \his ordination disallowed/ by a Council of about 70 African bishops, & two years after the matter being referred to {illeg} the Bishop of Rome & by the Emperor Constantine to the B^p of Rome & some other B^ps of Italy & Gallia, {illeg}|t|ho|e|y met \they met in a Council/ at Rome & the party of Cæcilian w^ch at {illeg} that time was very smal, to gain the favour of this Council fell of from the tradition of the African Churches & to that of y^e Church of Rome & befor this council \about Baptism & before the Council accused them of rebap/ accused them {sic} & African churches of rebaptizing. After w^ch this Council \of Rome/ would heare no living evidence against Cæcilian. And the next year a Council convened at Arles in Gallia made this Canon: De Afris – – – – Donatists.

& this decreed was approved b

As for the Church of Egypt, Dionysius, \who was/ bishop of Alexandria in the days of Stephen & \at that time/ wrote several letters about baptism the controversy, {illeg} concluded one of them in this manner: Illud præterea didici, non ab Afris solis hunc morem nunc primū positum fuisse, sed et multo antea superiorum episcoporum temporibus in ecclesijs populosissimis & in concilijs fratum apud Iconium & Synoda et apud {illeg} plurimos idem sanatum fuisse. Quorum sententias & statu subvertere