Catalogue Entry: OTHE00130
Appendix
[1]
The words in Italics are an interlineation.
[2] See this Volume, page 8.
[3] The letters on Fluxions in Wallis's Works, vol. ii. pp. 391-396.
[4] The letter of Leibnitz is dated 28th March, though in the title prefixed to it by Wallis, and in the following letter, the date is made 28th May.
[5] This memorandum is placed at the very foot of the page, apparently for the purpose of its being cut off.
[6]
Conti's defence of himself, referred to in note 2, page 305, is published without his name in the Bibliothèque Francaise for May and June 1726. Amsterdam, pp. 182-193.
[7]
From the Life of Brook Taylor, p. 121.
[8]
Kilmansegg or Kilmansegger.
[9]
Des Maizeaux.
[10]
Conti was a great favourite of the King, who had invited him to Hanover, and with whom he dined every day.
[11]
Dated Paris, 16th February 1709.
[12]
See page 68.
[13]
Dist. vera 89°.
[14]
Flamsteed says that they were dated November 10.
[15]
October 11, 1706.
[16]
See Baily's Flamsteed, p. 261.
[17]
See Baily's Flamsteed.
[18]
Flamsteed mentions this sum as given to one of Newton's servants for assisting him in the calculations.
[19]
The "Figures for the frontispieces and capitals" were engraved by Catenaro, who, upon "complaining that the first agreement was too hard a bargain," received £20 additional.
[20]
Flamsteed, in his petition to the Queen, December 29, 1710, distinctly states that his Catalogue of 3000 Fixed Stars was finished and ready to be transcribed. "I have made further advances." he adds, "than 'tis proper to mention here, and might have presented your Majesty with the whole work perfected before this time, if his Royal Highness's noble intentions had not been prevented, and my endeavours continually obstructed by those who ought, and whose duty I conceive it was, to have seconded and promoted both." — Baily's Flamsteed, p. 278.
[21]
This is the only place where Swift speaks of Mrs. Barton's lodgings; and it is important to observe, that Newton was at that very time removing from Chelsea to St. Martin's Street, so that Mrs. Barton was probably occupying lodgings for a short time while the house was preparing for her uncle. It is quite clear also, from the extracts dated October 9, 25, and November 28, 1711, that Mrs. Barton was living at Newton's house in Leicester Fields. At this time, too, Mrs. Barton, at Swift's request, carried a message from Bolingbroke to Newton. — See this volume, p. 267, and Edleston's Correspondence, &c., Lett. xxi. p. 36.
[22]
Had Mrs. Barton lived with Halifax, Swift, who "loved her better than any body in London," would not have been teased by the invitation.
[23]
The wife of Sir Robert Worsley, Bart., and only daughter of Viscount Weymouth.
[24]
Mrs. Barton lived with Newton in Martin Street, Leicester Fields.
[25]
Professor De Morgan says that Mrs. Barton's intimacy with Swift was probably through Halifax. It was more probably through Lady Betty Germaine, whom Swift had known from her childhood. Lady Betty was a daughter of the Earl of Berkeley, to whom Swift had been chaplain and private secretary. Many of her letters to Swift are published in his Correspondence.
[26]
Swift's Works, vol. xvii. p. 101. Edit. Edin. 1784.
[27]
Mrs. Barber was a great friend and favourite of Swift. She was the author of a volume of poems, which were dedicated to the Earl of Orrery, and the proposals here referred to, were probably proposals to publish her poems by subscription. — See Swift's Works, vol. xvii. p. 77, and vol. xviii. p. 55.
[28]
The Abbé Conti. Newton must have forgotten or forgiven the offence which he had taken at the Abbé, for having "assisted Leibnitz in engaging him in new disputes." See pp. 305, 306, and APPENDIX No. III. p. 431. The conduct of the Abbé in reference to his Chronology appears to have revived the former feelings of Newton.
[29]
John Keill was born in Edinburgh in 1671, and studied mathematics there under David Gregory, whom he accompanied to Oxford in 1694, having obtained one of the Scotch Exhibitions in Balliol College. He acquired a high reputation at Oxford as a teacher of the Newtonian philosophy, by apparatus provided by himself. His Introductio ad Veram Physicam appeared in 1701, and his Introductio ad Veram Astronomiam in 1708. He was appointed Savilian Professor of Astronomy at Oxford in 1710, and in 1711 he entered the lists against Leibnitz and Bernoulli, as the able and staunch champion of Newton, as will be seen in the first two chapters of this volume. He died in 1721, in the 50th year of his age.
[30]
M. Arlaud, an eminent Swiss painter, who resided in Paris, and improved some of the diagrams for Coste's French translation of Newton's Optics, which appeared in 1722. — See Edleston's Correspondence, &c., p. 88.
[31]
July 5th.
[32]
This letter will be found in p. 511, sect. 3.
[33]
This letter is published in the Contemplatio Philosophica, pp. 84-88.
[34]
See Edleston's Correspondence, &c., p. 187.
[35]
This is the wine mentioned in p. 491, as intended for Miss Barton.
[36] This letter is published at the end of Keill's letter to Bernoulli.
[37]
He even says that Newton wrote against 1 John v. 7, as other orthodox persons have done. Page xxi. Tracts, &c. Lond. 1820.
[38]
The Quæries after No. 14 are not numbered in the original.
[39]
The nephew of the celebrated James Gregory, the Inventor of the Reflecting Telescope.
[40]
This must have been after October 1725. — See pp. 385, 387.
[41]
This entail was executed in 1724, a year or two before Sir Richard's death.
[42]
Origin and Progress of the Mechanical Inventions of James Watt. By James Patrick Muirhead, Esq., A.M. Vol. ii p. 252. Lend. 1854.
[43]
See this volume, page 410, note.
[44]
There is a slight allusion to it in the Correspondence, &c., p. 109.
[45]
The first number for the page is the number in the 3d edition, and the second number is that in the 2d edition.
[46]
Suggested by Pemberton.
[47]
Id.
[48]
Suggested by Pemberton.
[49]
Suggested by Pemberton.
[50]
The word Pemb. indicates that the alteration was made at the suggestion of Pemberton.
[51]
If Newton had complied with Pemberton's suggestion, all the difficulties connected with the motion of the moon's apogee would have been avoided. The paragraph to which Pemberton's suggestion relates, viz., "Diminui tamen debet motus Augis sic inventus in ratione 5 ad 9 vel 1 ad 2 circiter, ob causam quam hic exponere non vacat," clearly implies that Newton knew the reason.
[52]
In this letter Pemberton calls Newton's attention to lines 24, 25, 26, 27, of page 341, and asks him to compare them with the second paragraph of the Scholium to Prop. 34, Book ii. p. 300; "for," he says, "if what is inserted in these lines before us be universally true, without any restriction, how can what is delivered in that paragraph be of any use in the forming of ships?"
