Catalogue Entry: OTHE00062

Chapter Five: Curing Creation: Alchemy and Spirituality

Author: John T. Young

Source: Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy: Johann Moriaen, Reformed Intelligencer, and the Hartlib Circle (Aldershot: 1998).

[Normalized Text] [Diplomatic Text]

[1] It is certain that there were substantial losses from the archive. See Hartlib to Worthington, 2 Nov. 1661, Worthington Diary II.i, 67, on the 'distraction or embezzlement' of many books and manuscripts he had entrusted to an unnamed friend for safekeeping, and 6 Feb. 1662, ibid., 107, on the loss of more through a fire in his house. While he was living with his son in Axe Yard, his friend Samuel Wartensky was alarmed to find that his possessions were 'a prey to plunder by all' ('omnium exposita rapinæ' - Wartensky to Hartlib, 23 July 1661, HP 32/3/40A). Other papers were almost certainly abstracted from the collection after his death.

[2] There is one mention of him in a letter from Comenius to Hartlib, 25 May 1646, HP 7/73/3A, stating that Moriaen would send Hartlib Comenius's new publications from Amsterdam, though whether Moriaen in fact did so is a moot point. Apart from this, he is mentioned only in the letters of Dury's brother-in-law Heinrich Appelius.

[3] 'bin woll eher ein großer liebhaber und verfechter metaphysicarum et metaphysicorum gewest, wie Ich aber darnach ad scientias reales et usuales kommen, sind mir die speculationes inutiles stinkend worden' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 10 Feb. 1648, HP 37/129A.

[4] The Advancement of Learning, Works III, 287.

[5] Comenius' Självbiografi, 148 (Young, Comenius in England, 31).

[6] Boyle to Isaac Marcombes, 22 Oct. 1646, Works I, xxxiv. The identity of this 'new philosophical college', referred to elsewhere by Boyle as the 'Invisible College', has been much debated: for a summary of opinions, see Webster, Great Instauration, 57-67; 'New Light on the Invisible College: the social relations of English science in the mid seventeenth century', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5th series 24 (1974), 19-42, and 'Benjamin Worsley: Engineering for universal reform from the Invisible College to the Navigation Act', SHUR, 213-235. Webster's own suggestion that it was an informal association of younger scientists centred on Boyle, Worsley and Katherine Ranelagh, and possibly including the Boate brothers, John Sadler, Robert Child and John Winthrop, seems to me the most plausible, though as Webster points out there is no more than circumstantial evidence for anyone's membership but Boyle's.

[7] UBA N65a, 8 March 1634 (not 10 March as the UBA catalogue and van der Wall (Serrarius, 661) state, misreading the Gothic 8 which is written at 90° to the modern one). Chemistry is also discussed in letters from Cologne of 6 Sept. 1636 and 17 Jan. 1637 (UBA N65c and N65d).

[8] 'das mein herr in Philosophia experimentali & mechanica sich verliebet ist nicht zue wundern' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 10 Feb. 1648, HP 37/129A. It is unclear whether 'verliebet' is here a past participle or a present indicative: the phrase could equally be translated 'that you are falling in love with experimental and mechanical philosophy'; there can be little doubt, however, that Hartlib's infatuation with those subjects began well before 1648.

[9] HP 30/4/27A. Gauden's reply to the question, dated 16 June 1637, is preserved in full in the papers, HP 26/14/1A-15B. This is the same Gauden whose Love of Truth and Peace recommended Dury and Comenius to Parliament (see above, pp. 128-9).

[10] HP 29/5/77B.

[11] Allen G. Debus, The Chemical Philosophy: Paracelsian Science and Medicine in the Sixteeenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New York, 1977).

[12] Debus, The Chemical Philosophy I, xi.

[13] Cf. Webster, From Paracelsus to Newton, 10.

[14] Cf. HDC, 382-413, on frictions between Comenius and his assistants, especially Kinner; and Rood, Comenius and the Low Countries, 77-87, on strained relations with the de Geers.

[15] Figulus to Hartlib, 19 July 1658, HP 9/17/11A; Blekastad, Figulus Letters, 216.

[16] Figulus to Hartlib, 2 Aug. 1658, HP 9/17/15B; Blekastad, Figulus Letters, 219.

[17] 'Die geschraubte Symbolsprache war den Chemikern seiner Zeit genau so verständlich, wie es die moderne Formel uns heute ist' - K.F. Gugel, Johann Rudolph Glauber 1604-70: Leben und Werk (Würzburg, 1955), 39.

[18] Starkey, 'Sir George Riplye's Epistle to King Edward Unfolded', in Chymical, Medicinal, and Chyrurgical Addresses, 19-47, pp. 20 and 42.

[19] William Newman, Gehennical Fire: The Lives of George Starkey, an Alchemist of Harvard in the Scientific Revolution (Harvard, 1994).

[20] Eph 51, HP 28/2/24B.

[21] Webster, From Paracelsus to Newton, 10.

[22] A Reformation of Schooles, 6.

[23] The phrase is from the description on the title page of Boyle's contribution to the Chymical, Medicinal, and Chyrurgical Addresses, 'An Epistolical Discourse of Philaretus to Empyricus', which can virtually be read as the group's manifesto. It is 'An Invitation to a free and generous Communication of Secrets and Receits in Physick'.

[24] Lawrence M. Principe, 'Robert Boyle's alchemical secrecy: codes, ciphers and concealments', Ambix 39 (1992), 63-74, and see also Principe's major reassessment of Boyle, The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and his Alchemical Quest (Princeton, 1998), esp. pp. 148-9.

[25] Paracelsus, Werke, ed. Karl Sudhoff (Berlin, 1922-33) VIII, 38, cit. Heinrich Schipperges, 'Strukturen und Prozesse Alchimistischer Überlieferungen', in Emil Ploss et. al., Alchimia: Ideologie und Technologie (Munich, 1970), 67-118, p. 108.

[26] Magnalia Medico-Chymica, 12: 'Alchimey wird nur von den Unkündigen (so nicht wissen was sey/ sondern nur dafür halten/ es sey nichts anders darinn/ denn daß man sich narret mit Gold- und Silbermachen) verlachet und verachtet: Aber durch dieselbige Kunst magst du aus allen greifflichen Dingen Saltz/ Kelch/ Staub/ Wasser/ Safft/ Oel/ auf das alleredleste zurichten/ dadurch du einen krancken Menschen in wenig Stunden gantz sanfft und lieblich von seinen Gebrechen erledigen magst.'

[27] See Webster, Great Instauration, section 4 (246-323).

[28] Confessio Fraternitatis, 67 (37 in the van Dülmen edition).

[29] Fama Fraternitatis, 125 (29 in the van Dülmen edition): 'als ob die mutatio metallorum der höchste apex und fastigium in der philosophia were, und derselbe Gott besonders lieb sein müsse, so nuhr grosse Goldmassen und klumpen machen köndte […] So bezeugen wir hiermit öffentlich, daß solches falsch und es mit den wahren Philosophis also beschaffen, daß ihnen Gold zu machen ein geringes und nur ein parergon ist, derengleichen sie noch wol andere etlich tausend bessere stücklein haben.' A 'parergon' is a by-work or secondary employment.

[30] Magnalia Medico-Chymica, 14.

[31] George Thomson, Loimotomia; or the Pest Anatomized (London, 1666), 100, cit. Newman, Gehennical Fire, 205.

[32] HP 29/3/48B.

[33] 'Whether or no, each Several Disease hath a Particular Remedy?', Chymical, Medicinal, and Chyrurgical Addresses, 89-99 (translated from the proceedings of Théophraste Renaudot's 'Bureau d'Addresse').

[34] 'Es gefelt mir auch nicht aller dings an Glaubern das er eben hohen Persohnen solche rare Wissenschaft mitheilen will, den die pflegen dergleichen köstliche sachen doch nur gemeiniglich zu ihrer wollust und geitz zu misbrauchen' - Moriaen to ?, 31 Jan. 1651, HP 63/14/4A.

[35] See the epigraph to this chapter.

[36] Eph 49, 28/1/35A: the informants are Boyle himself and Worsley. There are no letters from Boyle among Hartlib's surviving papers, and so far as I am aware his 'Experiment of Iron and Antimony' has not been identified. It seems likely that Boyle's letters (of which there were undoubtedly a considerable number) were among those plundered from the archive in Hartlib's last years or after his death, either by figures who recognised the potential value of Boyliana or by friends or agents of Boyle himself concerned to erase evidence of his association with Hartlib, whose close association with Oliver Cromwell and the Parliamentary cause meant that many were concerned to distance themselves from him after the Restoration.

[37] A Discovery of Subterraneall Treasure, 42.

[38] 'Er bekent in diesem tractat das diß sein aurum potabile nicht allein den [mercurium] sondern auch alle andere metallen in gutt goltt transmutire oder gradire aber ohne nuz und also unnötig darzue zue gebrauchen als allein die mügligkeit und warheit zue beweisen, wie auch diße medicinam als Universalem zue bewehren' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 5 Oct. 1657, HP 42/2/22A.

[39] Genesis 2:11-12.

[40] 'seine bücher in vnd allezeit [haben mir] sehr missgefallen, dass ich gar ein grossen äckel dafür bekommen, vnd […] kaum ein paragraphum darin lesen kan, dass ich über den verkehrten man nicht ein gerechten zorn concipire, weil er so trotziglich vnd speciosè der weisen schrifften viel gräwlicher drähet vnd zwacket, als die allergreiligsten vnd ärgesten kätzer die Heilige Schrifft verkehren; vnd verleitet dieser böse man die einfaltigen vnd vnwissenden auf solche grewliche irr wege, auf welchen sie nimmermehr zur warheit kommen können. Mit was für gewissen solte ich wohl solchen muthwilligen verführer besuchen?' - Poleman to Hartlib, 12 Sept. 1659, HP 60/10/2A. The analogy with Scripture comes over even more strongly in German since the same word, 'Schriften', covers both human writings and holy writ.

[41] Facsimile reproduction with an introduction by A.G. Debus, London, 1967: the Canon's Yeoman's Tale is at pp. 227-56.

[42] Donne, Ignatius his Conclave, ed. T.S. Healy (Oxford, 1969), 21 (Donne's own translation of his Latin original).

[43] Cf. Bruce T. Moran, The Alchemical World of the German Court: Occult Philosophy and Chemical Medicine in the Circle of Moritz of Hessen (1572-1632), Sudhoffs Archiv Beiheft 29 (Stuttgart, 1991), passim.

[44] Chymical, Medicinal, and Chyrurgical Addresses, 81-3.

[45] Ibid., 87.

[46] Plattes, A Description of the Famous Kingdome of Macaria (London, 1641), 11-12. As Webster suggests, the book in question was probably Plattes' own Arts Mistress, which is now lost if indeed it was ever completed (Utopian Planning and the Puritan Revolution, 86).

[47] Hartlib to Winthrop, 16 March 1660, HP 7/7/2B, replying to Winthrop's query at HP 32/1/4A (16 Dec. 1659).

[48] 'Sucht Er aber Laboris socium vnd kan seine wißenschafft allein nicht ins werkh stellen, der gibt Ihm genug wan Er ihn das werckh auff seine kosten machen läst' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 March 1639, HP 37/14A.

[49] Kretschmar was a diplomat in the service of Elector Friedrich ('the Great') of Brandenburg, and was in England in 1657-8, petitioning Cromwell to release the funds raised by an official charitable collection for the Bohemian and Polish exiles (copy of the petition at HP 54/35A), and approaching the Austin Friars Consistory for further assistance for them (Hessels III, nos. 3441, 3445). While in London he made the acquaintance of Hartlib and his friends, and seems to have been involved with Clodius's 'Chemical College' (Webster, Great Instauration, 302).

[50] 22 July/1 August 1659, HP 26/64/1A-4B; cf. Turnbull, 'Johann Valentin Andreæs Societas Christiana', Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie 73 (1954), 407-31, p. 414, n. 53. William Brereton (1631-1679) was a founder member of the Royal Society and from 1664 third Lord Brereton. He had studied at Breda under Pell and was close to the Hartlib circle; it was he who purchased Hartlib's papers after their owner's death. See James Crossley (ed.) The Diary and Correspondence of John Worthington I (Manchester, 1847), 212-13, and the 'Introduction' to SHUR, 4-7.

[51] Bruce T. Moran cites many similar examples in The Alchemical World of the German Court.

[52] Hartlib to Boyle, 7 Jan. 1658, Boyle, Works VI, 99.

[53] A draft of this letter in Clodius's hand and a fair scribal copy, both undated, are appended to the original Kretschmar letter, HP 26/64/5A-7B. Turnbull states rather bewilderingly that 'eine Abschrift befindet sich bei den Briefen Johann Morians in Hartlibs Papieren, und jener konnte es verfaßt haben' ('there is a copy among the letters of Johann Moriaen in Hartlib's papers, and he may have been the author') ('J.V. Andreæs Societas Christiana', 414, n. 53). This (most uncharacteristically for Turnbull) is completely erroneous. The document is not located among Moriaen's letters, and the hand of the draft is unmistakeably Clodius's.

[54] 'Den mein H wir sindt alhie nicht so vnwissend, dz wir nicht könten […] auß einer Vntze ein wenig goldes bringen, aber hier entweder es zahlet nicht die vnkosten oder es gehet nicht an im großen.'

[55] 'versichere Meinen Herrn dz man davor gewißlich helt dz sein weg sehr profitable muste sein weil er 600lb davor begehret.'

[56] Poleman to Hartlib, 12 Sept. 1659, HP 60/4/56B-57A.

[57] 'dz liebliche zischen einer solchen listigen schlangen' - Poleman to Hartlib, 15 Aug. 1659, HP 60/10/1A.

[58] 'zur großen schmach der mehr als königlichen kunst, der wahren Chymia' - Poleman to Hartlib, 19 Sept. 1659, HP 60/4/58A-B. Poleman is referring here to yet another German alchemist in Amsterdam, Liebhart.

[59] On this subject, see A.J. Rocke, 'Agricola, Paracelsus and "Chymia"', Ambix 32 (1985), 38-45. The article is useful for defining the (al)chemical genres: 'esoteric' (religio-philosophical), 'exoteric' (transmutational) and 'empirical' (technological and pharmaceutical), but as I hope to show, the demarcations between these three were far from rigid, and the semantic distinction that applies 'alchemy' to the first two and 'chymia' to the third was far from being generally accepted by the mid-seventeenth century. Since this book was published, William Newman and Lawrence Principe have gone a long way towards providing the sort of philological study I called for in their important joint articles 'Alchemy vs. Chemistry: the etymological origins of a historiographic mistake', Early Science and Medicine 3 (1998), 32-65, and (especially) 'Some Problems with the Historiography of Alchemy', in W.R. Newman and Anthony Grafton (eds.), Secrets of Nature: Astrology and Alchemy in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, Mass., 2001), 385-434. My rather tentative findings here need to be critically reviewed in the light of Newman's and Principe's much more detailed and wide-ranging study of the alchemical literature, though the general thrust of both our analyses is the same.

[60] Rocke, op. cit., 38-9 and passim.

[61] Adelung, Geschichte der menschlichen Narrheit (Leibzig, 1785), passim. Cf. Debus, 'The Paracelsians in Eighteenth-Century France: A Renaissance Tradition in the Age of Enlightenment', Ambix 28 (1981), 36-54; reproduced as chapter 14 of Chemistry, Alchemy and the New Philosophy: studies in the history of science and medicine (Variorum Reprints, London, 1987).

[62] 'alchemistarum vulgo', 'Chemici Philosophastri' (HP 18/12/11B).

[63] 'Ignari pharmacopæi, mendaces alchimistæ, temerarij chyrurgi' (HP 25/20/7A).

[64] 'Famulantur autem Medicinæ, Physica, Botanica, Anatomica, Chyrurgica, Alchimistica Pharmaceutica; omnes has artes cognoscere tenetur qvisqvis ambit titulum Medici' (HP 25/20/6B).

[65] The untitled and unascribed Latin tract at HP 18/7/1A-20B is a complete copy of Starkey's Metallorum metamorphosis, which was later published under his pseudonym 'Philalethes' in the collection Musæum hermeticum reformatum et amplificatum (Frankfurt, 1678), 743-74. See William Newman, 'Prophecy and Alchemy: The Origin of Eiranæus Philalethes', Ambix 37 (1990), 97-115, for identification of Philalethes as Starkey.

[66] 'Nihil enim præter dispendium (et nummorum et temporis) à semidocta Alchymiæ scientia' (HP 18/7/1B; Musæum hermeticum, 743).

[67] 'Non etenim (qvia plurimi repriuntur, Alcymiam tractantes, deceptores sophistæ) hæc perinde) aut falsitates aut ineptiæ arguitur' (HP 18/7/2A-B; Musæum, 745).

[68] 'Chymistæ actutùm nomen induit; mox […] protinus Philosophi titulam vendicat' (HP 18/7/1B; Musæum, 744).

[69] 'Chymici vulgares' (HP 18/7/4A; Musæum, 748).

[70] '… veram (Artis Alchymiæ) clavem' (HP 18/7/17B; Musæum, 770).

[71] 'die wahre Alchimia von den Landtläuferischen Buben oder falschen Alchymisten' - Glauber, De tribus lapidibus ignium secretorum (Amsterdam 1667), 6-7.

[72] Herwig Buntz, 'Die europäische Alchimie vom 13. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert', in Ploss et al., Alchimia: Ideologie und Technologie, 119-210, p. 194.

[73] 'In Chymicis, Alchymicis, Medicinâ, Mechanicis artibus, Magiâ Naturali, plurima habeo' (HP 1/33/106A-B). The undated tract is entitled 'N. Reneri, Professoris Ultrajectini, Experimenta'. This is perhaps Cyprien Regneri ab Oosterga, who became professor at Utrecht in 1641 (cf. Correspondance de Mersenne X, 203), though it is not clear where the initial N comes from. It could simply be a mistake.

[74] 'einem Chymico oder Alchymiste […] dienen sie sehr wol' - Appelius to Hartlib, 5 Sept. 1644, HP 45/1/13A.

[75] Appelius to Hartlib, 26 Aug. 1647, HP 45/1/33B.

[76] Eph 52, HP 28/2/27B.

[77] Dury to [Worsley?], 25 Aug. 1655, HP 4/3/121A.

[78] On Worsley and his visit to the Netherlands, see below, pp. 217-26.

[79] Appelius to Hartlib, 6 Nov. 1647 (dated 27 Oct. O.S.), HP 45/1/27A.

[80] John Read, Prelude to Chemistry: An Outline of Alchemy, its Literature and Relationships (London, 1936).

[81] See M.J. Braddick and M. Greengrass, 'Introduction' to The Letters of Sir Cheney Culpeper (1641-1657), Camden Miscellany XXXIII (Cambridge, 1996), 115-150, and Stephen Clucas, 'The Correspondence of a XVII-Century "Chymicall Gentleman": Sir Cheney Culpeper and the chemical interests of the Hartlib Circle', Ambix 40 (1993), 147-70; also Chapter Seven below.

[82] Culpeper to Worsley, n.d. but probably late 1647, HP 13/223A.

[83] On the 'aerial nitre', see Allen G. Debus, Chemistry, Alchemy and the New Philosophy, 1550-1700 (Variorum Reprints, London, 1987), ch. 9, 'The Paracelsian Aerial Nitre'.

[84] Debus, op. cit., ch. 10, 253; Robert Fludd, Philosophical Key, ed. Debus (New York, 1979).

[85] Debus, ibid., 256.

[86] Miraculi mundi continuatio (Amsterdam, 1657), 85.

[87] De natura salium (Amsterdam, 1658), 14.

[88] Ibid., 115.

[89] 'Das Saltz ist […] ein Symbolum Æternitatis, weiln weder im Fewer/ Lufft/ Wasser/ noch Erden alteriret oder geringert wirdt/ sondern alles vor verderben eine lange Zeit bewaret. […] Das Saltz ist bey der Schöpfung GOttes das erste Fiat gewesen, vnd auß dem Fiat sind hernach die Elementa entstanden' - ibid., 43-4.

[90] Ibid., 10-11.

[91] 'Komt also alle fruchtbarkeit/ vnd Nahrung vom Saltze/ das Saltz von der Sonnen/ die Sonne von GOtt dem Schöpffer aller dingen' - ibid., 117.

[92] 'Von den brenn gläßern hab ich gleichwoll auch diß gesehen, wan man ein klein gestoßenen antimonium an der Sonne damit anstecket so rauchet Er stark hinweg und verliert gleichwoll nichts an seinem gewicht sondern wird schwerer dardurch, das dan freylich ein beweiß ist das der Sonnen stralen das sal naturæ hinein bringen und damit imprægniren' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 14 June 1658, HP 31/18/30A.

[93] The Alchemical World of the German Court, 130-31.

[94] Panegersia (1657), trans. A.M.O. Dobbie (Shipton on Stour, 1990), 10.

[95] Boyle, The Sceptical Chymist, 356-67.

[96] Sceptical Chymist, 356.

[97] 'vnd ist daß Goldt alhier anstatt eines Samens/ das [Kupfer]/ vnd Regul. Antim. aber an statt der Erden/ darauß das [Gold] sich nehret vnnd vermehret/ vnd der Salpeter anstat des Regen-wassers/ dadurch daß Erdtreich befeüchtet/ vnd fruchtbahr gemacht wirdt. Ie länger nun daß [Gold] in diesem Erdtreich liegt/ vnd wächset/ je mehr es zuwachses darauß stehet' - Miraculi mundi continuatio (Amsterdam, 1657), 67.

[98] 'Die Natur sucht allzeit jhre Kinder zur perfection zubringen/ vnd die geringe Metallen seynd nicht perfect. Warumb solte man der Natur nit zu hülff kommen/ vnd dieselbe verbessern können?' - Furni novi philosophici IV (Amsterdam, 1650), 37.

[99] Cf. Link, Glauber, 77.

[100] Aurora, oder Morgenröthe im Auffgang, Sämtliche Schriften I, ed. Ernst Peuckert, (Stuttgart, 1955), 85-132. I have drastically edited Boehme's account of these seven 'Quell-Geister', which I make no pretence of understanding in any detail.

[101] Culpeper to [Worsley?], 9 May 1648, HP 13/218B.

[102] HP 63/14/23A-24A, undated. The tract was sent by Joachim Lange on 14 October 1653.

[103] So Schlezer told Hartlib in his account of the figure (16 Dec. 1653, HP 63/14/26A); Schlezer's terms imply that this was a pseudonym. According to Schlezer he was 72 years old and lived in Hamburg, but no further evidence about him has been discovered.

[104] 'vnd ist dieses die Quinta Essentia des Universal Geistes, welcher Genesi primo Auff dem Wasser geschwebet' - HP 63/14/23A.

[105] 'sehe wol dz des Authoris Philosophia höher gehet als seine Erfahrung' - Moriaen to ?, 28 Nov. 1653, HP 63/14/24B and 30A.

[106] HP 63/14/26A.

[107] 'expresse im text stehet, dz derselbe geist sey der geist Gottes gewesen, ein absurdum aber ist zu sagen, dz ein chymicus wolle eine quintam essentiam, den Spiritum DEI machen' - HP 63/14/33A, n.d.

[108] Genesis 1:26-30. I use the plural advisedly: 'male and female created he them', though the creation of Eve is not mentioned until the next chapter.

[109] Genesis 3:22-3.

[110] Genesis 11:6-7.

[111] The fullest accounts are at HP 31/18/29B-30A and 31/18/40B-41A.

[112] Reproduced in Glauberus Concentratus oder Kern der Glauberischen Schrifften (Leipzig and Breslau, 1715), 465-6.

[113] 'ein [Wasser] […] in welchem [Wasser] die allgemeine Lebens-Speise der [Luft] verborgen' - Glauberus Concentratus, 465.

[114] 'die astralisch lebendig-machende Sonnen-Strahlen […] sichtlich/ greifflich/ corporalisch und fix' - ibid.

[115] Hartlib to Boyle, 5 April 1659, Works VI, 117.

[116] 'Fur die communicata ex MS Morianis de Concentrandu Spiritu Mundi bedancke Ich mich gar herzlich […] es saget aber H Morian in dieser Description vnter Andern Er habe dem H. vor diesem eine weisse entdecket, durch Calcinirte Kiesel-steine […] dz wasser der luft zu fangen […] als bitte Ich solchen aufzusuchen vnd ehestes zu vbersenden' - Poleman to Hartlib, 5 Dec. 1659, HP 60/4/159A.

[117] In Latin passages, the term consistently used is 'silices', in German, 'Kießlinge'.

[118] Link, Glauber, 103-4.

[119] Francis Bacon, The Advancement of Learning, Works III, 289.

[120] James Holstun, A Rational Millennium, 308-15.

[121] Ibid., 309-10, citing Comenius, The Great Didactic (trans. M.W. Keatinge from Didactica magna (Amsterdam, 1657)) (New York, 1967), 293-4.

[122] Genesis 1:2.

[123] John, 1:1.

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