Catalogue Entry: OTHE00063
Chapter Six: Universal Medicines: Johann Rudolph Glauber and his Reception in England
[1] On Glauber, see J.C. Adelung, Geschichte der Menschlichen Narrheit (Leipzig, 1785) II, 161-92; H. Kopp, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Chemie (Braunschweig, 1869), 60-163; Kurt F. Gugel, Johann Rudolph Glauber: Leben und Werk 1604-1670 (Würzburg, 1955); Erich Pietsch, 'Johann Rudolph Glauber: Der Mensch, sein Werk und seine Zeit', Deutsches Museum Abhandlungen und Berichte 24, Heft 1 (Munich 1956), 1-64; J.R. Partington, A History of Chemistry II (London, 1961), 341-361; NDB VI, 437-8, and the excellent summary by Katherine Ahonen in DSB V, 419-23. Far and away the fullest and most objective account to date of Glauber's life and work, distinguishing carefully between pure myth, plausible speculation and verifiable fact, is Arnulf Link, Johann Rudolph Glauber 1604-1670: Leben und Werk (doctoral dissertation, Heidelberg, 1993); this also gives an excellent bibliography. I am deeply indebted to Dr. Link for supplying me with a copy of his thesis, which I was unable to obtain in England.
[2] See below, pp. 193-5. Glauber's principal autobiographical works are J.R. Glauberi Apologia oder Verthädigung gegen Christoff Farners Lügen vnd Ehrabschneidung (Mainz, 1655); Johann Rud: Glaubers zweyte Apologia, oder Ehren-Rettung gegen Christoff Farnern […] unmenschliche Lügen vnd Ehrabschneidung (Frankfurt am Main, 1656), Glauberus ridivivus [sic] (Amsterdam, 1656), and Joh. Rudolphi Glauberi testimonium veritatis (Amsterdam, 1657). There are, however, biographical asides in a great many other works, especially De tribus lapidibus ignium secretorum (Amsterdam, 1667).
[3] 'Paracelsus des 17. Jahrhundert' - Wolfgang Schneider, Geschichte der pharmazeutischen Chemie (Weinheim, 1972), 130, cit. Link, Glauber, 8.
[4] Though the main titles of many of Glauber's works are in Latin, the sub-titles and main texts are invariably in German. For evidence of the weakness of Glauber's Latin, see below, pp. 201 and 220.
[5] For an extensive summary of assessments of Glauber from his own time to ours, see Link, Glauber, 8-13. Link's own work is an honourable exception in this respect, presenting a much more integrated view of Glauber's natural philosophy and relating it more fully to contemporary currents of thought. Katherine Ahonen's DSB entry should also be exempted.
[6] Pietsch, 'Johann Rudolph Glauber', 51; Gugel, Johann Rudolph Glauber, 69.
[7] 'Chemistry in the Scientific Revolution: problems of language and communication', Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, ed. David C. Lindberg and Robert S. Westman (Cambridge, 1990), 367-96.
[8] A History of Chemistry II, 343 and 349.
[9] 'den deutschen Robert Boyle' - entry on Glauber in Günther Bugge (ed.), Das Buch der großen Chemiker I (Weinheim, 1974; first pub. 1929), 153.
[10] 'Ich gestehe das gern/ daß ich niemahlen auff Hohen Schulen gewesen/ auch niemahlen drauff begehrt/ wann solches geschehen/ ich vieleicht zu solcher Erkäntnus der Natur/ so ich ietzunder (ohne Rum zu melden) besitze/ nimmermehr kommen were: Reuhet mich also gantz nicht/ daß ich von Jugend auff die Hand in die Kohlen gestecket/ vnd dardurch die verborgene Heimligkeiten der Natur erfahren habe. Ich suche niemand zu vertreiben/ habe auch niemahlen darnach getrachtet grosser Herren Brodt zu essen/ sondern viel lieber solches durch mein eigen Hand/ neben Betrachtung dieses Spruchs (ALTERIUS NON SIT QUI SUUS ESSE POTEST) Ehrlich zu erwerben' - Glauber, Deß Teutschlands Wolfahrt I (Amsterdam, 1656), 80.
[11] It appears above the most famous portrait of him, by Augustin Hirschvogel (1538), reproduction in Walter Pagel, Paracelsus: An Introduction to Philosophical Medicine in the Era of the Renaissance (Basel and New York, 1958), 28.
[12] Complaining in the 'Preface Introductory' of those who 'rail instead of arguing, as hath been done of Late in Print by divers Chymists', Boyle adds the marginal note 'G. and F. and H. and others, in their books against one another' (Sceptical Chymist, A5v), a thinly disguised allusion to Glauber, Fahrner, and J.F. Hartprecht, who also wrote against Glauber (see below, p. 204).
[13] Gugel, Glauber, 13.
[14] Cf. Webster 'English Medical Reformers of the Puritan Revolution: A background to the "Society of Chymical Physitians"', Ambix 14 (1967), 16-41; also The Great Instauration, 250-56.
[15] Glauberus ridivivus, 65.
[16] This was especially true of Rudolf II, but rather less so of his successor Ferdinand II. It has been alleged that Glauber himself was associated with Ferdinand's court in 1625-6 (Gugel, Glauber, 13-14) but Link exposes this as unsubstantiated conjecture (Link, Glauber, 18). On the patronage of German princes, see William B. Ashworth Jr., 'The Habsburg Circle', and Bruce T. Moran, 'Patronage and Institutions: Courts, Universities, and Academies in Germany; an Overview: 1550-1750', in Bruce T. Moran (ed.), Patronage and Institutions: Science, Technology and Medicine at the European Court 1500-1750 (Boydell, 1991), 137-83.
[17] 'der aller gelährteste vnd erfahrneste Philosophus bey seinen lebezeiten' - De tribus lapidibus, 4.
[18] Link, Glauber, 27.
[19] Link, Glauber, 29-31; Gugel, Glauber, 16.
[20] Glauberus ridivivus, 50 and 65.
[21] 'sind 2 Iahr verlauffen gewest/ ehe ich diese nach der ersten Geheurat' - Glauberus ridivivus, 65.
[22] 'bin […] nach Hollandt wegen einiger geschäfften verreist/ da selbsten aber wegen verenderung der Lufft Kranck worden/ vnd weilen ich die Hollandische Kost nicht aller Dings vertragen können/ ich nothwendig mich wieder in Eehestant (desto besser wartung zu haben) begeben mussen' - Glauberus ridivivus, 65.
[23] Though both these dates have been available to Glauber's biographers since 1949 (Dirk Wittop Koning, 'J.R. Glauber in Amsterdam', Jaarboek van het Genootschap Amstelodamum 43 (1949), 1-6), none of them has drawn the obvious inference.
[24] UBA N65f, 23 Sept. 1642.
[25] Moriaen to ?, 7 Feb. 1647, HP 37/118A: 'hab Ihn lang beÿ mir im hauß gehabt'.
[26] UBA N65g.
[27] Link, Glauber, 31.
[28] 'etwaß Rechtes ins grosse in Alchimia' - Glauber, De tribus lapidibus, 9.
[29] 'allerhandt klein vnd große Oefens […], vnterschiedliche klein vnd grosse Blaßbälge' - ibid.
[30] Ibid., and see Link, Glauber, 32-3.
[31] Moriaen to Van Assche, Nov. 1644, UBA N65h.
[32] 'Utilitates furni noui Philosophici Glauberi wolte ich jetzt geschickt haben, halte aber, der H wird von H Morian selbiger sachen schon gnugsam berichtet sein, wo nicht kan er sich am gewissesten bey ihm erkundigen […] dann ihm ohne zweifel mehr davon bewust als mir' - Appelius to Hartlib, 28 May/7 June 1644, HP 45/1/6A.
[33] 'H Morian, vnd andere Medici/ die was von ihm haben, seind mit ihm wohl zufrieden' - 22 June 1644 (or possibly 2 July if Appelius is using Old Style), HP 45/1/8A.
[34] Moriaen's first mention of Glauber in the Hartlib archive is in a letter dated 7 Feb. 1647, obviously written in reply to specific questions, but not necessarily to Hartlib (HP 118A-119A). The next, which is definitely to Hartlib and sets out at some length to supply 'was mein H sonsten wegen H Glauberi zu wißen begehret' ('the other things you wish to know about Herr Glauber'), is dated 27 Aug. 1647 (HP 37/121A-122B).
[35] HP 63/14/48A-49B. Hartlib had a Latin translation made for circulation, of which there are two manuscript copies (HP 16/8/1A-4B and 25/22/1A-4B).
[36] Appelius to Hartlib, 7 June 1644, HP 45/1/6A: 'man kriegt sie [seine Sachen] wol vmb ein leidlich gelt von ihm'; 13 Aug. 1644, HP 45/1/12A: 'Glauberus hath his furnaces communicated to my Docteur, et to me'. The charge of 30 Imperials is specified in Appelius's footnote to his copy of Glauber's advertisement (HP 63/14/49B).
[37] Appelius to Hartlib, 6 Nov. 1647, HP 45/1/37A-B. Hartlib was interested enough to add notes of these figures to his copy of the original advertisement: see Appendix 1.
[38] Appelius says no more about this friend than that he was a doctor. It may well have been the influential natural philosopher François de le Boë ('Sylvius') (1614-1672), with whom Appelius was friendly at the time. On Sylvius, see Partington, History of Chemistry II, 281-9.
[39] 'nichts als viel geldt außgebens/ vnd weinig dargegen einkommens' - De tribus lapidibus, 10.
[40] Appelius to Hartlib, HP 45/1/9A: 'Glauberus der Chymicus will erst vber 3 wochen von hinnen den Rein hinauff reisen, vnd sich an einen bequemen ort zu wohnen niedersetzen'. The phrase is rather odd, since the Rhine does not run through Amsterdam.
[41] 'daß ich aber die Feuchte Lufft zu Amsterdam/ nicht wohl vertragen können/ vnd eine gesundere Lufft zu Vtrecht vnd Arnheim gesucht/ ist wahr […] habe mich wieder vmb besserer Nahrung willen nach Amsterdam setzen mussen/ aber niemahlen zu Leyden gewohnet wie du [Fahrner] auffschneitest/ vnd hette ich daselbsten gewohnt/ waß wehre es dan gewesen/ wan Leyden besser vor mich gewesen wehr alß ein anderer Orth/ wer wurde mich verdacht haben daselbsten zu wohnen?' - Glauberus ridivivus, 65-6.
[42] Even Gugel, who generally takes Glauber at his word, states as a matter of fact that Glauber at some point lived in Leiden (Glauber, 17).
[43] Appelius to Hartlib, 22 July 1644, HP 45/1/9A, stating he planned to depart in three weeks, and 5 Sept. 1644, HP 45/1/13A, saying he had arrived there.
[44] Moriaen wrote on 27 Aug. that Glauber planned to set off the following day (HP 37/121B). Appelius also mentioned his imminent departure on 26 Aug. (HP 45/1/33A).
[45] When Benjamin Worsley arrived in Amsterdam in late Feb. 1648, Glauber was obviously not there as he was communicating with Worsley by post (Moriaen to Hartlib, 27 Feb. 1648, HP 37/131A), but Appelius's letter of 2 August (HP 45/1/39B) indicates that they were in personal contact and mentions Glauber's 'verhäusung' (move of house), probably meaning the move from Arnhem to Amsterdam. Since there is no mention of him in Moriaen's letter of 28 May 1648 (HP 37/133A-134B), though he knew Hartlib to be deeply interested in the progress of Worsley's contacts with Glauber, it seems likely the move had not yet happened. For details of Worsley's visit and contacts with Glauber, see below, pp. 217-26.
[46] Glauber, 29-30.
[47] 'vor etlichen vnd Zwanzig Iahren [habe ich] zu Giesen ein Weib genohmen […] bin in die Fürstliche Hoff-Reichß Apotecken selbe zu versehen erfordert worden […] nachdem aber Hessen Cassel/ mit Hessen Darmbstadt einen Krieg anfangen/ vnd Marpurg mit Kriegs Macht nehmen wollen/ ist alles verendert vnd wer gekonnt sich in sicherung salvirt hatt/ wie ich dan also von dannen mich nach Franckfurt den Rein herunter nach Bon zu meinem Gnädigen Hern begeben/ vnd in wehrender zeit obgedachtes Weib von Giesen/ einmal in meiner Kammer/ bey meinem damaligen Diener in Ehebruch erdappt […] bin nach solchem fall vbers Iahr darnach erst nach Hollandt […] verreist' - Glauberus ridivivus, 65.
[48] Link, Glauber, 30.
[49] De auri tinctura sive auro potabili vero (Amsterdam, 1646): the short title form De auri tinctura avoids confusion with the later Tractatus de medicina universali, sive auro potabili vero (Amsterdam, 1657).
[50] Appelius to ?, 13 Sept. 1646, HP 45/1/25A. De auri tinctura was not, therefore, as Partington states (History of Chemistry II, 344), Glauber's first published book, having been narrowly preceded by Furni novi I.
[51] Appelius to Dury, 16 Oct. 1646, HP 45/1/28A.
[52] Moriaen to ?, 7 Feb. 1647, HP 37/118A.
[53] Appelius to Hartlib, 23 March/2 April 1647, HP 45/1/38A. However, Moriaen some months later mentioned that Glauber had arrived in Amsterdam in May (to Hartlib, 27 Aug. 1647, HP 37/121B). This probably represents one of Moriaen's frequent memory lapses.
[54] Moriaen to Hartlib, 27 Aug. 1647, HP 37/121B-122A.
[55] Moriaen to Hartlib, 7 Feb. 1643, HP 37/118A: 'Ich meine aber in kurtzen seinen zweiten offen ins werck zu richten vnd ein theil medicamenten dadurch zu machen'.
[56] Ibid.: 'hab […] mit meiner haußfrau ihme 2 Kinder auß der tauffe gehoben'.
[57] an vielen Orthen außtrucklich sagt/ Kompt alle zu mir/ die ihr muheseelig vnd beladen seit/ ich will euch erquicken/ etc. Vnd ist Christus für alle vnd nicht allein für die Catholische/ Luterische/ Arminianische etc. sondern auch für alle Iuden/ Turcken vnd Heyden vollkomlich gestorben/ vnd ihnen den Himmel erworben - Glauberus ridivivus, 79; cf. Matthew 11:28 (I have departed from the Authorised Version in my translation in order to remain closer to Glauber's German).
[58] 'Ihm in der Natur ein zimblich liecht auffgangen ist' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 5 June 1658, HP 31/18/28A.
[59] Appelius to Hartlib, 5 Sept. 1644, HP 45/1/13A.
[60] Appelius to Hartlib, 26 Aug. 1647, HP 45/1/33A. Moriaen's report of 27 Aug. 1647, HP 37/121B, is almost identical. Appelius evidently liked practising his English in his letters to Hartlib (though both men's native tongue was German), but never quite mastered an idiomatic style.
[61] Glauberus ridivivus, 70.
[62] Glauberus ridivivus, 12.
[63] Wittop Koning, 'Glauber in Amsterdam', 2; Gugel, Glauber, 24; Link, Glauber, 35.
[64] Moriaen to [Worsley?], 4 March 1650, HP 37/142A.
[65] Brun to Hartlib, 13 June 1649, HP 39/2/9B.
[66] Moriaen to Hartlib, 29 April 1650, HP 37/153A.
[67] Moriaen to Hartlib, July 1650, HP 37/163A.
[68] Moriaen to Hartlib, 7 Oct. 1650, HP 37/160A.
[69] Glauberus ridivivus, 67-8.
[70] Ibid., 67.
[71] Link, Glauber, 35.
[72] Moriaen on 7 Oct. mentioned having received a letter from him from Wertheim and that he was now settled there (HP 37/160A).
[73] Glauberus ridivivus, 52.
[74] Moriaen to Hartlib, 7 Oct. 1650, HP 37/160A: 'Er [hatt] ein offentlich Laboratorium auffrichtet transmutationem metallorum publice zue docirn hatt sonsten ein Bergwerkh daselbsten funden'.
[75] According to a letter almost certainly from Moriaen and quoting a letter from Glauber, HP 63/14/8A.
[76] Link, 35-6; Gugel, 20; both base their accounts on Glauberus ridivivus, 68.
[77] Unattributed copy letter of 28 July 1651, HP 63/14/9A. The document is filed together with other extracts definitely from Moriaen.
[78] Glauberus ridivivus and De tribus lapidibus, passim.
[79] Link, Glauber, 36-7, Gugel, Glauber, 21. Gugel dates the move late 1652/early 1653, but Glauber had decided to leave at the end of June 1651 (HP 63/14/9A), and after changing his mind yet again about his next destination, which was initially to have been Hanau or Frankfurt (both much closer to Mainz), had arrived by 8 September 1651 (Moriaen to ?, HP 63/14/10A).
[80] Glauberus ridivivus, 48.
[81] Part 1 had appeared before the move, by March 1651, when Moriaen obtained a copy (HP63/14/5A).
[82] The exact details of the agreement are in some doubt, but both men refer to such a vow. Fahrner in his Ehrenrettung (1656) cited a contract he had himself drawn up offering half his entire worldly possessions as surety, but it is not certain this was ever ratified. See Gugel, 22-5, and Link, 39-42, for fuller accounts.
[83] 'mit welchem stuck wan du mir glauben gehalten hättest […] wir beyde al vnsere Kinder in kurtzen [hätten] reichlich versorgen können' … 'in Metallicis ein guth Stück zu weisen/ welchen ich nicht habe zeugen konnen oder wollen' - Glauberus ridivivus, 15.
[84] 'Glauber selbst hat […] wiederholt darauf hingewiesen, ihm selbst sei nie eine solche alchimistische Verwandlung gelungen' - Gugel, Glauber, 8.
[85] Moriaen to Hartlib, 5 Oct. 1657, HP 42/2/22A, and 20 July 1659, copies at HP 16/1/15A-16B and 16/1/17A-18B.
[86] Glauberus ridivivus, 74, 49, 50, 21 and 52 respectively.
[87] See Link, 41, esp. n. 168, citing Glauber's Apologia (1655), 19-30, and Fahrner's Ehrenrettung (1656), 44.
[88] 'durch welche Invention daß gantze Menschliche Geschlacht/ große ergetzlichkeit vnd labe/ bey Alten vnd Krancken erlangen werden/ welches ich vielleicht nicht gethan/ wan es der Gottloser Farner nicht durch seine Vntreu Lügen vnd Schmeheschrifften/ von mir außgetrieben hette/ Farner aber wirdt einen Lohn bekommen wie Iudas Ischariot' - Glauberus ridivivus, 99.
[89] Besides writing four works explicitly against Fahrner, Glauber peppered all his subsequent publications with parenthetical attacks on him and denunciations of his 'Fahrnerish lies' ('Farnerischen Lügen').
[90] Moriaen to Hartlib, 2 Feb. 1657, HP 42/2/1B: 'der zanck mit Farner ist freÿlich nicht rühmlich vnd machen sich nur beide zueschanden damit, vnderdeßen kommen auch gute dinge an den tage die sonsten dahinden geblieben weren'.
[91] 'weilen ich dan gesehen/ daß ich leichtlich mit einen hauffen Trunckenen Pöltzen in action kommen möchte/ […] habe ich getrachtet die meinigen an ein sicher Orth zu bringen' - Glauberus ridivivus, 71.
[92] Hartlib to Boyle, 15 May 1654, Boyle, Works VI, 91.
[93] Glauberus ridivivus, 105, and see Link, Glauber, 43-4.
[94] Glauberus ridivivus, 82; and Moriaen to [Hartlib?], 16 Oct. 1654, HP 39/2/18A: 'Er dann erstes tages für seine person nach Cölln kommen muß zu dem Churfürsten'.
[95] Ibid.
[96] 'nun bin ich allhier zu Amsterdam vnd wohne auff der Keysers Grafft/ an einem bekanten Ort/ vnd in keinem Winckel/ hastu oder ein anderer etwas zu sagen/ so komb hieher vnd thun [sic] es/ werde dir redt vnd antwort geben' - Glauberus ridivivus, 11-12.
[97] Moriaen to Hartlib, 5 Oct. 1657, HP 42/2/22A.
[98] Moriaen to Hartlib, 15 Feb. 1658, HP 31/18/4B, and 12 March 1658, HP 31/18/13B.
[99] Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 Aug. 1657, HP 42/2/19A.
[100] 'mein sal mirabile nicht allein die Metallen sondern alle steine und Beine ja die kohlen welche sonsten durch kein corrosiv zue solvirn, radicaler solvirt […] von welcher wunderbahren solution ich ein groß Buch machen könde' - Glauber, De natura salium, 94.
[101] It is quoted verbatim in Moriaen to Hartlib, 26 May/5 June 1658, HP 31/18/27B. J.R. Partington also singles the passage out for quotation (History of Chemistry II, 355).
[102] 'will mit gewalt aus Amsterdam' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 2 July 1658, HP 31/18/39A.
[103] 'Herrn Glaubers Laboratorium publicum & Secretum ist nun hier angangen, und sind viel freunde beÿ ihm, insonderheit der gute alte H joh Morian von Arnheimb; mit welchem ich etliche mahl zusammen gewesen […] logiret beÿ H. Glaubern selber im hause, und wird vielleicht, Meinem hochgeehrten H. ein mehrers, alß ich, von H. Glaubers dingen überschreiben' - Kretschmar to Hartlib, Dury, Clodius and Brereton, 1 Aug. 1659, HP 26/64/3B.
[104] In a long letter to Monsieur Bautru, Chevalier de Sègre, 13 July 1660. This is published in Relations, lettres et discours de Mr. de Sorbière sur diverses matières curieuses (Paris, 1660), and rather more accessibly in P.J. Blok, 'Drie Brieven van Samuel Sorbière over den Toestand van Holland in 1660', Bijdragen en Mededeelingen van het Historische Genootschap 22 (1901), 1-89; passage relating to Glauber 74-89.
[105] 'les Panacées, l'Alkaest, le Zenda, Parenda, l'Archaec, l'Enspagoycum, le Nostoch, l'Ylech, le Trarame, le Turban, l'Ens Tagastricum, et les autres visions que Van Helmont et ses confrères nous débitent' - Blok, 'Drie Brieven van Samuel Sorbière', 79.
[106] 'Par tout ce discours, Monsieur, je ne prétends point offencer Glauber, ny aucun de ceux qui mettent comme luy la main à la paste, ausquels plustost je voudrois donner courage […] Il est sans doute le plus excellent ou le plus noble de tous' - ibid., 80-81.
[107] The exact date of Sorbière's visit is not known, but it was evidently some time before July 1660 (the date of his letter about it), so Glauber cannot have been over 56.
[108] Serrarius to Hartlib, 3 Feb. 1662, HP 7/98/1B.
[109] '[il] ne travaille plus, & n'a point de fourneaux' - Balthasar de Monconys, Les voyages de M. Monconys II (Paris, 1695), 353, dated 28 Aug. 1663.
[110] 'nun mehr aber man dehren nicht länger von nöthen hat/ […] den begehrenden gegen ein billiges überlassen werden' - Glauberus concentratus, oder Laboratorium Glauberianum (Amsterdam, 1668).
[111] Cf. Link, Glauber, 99, n. 358. Link assesses the output of his last decade as representing 19 percent of the total in terms of number of pages.
[112] De tribus lapidibus, 19.
[113] De signatura salium, 13-15. Cf. Link, Glauber, 118-22, for a fuller discussion of Glauber's various notions of 'signatures' discernible not only in the physical makeup of things but in the words and symbols used to denote them.
[114] De tribus lapidibus, 19.
[115] Appelius to Hartlib, 7 June 1644, HP 45/1/6A.
[116] Appelius to Hartlib, 16 Oct. 1641, HP 45/1/28A.
[117] Moriaen to Hartlib, 30 March 1657, HP 42/2/5A, and see Link, Glauber, 178, and Bruckner, no. 232.
[118] Moriaen to Hartlib, 15 Feb. 1658, HP 31/18/4B.
[119] Sadler declared himself eager to meet Hartlib to discuss Glauber and other matters (4 Oct. 1648, HP 46/9/25A), and asked Hartlib to give him an extract of 'Glaubers 4th part' (probably of Furni novi, possibly of Miraculum mundi or Pharmacoepia spagyrica: Glauber wrote nothing else in more than three parts) (n.d., HP 46/9/11A).
[120] Kinner to Hartlib, 23 July 1648, HP 1/33/41A.
[121] Child to Hartlib, 2 Feb. 1652, HP 15/5/18A.
[122] Child to Hartlib, 29 Aug. 1652, HP 15/5/14A-15B.
[123] Jenney to Hartlib, 29 Sept. 1657, HP 53/35/3A-4B, and Winthrop to Hartlib, 16 March 1660, 7/7/1A-8B.
[124] Brun, for instance, charged that 'Gl in Metallicis hath transcribed the best things out of Erker his booke vom Berg-wercke [i.e. Lazarus Ercker, Beschreibung allerfürnemisten mineralischen Ertzt vnnd Bergwercks Arten (Prague, 1574)]. Hee excels only in der Scheide-kunst [chemistry]' (Eph 48, HP 31/22/8B). In fairness, Glauber openly acknowledged in Operis mineralis that he had taken a great deal from Ercker: cf. Link, Glauber, 51.
[125] Eph 54, HP 29/4/27A.
[126] Eph 55, HP 29/5/6B.
[127] Moriaen to Hartlib, 25 March 1650,. HP 37/146B.
[128] 'A fundamentall & true Description how good tartar may be extracted out of wine-lees in greate quantitie. Found out, written & brought to light for the good of his Country By Iohn Rudolph Glaubers [sic] 1654'. The work has been split into three for some reason and occurs at HP 55/17/1A-4B, 16/1/85A-88B and 8/24/3A-14B in that order. These three fragments have not previously been recognised as forming a whole.
[129] HP 31/8/1A-6B.
[130] The title page gives 1651 as the date of publication, but each individual part is dated 1652 (cf. Link, Glauber, 247).
[131] French, 'Preface' to A Description of New Philosophical Furnaces (London, 1651/2).
[132] Besides a number of shorter works, he translated the entire text of and annotations to the 1637 Dutch Bible into English (from Dutch), and the first three books of Paradise Lost into German (cf. Barnett, Haak, 71-5, 114-19, 168-86).
[133] Moriaen to Hartlib, 7 Nov. 1641, HP 37/93A: 'wan H. Haak H. Paths [sic: Moriaen repeatedly made this mistake] subterraneal Treasure de agricultura Teutsch machen vnd vbersenden wolte so würd Er sich vmb vnsere landsleuthe woll verdienen vnd H. Merian wills gern druckhen' ('if Mr. Haak wished to translate Mr. Plattes' Subterraneal Treasure of Agriculture into German and send it over, he would do a service to our countrymen, and Mr. Merian is eager to print it'. Moriaen was apparently confusing Plattes' Subterraneall Treasure, a treatise on mining and metallurgy which has nothing to do with agriculture, with his Discovery of Hidden Treasure.
[134] Eph 52, HP 28/2/42B.
[135] They came out either in 1651 or 1652, and even if it was the very end of the latter, they could hardly have been translated and printed in less than a month.
[136] Culpeper to Hartlib, 7 Sept. 1647, HP 13/186A. This can hardly refer to any other part of Furni novi, as the second book had not yet been published even in German. Clucas is mistaken in assuming Culpeper to be the author of the partial English translation mentioned by French ('Correspondence of a XVII-Century "Chymicall Gentleman"', 168, n. 59).
[137] Culpeper to Hartlib, 11 March 1647. Culpeper, an idiosyncratic speller even by seventeenth-century standards, calls the other translator 'Pettit', but this (or 'Petit' or 'Petite') is how he refers to Petty in contexts where no one else can possibly be meant, e.g. HP 13/225A (to Hartlib, 6 July 1648) on his 'Agricultural engine' and HP 8/31/1A (25 Jan. 1647) and 13/206A (22 Dec. 1647), both on his double writing and modifications to the inventions of Harrison.
[138] Appelius to Hartlib, 26 Aug. 1647, HP 45/1/33A.
[139] 5? Aug. 1647, HP 13/182/5A; 7 Sept. 1647, HP 13/186A; 20 Oct. 1647, HP 13/196B.
[140] 5? Aug. 1647, HP 13/182/5A.
[141] Appelius to Hartlib, 6 Nov. 1647, HP 45/1/37B.
[142] The engravings are reproduced in F.S. Taylor and C.H. Josten, 'Johannes Banfi Hunyades 1576-1650', Ambix 5 (1953-6), 44-52, pp. 44-6; cf. also the same authors' 'Supplementary Note' to the article, correcting some erroneous conjectures including the date of death, Ambix 5 (1953-6), 115. Jan Jonston mentioned him to Hartlib on 1 March 1633 as a mutual friend, clearly implying he was in London (HP 44/1/1A). On Bánfihunyadi, see also John H. Appleby, 'Arthur Dee and Johannes Bánfi Hunyades: Further Information on their Alchemical and Professional Activities', Ambix 24 (1977), 96-109, and George Gömöri, 'New Information on János Bánfihunyadi's Life', Ambix 24 (1977), 170-74
[143] Dedication to Hunniades, dated 12 Dec. 1644, of Anglicus, Peace, or no Peace (London, 1645), cit. Taylor and Josten, 47.
[144] Appelius to Hartlib, 22 April 1643, HP 45/1/45A.
[145] Taylor and Josten, op. cit.
[146] Eph 40, HP 30/4/51B, probably in the first half of the year.
[147] 'A Memoriall for the advancement of Vniversall Learning', HP 48/1/2A.
[148] HP 47/15/2A-B.
[149] HP 45/1/37A.
[150] Moriaen to Hartlib, 27 Feb. 1648, HP 37/131A.
[151] 'ne nous fit point d'excuses de sa mauvaise latinité' - Blok, 'Drie Brieven van Samuel Sorbière', 81.
[152] As is evident from his relations with Worsley: see below, p. 220.
[153] Eph 48, HP 31/22/2A-B.
[154] Eph 56, HP 29/5/92B: again, Boyle himself is given as the source.
[155] Child to Hartlib, 2 Feb. 1652, HP 15/5/18A, and 8 April 1652, HP 15/5/10A.
[156] Jenney to Hartlib, 29 Sept. 1657, HP 53/35/3A-4B.
[157] Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 Aug. 1657, HP 42/2/19A.
[158] Horn to Hartlib, 24 March 1649, HP 16/2/23A.
[159] Culpeper to Hartlib, 1 Nov. 1648, HP 13/247A. Culpeper invoked Wheeler on several occasions as an archetype of the dishonest projector.
[160] Culpeper to Hartlib, 14 Aug. 1649, HP 13/260A.
[161] 'Glauber, meine ich, thut grose sunde, das er solche Sachen andern zu lehren unterstehet, die er selbst nicht weis' - Rasch to Hartlib, 25 July 1658, HP 26/89/19A.
[162] Rasch to Hartlib, 26 Jan. 1656, HP 42/9/1A.
[163] Probably the related Tractatus de signatura salium, which appeared the same year (1658).
[164] 'Auff der gleichen weiße hatt Er mich nun lange zeit vertröstet und auff die Spize des bergs Pisga gefuhret, ob nun noch einmal etwas daraus werden soll und was es guttes sein wird, daß er mitbringen will muß die zeit lehren, rechnung darff ich nicht mehr darauff machen, weil ich nun so offt und lang mich betrogen finde' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 26 May/5 June 1658, HP 31/18/28A.
[165] Glauber to Moriaen, 2 (probably meaning 12) July 1658, quoted in a letter from Moriaen, HP 31/18/40A.
[166] ''ich vernehme noch zur zeit nichts davon mittler weil laufft die saatzeit mehrentheils fürüber'' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 26 April 1658, HP 31/18/17B.
[167] Moriaen to Hartlib, 23 July 1658, HP 31/18/42B.
[168] 'kombt noch etwas von ihm dz wird wunder sein, dan seines gleichen in unbeständigkeit seines furnehmens ist mir noch niemand fürkommen' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 5 June 1658, HP 31/18/28A.
[169] Moriaen to Hartlib, July 1657, HP 42/2/14A.
[170] Moriaen to Hartlib, 20 July 1659, HP 16/1/15A-16B.
[171] 'Der H wisse, dass H Morian itzt nicht mehr so viel von Glauber halte als vor diesem, den er überzeuget ist, dass das jenige gelbe metal, welches sein vermeintes aurum putabile [sic] gemachet, kein wahres golt, noch in allen proben bestehen könne, welchs mir ein vertrawter freundt gesagt, der dem H Morian solchs ex veris fundamentis demonstrirt, vnd H Morian ihm auch hat müssen recht geben' - Poleman to Hartlib, 17 Oct. 1659, HP 60/4/194A.
[172] The letter is another plea for co-operation with the same quadrumvirate approached by Kretschmar in August 1659 (Hartlib, Clodius, Dury and Brereton) and the style is not dissimilar. It survives only as a copy so the hand cannot be compared.
[173] 'Ich hoffe ich hab es mit Gott meistens recht, die Öfen hab ich auch wunderlich bekommen, vngeachtet er das Laboratorium feste zuegeschloßen helt, nach dem sie nun gebawet sind, vnd keinen Menschen hinein lest. Es kostet mich alle mein armuth, vnd kan nun nichts mehr thun, als daß ichs ihnen hiermitt alles treulich offenbahre, vnd nochmahls umb Gottes willen bitte, es in höchster verschwiegenheit zu halten gegen iederman, sonderlich gegen H. Morian, daß ichs ihnen vbergeschrieben, vnd daß es ja Glauber nicht erfahre' - [Kretschmar?] to Hartlib, Dury, Clodius and Brereton, c. 1660, HP 31/23/30B.
[174] See above, pp. 161-3.
[175] See Link, Glauber, 106. The 'Autoris Anagramma' is 'Hai soo muß ich ja berechnen! was deß Glaubers Facit macht?' The first sentence is a perfect (if somewhat contrived) anagram of Iohannes Ioachimus Becher, and though Link leaves the question open I do not think there can be much doubt of the ascription. There are several mentions of Becher in the Hartlib Papers, relating to his perpetual motion machine and 'new argonautical invention', but no direct reference to his controversy with Glauber. On Becher, see Partington, History of Chemistry II, 637-52.
[176] For full titles and bibliographical details of all these, see Link, Glauber, 276-7. At this point in the print edition of this book I somehow managed to ascribe the Sudum philosophicum to Becher and the Glauberus refutatus to Hartprecht instead of vice versa, though going on to speak of 'Hartprecht's Sudum philosophicum'.
[177] 'hat auch der filius Sendivogii dem Glaubero selbst grundlich […] erwiesen, dz Er in vera Philosophia ein grosser Ignorant sey in seinem Ludo Philosophico, welches izt alhier gedruckt wird' - Poleman to Hartlib, 29 Aug. 1659, HP 60/4/111A. 'Ludo' is presumably a misreading by Hartlib (the extract is a copy in his hand) of the work's rather odd title: Hartlib was doubtless thinking of the Paracelsian 'ludus'. Cf.Poleman to Hartlib, 19 Sept. 1659, HP 60/10/2B, reporting that Hartprecht's work was shortly to be printed, and referring to a mention, presumably by Hartlib, of two others (obviously Becher and 'C.D.M.A.S.') who planned to write against Glauber.
[178] Link, Glauber, 106.
[179] HP 15/9/19A.
[180] 'Monsr Charle de Montendon von Yserton auß Saphaÿen, ietzt beÿ mir alhier sich aufhaltende' - HP 31/23/28A.
[181] I owe this suggestion to Inge Keil.
[182] 'in Glauberi stinkenden vermeinten Alkahest sudelt vnd der gestalt darin sich vergriffen, dz es Ihme bey nahe sein leben gekostet' - Poleman to Hartlib, 15 Aug. 1659, HP 60/10/1A.
[183] 'eckelt mich auch der Glauberianischen betrugerey nun mehr zu gedencken' - Poleman to Hartlib, 6 Sept. 1659, HP 60/10/1B.
[184] Poleman to Hartlib, 29 Aug. 1659, HP 60/4/111A.
[185] 'Was aber Glaubers grillen sein, ist solches warhaftig nicht werth, dz man doch nur eine viertel-stunde damit zubringe sich darin aufzuhalten, dan es lauter betrugerey vnd grosse-sprechereyen sein' - Poleman to Hartlib, 5 Sept. 1659, HP 60/10/1B.
[186] 'ich [habe] für meine person keine vrsache ihn für einen betrieger zu halten, sonsten veracht er andere, vnd andere verachten ihn, wie aller artisten gebrauch ist, da niemand nichts lobet als seine eigene wahre' - Appelius to Hartlib, 2 Aug. 1648, HP 45/1/39B.
[187] Hartlib to Winthrop, 16 March 1660, HP 7/7/3B.
[188] Ibid.
[189] Poleman to Hartlib, 7 Nov. 1659, HP 60/4/190B.
[190] 'keine Arcana darin mit solchem klaren verstand begriffen, dz sie einiger mensch darauss solte machen können. Vnd dz ist die wahrhafftige wahrheit drumb man sie auch sicherlichen publiciren kan' - Poleman to Hartlib, 9 Jan. 1660, HP 60/4/191A.
[191] 'der vnbedachtsame Mann verrathet sich eben hiermit selbst: den so sein aurum potabile ein solch wunderthätig sache were, wie er es ausschreÿet, so dörffte er sich nicht bemühen um die Mineram cupri zu schmeltzen, vnd dieselbige für geldt ausszubieten' - Poleman to Hartlib, 17 Oct. 1659, HP 60/4/194A.
