Catalogue Entry: OTHE00059

Chapter Two: Servant of God

Author: John T. Young

Source: Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy: Johann Moriaen, Reformed Intelligencer, and the Hartlib Circle (Aldershot: 1998).

[Normalized Text] [Diplomatic Text]

[1] 'Diese lande sindt ehrgierig vnd lieben den ruhm von gelehrten leuthen vnd nuzlichen Inventis zue haben, wie nun Ihrer viel sindt die allein die kunst lieben vnd suchen also sindt deren nicht wenig welche es ihnen eine verkleinerung halten das ein frembder etwas mehr als sie wißen vnd was newes erfinden solle' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 17 January 1639, HP 37/4A.

[2] Ibid., paraphrased in HDC, 343. Rulice had written in similar terms of Vossius's judgment a year earlier (quoted by Turnbull from HP 36/1/3B-4A).

[3] 'wan man die leuthe hatt so achtet man Ihrer nicht[;] wan sie vmbsonst arbeiten oder geltt zuegeben wolten das weren männer fur diese Statt' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 October 1647, HP 37.123A.

[4] Moriaen to Hartlib, 31 March 1639, HP 37/16B.

[5] 'hie hatt man freÿheit zue glauben vnd zue schreiben was man nur will oder kan' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 20 Oct. 1639, HP 37/44B. The controversies concerning Jungius and Comenius are discussed below, pp. 88-9.

[6] 2 Aug. 1640, HP 37/66B: 'So gleich iezund bekom Ich aduis das die Duynkerker mir ein Schiff dz auff den fischfang auß war abgenommen', and 27 March 1642, HP 37/106A, on the seizure of two more.

[7] Cf. Th. van Deursen, Plain Lives in a Golden Age (Cambridge, 1991), 19-22.

[8] Moriaen to Hartlib, 15 April 1642, HP 37/107A.

[9] 'Ich nun fortan all mein werkh von diesen dingen machen kan' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 31 March 1639, HP 37/15A.

[10] Gemeendearchief Arnhem, RA 513 fol. 101, 19 July 1658; it is this document that records the date of purchase.

[11] Moriaen to Hartlib, 12 August 1639, HP 37/36B-37A; the death is described as having happened since his last letter to Hartlib, which was dated 21 July. References in Correspondance de Mersenne XI, 308, 420, 421, to a 'fils de Mr. Morian' whom the editors identify as Moriaen's son are mistranscriptions: copies of the same letters in the Hartlib archive clearly read 'Merian', and the figure in question is almost certainly Matthias Merian the Younger of the Frankfurt family of printers and engravers.

[12] Moriaen to Hartlib, July 1657: 'sie würde sich hier under frembden und ganz allein ohne rath und trost von menschen befinden, niemand würde viel nach ihr umbsehen' (HP 42/2/14A)

[13] Christian Rave to Moriaen, 12 Nov. 1651, Bodleian MS Lat. misc. c.17 fol. 42: 'Tua Castiss. Uxorem et Amicos omnes meo quæso nomine diligentissime salutabis'. The only contrary evidence is the description of him, in the above-mentioned document concerning the selling back of his West India shares, as 'Iean Moriaen den ouden'. It is possible, however, that the younger 'Iean Moriaen' was not a son but the 'Cous: Ioh: Moriaen' whom 'Iean den ouden' had much earlier recommended to the care of Justinus van Assche in Amsterdam (UBA N65d, 17 January 1637, cf. n. 1). There were certainly other Moriaens in Arnhem, where he was by then living: the court ordered the paying in of debts to one 'Christina Morians', wife of the engineer and surveyor Isaac van Geelkerch, in May 1661, especially those relating to 'Moriaens erfschap' (the Moriaen inheritance) (Gemeendearchief Arnhem, RA 513, fol. 226, 6 May 1661). There was also a 'Haus Moriaen' in the centre of the town, though Johann was not living there. Unfortunately, the records are so fragmentary (and, in the case of the legal documents, in such an appallingly bad scribal hand) that no more can be deduced about this Christina and her inheritance, nor what connection Moriaen had with the house that bore his family's name.

[14] See J. Bruckner, A Bibliographical Catalogue of Seventeenth-Century German Books Published in Holland (The Hague and Paris, 1971), passim.

[15] Bruckner, no. 167. Bruckner somewhat mystifyingly gives Samuel Hartlib as the author.

[16] On 5 Nov. 1640 Moriaen promised to obtain unspecified works by Boehme for Haak, and by Felgenhauer and Kozack for Hartlib (HP 37/70A). On Felgenhauer, see below, pp. 87-8; on Kozack, Jöcher II, 2154; van der Wall, Serrarius, 105-7, and Blekastad, Comenius, 340, 350, 378-9. Hartlib received four unspecified works of Kozack from Moriaen the following January (Hartlib's accounts, HP 23/12/2B), and there is a partial manuscript copy of Kozack's Liber Spagyriæ at HP 25/20/1A-44B.

[17] Moriaen to Hartlib, 3 November 1639, HP 37/46A.

[18] As late as July 1650, Moriaen was still complaining that Oughtred was failing to send material for the edition that had first been proposed at least ten years earlier (HP 37/164A). The work finally came out in 1652 in Oxford.

[19] Moriaen to Hartlib, 7 March 1639, HP 37/10B. This work, mentioned several times in Moriaen's correspondence, is almost certainly the unattributed Latin 'Idea Politicæ' preserved in a scribal copy at HP 26/24/1A-8B,, in the form of a letter to Hartlib dated 1 July 1638.

[20] Moriaen to Hartlib, 30 June 1639, HP 37/31A. The Analysis demonstrativa, which survives in manuscript, is discussed in some detail below, pp. 118-20.

[21] HP 37/21A, 31A, 36B, 100A.

[22] Wing, no. 2907B: the edition listed is dated Edinburgh, 1659. Moriaen's came out in August 1639 (as he told Hartlib on 12 August, HP 37/36B).

[23] 'Ich kan zwar nicht absehen was so viel verscheidene zue einem zweckh gerichtete schreiben nuzen können' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 12 Aug. 1639, HP 37/36B.

[24] Milton, 'The Unchanged Peacemaker?', 109-10, and see Dury to Hartlib, 31 March 1640, HP 2/2/10A. Milton also refers to the business of the impounded pamphlets, but with the minor error of assuming it was Dury himself who sent them into England.

[25] Moriaen to Hartlib, 12 March 1640, HP 37/60A.

[26] Ibid.

[27] Ibid. - 'so hatt das kind einen vnrechten nahmen bekommen vnd sind das dan so schröckliche sachen? ist doch niemand dabej verkurzet, Ich kan mir fast nicht einbilden das die Bischoffe dißfals beÿ einigen verständigen Politico beÿfall ihres vnzeitigen eÿfers (die materiam betreffend) finden werden'.

[28] Dury to Hartlib, 31 March 1640, HP 2/2/10A.

[29] Sic, probably a scribal error.

[30] Dury to Warwick (scribal copy), 1 May 1640, HP 6/4/46A.

[31] Dury to Hartlib, 18 Sept. 1642, HP 2/9/24A, n.d. but obviously slightly earlier, HP 2/9/17A, and 16 Oct. 1642, HP 2/9/34B.

[32] Dury to Hartlib, 23 Oct. 1642, HP 2/9/39B; it is quite obvious from the context of earlier letters that this 'Epistolical Dissertation' is the Answer to the Lutherans.

[33] Moriaen to Hartlib, 30 Oct. 1642, HP 37/115A.

[34] Dury to Hartlib, 31 Aug. 1646, HP 3/3/32A. For the 'somethinge extraordinarie' Dury had in mind, see below, pp. 43-4.

[35] HP 37/3A and 37/167A.

[36] Moriaen to Hartlib, July 1650, HP 37/164A.

[37] Serrarius to Dury, in An Information concerning the Present State of the Jewish Nation in Europe and Judea, by Dury and/or Henry Jessey (London, 1658), 13; cit. van der Wall, Serrarius, 182.

[38] See van der Wall, 'The Amsterdam Millenarian Petrus Serrarius (1600-1669) and the Anglo-Dutch Circle of Philo-Judaists', Jewish-Christian Relations in the Seventeenth Century, ed. J. van den Berg and E.G.E. van der Wall (Dordrecht, Boston and London, 1988), 73-94, pp. 90-94, and Gershom Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi, The Mystical Messiah 1626-76 (London, 1973).

[39] An Information, 2, cit. van der Wall, 'The Amsterdam Millenarian Petrus Serrarius', 80.

[40] Richard Popkin, 'Hartlib, Dury and the Jews', SHUR, 118-36, p. 132; and see ibid., 130-32 for a fuller account of Shapira's visit and relations with Dury's circle. Shapira had come to Amsterdam intending to raise money from the Jewish community, but had been turned down by them, providing the Christians with an opportunity to outdo them in charity.

[41] Moriaen to van Assche, 9 May 1643, UBA N65g, and see van der Wall, Serrarius, 159-60.

[42] As prophesied in Jeremiah 15:4: 'I will cause them to be removed into all kingdoms of the earth'.

[43] See Popkin, 'Hartlib, Dury and the Jews', 125-7.

[44] Ibid., 126.

[45] See Webster, Great Instauration, 222-24.

[46] See Popkin, 'Hartlib, Dury and the Jews', 123-4, and 'Some Aspects of Jewish-Christian Theological Interchanges in Holland and England 1640-70', in J. van den Berg and E.G.E van der Wall (eds.), Jewish-Christian Relations in the Seventeenth Century (Dordrecht, Boston and London, 1988), 3-32.

[47] Cf. van der Wall, 'Three letters by Menasseh ben Israel to John Durie', Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis 65 (1985), 46-62. For a succinct account of Menasseh's (unsuccessful) mission, see J. Crossley and R.C. Christie (eds.), The Diary and Correspondence of Dr John Worthington (2 vols., the second being in two parts): vols. 13 (1847), 36 (1855) and 114 (1886) of Chetham Society Remains, I, 78, n. 1.

[48] 7 Oct. 1650, HP 37/159B.

[49] HP 37/153A and 159B.

[50] HP 4/3/2A.

[51] Dury, 'Epistolicall Discourse' prefacing Thomas Thorowgood, Jewes in America (London, 1650), cit. E.G.E. van der Wall, 'Johann Stephan Rittangel's Stay in the Dutch Republic (1641-1642)', in J. van den Berg and E.G.E. van der Wall (eds.), Jewish-Christian Relations in the Seventeenth Century (Dordrecht, Boston and London, 1988), 119-34, p. 120.

[52] Moriaen to Hartlib, 19 April 1639, HP 37/21B.

[53] 'seine Gegner selbst haben ihm nie solches vorgeworfen' - Jöcher-Adelung VII, 30-32.

[54] See below, p. 129.

[55] Dury and/or Hartlib?, Englands Thankfulnesse, or An Humble Remembrance presented to the Committee for Religion in the High Court of Parliament (London, 1642): for full title, see HDC, 90.

[56] 'das Er von dem herrn durch nicht vbersendung seiner sachen nun wiederumb wie dorten werde auffgehalten werden' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 22 May 1642, HP 37/109A.

[57] Moriaen to Hartlib, 10 Feb. and 27 March 1642, HP 37/102A and 106A.

[58] Hartlib to Worthington, 12 Dec. 1655, Worthington Diary I, 79. See J. van den Berg, 'Proto-Protestants? The Image of the Karaites as a Mirror of the Catholic-Protestant Controversy in the Seventeenth Century', Jewish-Christian Relations in the Seventeenth Century, ed. J. van den Berg and E.G.E. van der Wall, 33-50.

[59] HP 1/33/62A-63B, copy enclosed with a letter from Cyprian Kinner to Hartlib.

[60] See Encyclopædia Judaica X, 507-8 (under the heading 'Kabbalah').

[61] 'bin woll versichert das der gleichen secreta Rabinorum sonderlich doctrinam de Triunitate belangend zuevorn niemalen ans liecht kommen sind, vnd trage gleichfals keinen zweÿfel man wird seiner arbeit so woll gegen die Anti Trinitarios als Iudæos nuzlich gebrauchen können' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 27 March 1642, HP 37/106A.

[62] Letters from Moriaen of 10 Feb. and 3 March 1642, HP 37/102A and 105A.

[63] Moriaen to Hartlib, 2 Dec. 1641, HP 37/96A. The fact that Moriaen evidently misread 'Ticcunei' (or perhaps 'Tecunei') as 'Tecuum' suggests his interest in Rittangel's work was more enthusiastic than informed. See Gershom Scholem, Kabbalah (Jerusalem, 1974), 218-19 and passim.

[64] Virtually every mention of Rittangel is accompanied by a complaint. In the letter to van Assche, 24 June 1642, UBA N65e, Moriaen said that he was prevented by one thing after another from undertaking a visit to his friend, 'vindende alle daegen nieuwe belaetselen als t'ene over is soo is ander voor de deure Rittangelius heeft my dit geheele Iaer geoccupeert met het ouersien van syn Liber Iezirah' ('finding new hindrances daily, as one is past there is another at the door. Rittangel has kept me busy the whole year overseeing his Liber Jezirah').

[65] 'ich [habe] etliche mal mit ihnen essen müssen, vnd dz auch, in præsentz hoher herrschaft, hören müssen: Diß ist der einige Man in den orientalischen Sprachen, den ganz Europa nicht hat!' - HP 1/33/63B.

[66] 'Er ist auch dermaßen selzam das nichts oder wenig mit Ihm anzuefangen ist - Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 Oct. 1647, HP 37/123B.

[67] Moriaen to van Assche, November 1644, UBA N65h, and Moriaen to Hartlib, 9 March 1657, HP 42/2/4A.

[68] 'wolt ich ruhe fur ihm haben' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 9 March 1657, HP 42/2/4A.

[69] 'allein vmb des süßen honigs willen muß man zue zeiten das stechen der bienen mit geduld verschmerzen' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 27 March 1642, HP 37/106A.

[70] Moriaen to Hartlib, 28 March 1641, HP 37/82A

[71] Moriaen to Hartlib, 27 March 1642, HP 37/106A.

[72] Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 Oct. 1647, HP 37/123B.

[73] HP 3/3/32A-33B; Popkin, 'Some Aspects of Jewish-Christian Theological Interchanges', and see also A.K. Offenberg, 'Jacob Jehuda Leon (1602-1675) and his Model of the Temple' (Jewish-Christian Relations, 95-115).

[74] Dury to Hartlib, 31 Aug. 1646, HP 3/3/33B.

[75] Ibid.

[76] Ibid.

[77] On perverse usage of the word 'Jew' (or in this case 'Jude'), see Victor Klemperer, LTI [= Lingua Tertii Imperii (Language of the Third Reich)]: Notizbuch eines Philologen (Berlin, 1949), a chilling and thought-provoking first-hand account by a German Jewish philologist of the linguistic policies of the Third Reich, which raises many questions that resonate beyond its immediate historical context.

[78] Dury to Hartlib, 31 Aug. 1646, HP 3/3/33A-B.

[79] Ibid. I do not wish to overstate the point: 'which' was used synonymously with 'who' at this period, and implies no derogation to Leon, but the statement that Boreel 'made use of' him clearly reflects Dury's notion of a hierarchy in the relationship.

[80] November 1644, UBA N65h, stating perhaps hyperbolically that the value of the shares had halved, and 27 Feb. 1648, HP 37/131B, in which he reported a loss of 800 guilders.

[81] Moriaen to Hartlib, 29 Oct. 1647, HP 37/123A.

[82] 'Euserlichem ansehen vnd Weltweißheit nach, hab Ich freÿlich (wie die freunde <wohl> vrtheilen) dem Sprichwort nachgethan alijs in serviendo consumor' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 8 April 1650, HP 37/149A.

[83] See below, p. 124.

[84] Moriaen to Hartlib, 8 April 1650, HP 37/149A.

[85] 'dit quaem mij seer beswaerlyck voor […] well om hem niet te laeten soo hadde al geresolueert hem te helpen' - Moriaen to van Assche, Nov. 1644, UBA N65h.

[86] Moriaen to ?, 7 Feb. 1647, HP 37/118B.

[87] Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 Oct. 1647, HP 37/123A-B, reporting 65 guilders repaid and over 200 still outstanding.

[88] On Wheeler, see Webster, Great Instauration, 372-4. He was an inventor whom Hartlib promoted for a while in the 1640s but who soon lost credit with the circle. After obtaining a twelve-year Dutch patent for a drainage mill in 1639 (G. Doorman, Patents for Inventions in the Netherlands during the 16th, 17th and 18th Centuries, abridged trans. Joh. Meijer, The Hague, 1942, 139), Wheeler fled the Netherlands leaving debts of over £1000, which the state met by selling his patent to a consortium of eight, including William Boswell and Janszonius Blaeu. Wheeler always maintained that he had been cheated, and wrote an impassioned but not very coherent account of the affair, Mr William Wheelers Case from his Own Relation (London, 1649), which, however, does little to inspire confidence in either his competence or his probity.

[89] Moriaen to Hartlib, 1 April 1650, HP 37/148A, and 7 Oct. 1650, HP 37/159A.

[90] 'Ich [muß] beÿ so unträglichen schaden vnd verlust gleichwoll mit allem ernst vnd fleiß dahin bedacht vnd auch damit geschäfftig sein […] wie Ich vor meinem ende […] meine sachen in richtigkeit bringen […] vnd also meine ehre, die nächst meinem guten gewißen mein höchster schaz auff Erden ist, erhalten vnd retten möge' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 8 April 1650, HP 37/149A.

[91] Hartlib to Boyle, 14 Sept. 1658, Boyle, Works VI, 114.

[92] Hartlib to Boyle, 16 Dec. 1658, Boyle, Works VI, 115.

[93] My account of Wiesel is largely based on Inge Keil, 'Technology transfer and scientific specialization: Johann Wiesel, optician of Augsburg and the Hartlib circle', SHUR, 268-78. Keil has since published a full biography of Wiesel, Augustanus Opticus: Johann Wiesel (1583-1662) und 200 Jahre optisches Handwerk in Augsburg (Berlin, 2000).

[94] Keil, 'Technology transfer', 269.

[95] Wiesel to Moriaen, 17 Feb. 1650, copy in a letter from Moriaen to [Hartlib?], HP 37/144B.

[96] Ibid., 272. On Pell, see below, pp. 113-16.

[97] See especially Moriaen to Hartlib, 25 March 1650, HP 37/146B. Hevelius, Blaeu and Sotherby each wanted a telescope, Boyle a microscope and Worsley one of each. On 19 July 1650, Wiesel mentioned four microscopes ordered from him through Moriaen, but by whom is not clear (HP 37/154B).

[98] Wiesel to Moriaen, 17 and 30 Dec. 1649, HP 37/144B (copy extracts included in a letter from Moriaen to Hartlib).

[99] HP 37/149A, 37/153A, 37/154A.

[100] Eph 51, HP 28/2/3B.

[101] 'machet einen floch so groß als ein schildkroten […] wer solchen durch dießes Instrumentlein schawete müste sich von herzen darvor entsezen' - Wiesel to Moriaen, 17 Feb. 1650, HP 37/144B.

[102] 'diß mit sonderlichem lust zu schawen' - Wiesel to Moriaen, 17 Dec. 1649, HP 37/144B.

[103] Keil, 'Technology transfer', 276-8.

[104] Moriaen to Hartlib, 18 Jan. 1658, HP 56/2/1A, with mention of the (unspecified) period 'when Herr Clodius lived in my house' ('da H Clodius beÿ mir wohnte').

[105] The recommendation itself does not survive, but Moriaen promised to send one on 19 April 1652 (HP 63/14/19B). For a fuller account of Clodius, see William Newman and Lawrence Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey, Boyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago and London, 2002), 257-268.

[106] Reports from him suddenly start appearing in the Ephemerides from about April 1651 onward.

[107] Boyle to Clodius, 27 Sept. 1653, Boyle, Works VI, 36.

[108] See Webster, Great Instauration, 303, and Hartlib to Boyle, 8 May 1654, Boyle, Works VI, 86.

[109] Kuffler's case is dealt with in detail below, pp. 52-7. See HP 31/13A for Moriaen's recommendation of Franck; HP 31/18/31A for his recommendation of Stahl, and HP 31/16A for his association with Faber. Faber (1641-78) is briefly mentioned by Thorndike (VII, 233) and Partington (II, 182).

[110] See Turnbull, 'Peter Stahl, the first public teacher of chemistry at Oxford', Annals of Science 9 (1953), 265-70; Webster, Great Instauration, 165, Partington II, 488, and my entry on Stahl in the Oxford DNB.

[111] Incomplete copy at HP 18/3/1/1A-8B.

[112] See Webster, Great Instauration, 304.

[113] Chymical, Medicinal, and Chyrurgical Addresses, 161.

[114] 'Remeum werd ich Ihnen fürderlich zusenden, mit den balsamis chirurgicis' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 April 1654, HP 31/13A. The 'you' is in the plural, presumably meaning Hartlib and Clodius.

[115] Hartlib to Boyle, 8 May 1654, Boyle, Works VI, 87.

[116] Hartlib to Winthrop, 16 March 1660, HP 7/7/4B.

[117] On 6 May, Dury mentioned having been with him in Amsterdam 'last week' (HP 4/3/3A); 16 Oct. is the date of his first surviving letter from Arnhem.

[118] The Kuffler brothers moved to the Netherlands from England, where they had also run a dye-works (at Stratford le Bow), just before the outbreak of the Civil War (NNWB is incorrect in dating their return c. 1650: Moriaen reported their recent arrival in Amsterdam to van Assche on 24 June 1642, UBA N65e). By September they were in the Hague (UBA N65f), but had moved to Arnhem at least by 16 Oct. 1646, when Heinrich Appelius wrote to Hartlib about a dyer known as Flensburg whom the Kufflers were supporting at their home there (HP 45/1/27B). On 26 Aug. 1647 Appelius specifically mentioned that they 'dwell & exercise their dying of cloath' at Arnhem (HP 45/1/33A). No patent for the dye-works has survived (cf. G. Doorman, Patents for Inventions in the Netherlands during the 16th, 17th and 18th Centuries, abridged trans. Joh. Meijer, The Hague, 1942), but since (according to Moriaen) this was the only dye-works in the province (HP 31/18/1B) they perhaps felt no need of one.

[119] Three copies in the Hartlib Papers (HP 53/5A-B, 53/41/4A-5B and 66/18/1A-2B); the document is undated but probably late 1658 (mid-1653 is 'about 5. years since' but Richard Cromwell is Protector).

[120] On Comenius's belief that he was invited to England by Parliament, see below, p. 128.

[121] A letter from George Horne to Hartlib of Sept. 1653, describing a highly skilled dyer specialising in scarlet, well known to Moriaen and planning to visit England to impart his knowledge for a suitable price, surely refers to Kuffler and implies that Hartlib knew little about him (Horne to Hartlib, 15 Sept. 1653, HP 16/2/2A). But Horne may simply have been unaware how well-informed Hartlib was: it was certainly not news to him that Kuffler knew Moriaen and was an expert in scarlet dye.

[122] Nine mentions of Kuffler in Eph 35, relating to his ovens, optics, medicines, a method of drying malt, and Drebbel's 'weather-glass' (i.e. his perpetual almanac) (HP 29/3/44A, 48B, 52A, 55B, 56A, 56B, 57B, 62A-B, 63B).

[123] It is not clear whether the family who set off together with Johann Sibertus included his brother.

[124] Petition to Cromwell, HP 66/18/1A. It is not immediately obvious why the change should so adversely have affected Kuffler's prospects. The Council of State which he supposed had invited him was drastically reduced, it is true, to the initially thirteen-strong Protector's Council (later Privy Council), and Major-General Harrison, his supposed champion, no longer featured on it (CSPD 1653-4, 297-8 (16 Dec. 1653)), but it is by no means certain he would have known in such detail of the state of affairs in England. This increases the likelihood that the mention of the 'change of government' is a red herring.

[125] HP 63/14/31B.

[126] 'Interim wolle der H. diese 2. Inventiones bey Seiner Hochheit dem H. PROTECTORI anbringen, vmb zu vernehmen, wie Ers apprehendire' (Moriaen to Hartlib, 5 Jan. 1655, HP 39/2/21A).

[127] HP 39/2/41A.

[128] At this juncture, Worsley was Surveyor General of Ireland, though soon to be brought down by his rival William Petty. See below, p. 218, and the literature cited there.

[129] HP 39/2/28B.

[130] 'Nun mein Herr ich bin versichert, daß meine Invention in höherm grad alß H Kufflers stehet, und ehe ich 1000 gl. darauff spendirt, weiß ich gewiß, meine sache demonstrabel zu machen. […] Ich weiß nicht wie es ist, daß ich das glück habe, die fewer Inventiones ziemlicher massen zuerkündigen […] Ohne Ruhm zu melden, glaube ich nicht, das einer in Europa einen digerir ofen habe, der lenger, vnd mitt weniger Kohlen könne gehitzet werden, als meiner' - copy extract by Clodius, 17 Nov. 1654, HP 39/2/25B, probably to Moriaen: it is evident in any case that Moriaen read and responded to this letter.

[131] 'solte ich […] eines andern schweiß und arbeit mir zueignen wollen, das seÿ ferne von mir' - 11 Dec. 1654, HP 39/2/24B: though probably addressed to Hartlib the letter was obviously meant for Clodius's eyes too. A similar rebuke of the same date (HP 39/2/24A and 22B) is almost certainly addressed to Clodius personally.

[132] HP 39/2/25B.

[133] Christine MacLeod, Inventing the Industrial Revolution: The English patent system, 1660-1800 (Cambridge, 1988), Chapter 1, and see Webster, Great Instauration, 343-55 on the resentment earlier aroused by abuses of the patent system and monopolies.

[134] On Hartlib's complex attitude to patents, see Greengrass, Leslie and Raylor, 'Introduction' to SHUR, 18-21, and Mark Jenner, '"Another epocha"? Hartlib, John Lanyon and the improvement of London in the 1650s', SHUR, 343-356.

[135] L.E. Harris, The Two Netherlanders (Cambridge, 1961), chapter 17. See also the account of Kuffler's torpedo in Webster, Great Instauration, 390-91.

[136] 'Ich sehe daß werck auch dergestalt an, daß es mehr zu ersparung bluttvergiessens, alß zu vergießung dienen wirdt. Dann wie die Schrifft selbsten vns zu gemüth führet, so gehet niemand so vnbedachtsam zu Feld, oder er überschlägt zuvor seine, vnd des feindes macht, Wie Er dargegen bestehen könne. So nicht; so schicket Er von ferne zu Ihm, vnd bittet vmb Frieden' - Moriaen to ?, 16 July 1655, HP 39/2/38B. The reference is to Luke 14:31-32.

[137] Between 3 March, when Moriaen was still trying to secure an invitation (HP 39/2/44A-B), and 20 June, when Kuffler, Hartlib and Ezerell Tonge signed an agreement concerning the promotion of his work to Cromwell (HP 26/49/1A-B).

[138] The family was still in the Netherlands when the agreement with Tonge was drawn up in June. An entry in Eph 56 almost certainly dating from July (the previous entry but one refers to events of 8 July) mentions a medicine known as 'oleum Fraxini' and that 'Dr Ks wife is bringing some along with her'.

[139] 'Articles tripertite Agreed & Concluded, betwixt Iohn Sivertus Küffeler, Dr. of Physick; Samuel Hartlib Esqr & Ezeral Tonge, Bac of Divinity. this 20th Day of Iune. 1656', HP 26/49/1A.

[140] HP 53/41/1A-B, in both Latin and English versions; further copies of the English at HP 53/41/6A and 66/18/2A.

[141] 'Agreements tripertite', HP 26/49/1A.

[142] Webster, Great Instauration, 232-42.

[143] Ibid., 239-40, and 529-32 for identification of the staff as a whole.

[144] Ibid., 242.

[145] Moriaen to Hartlib, 2 Feb. 1657, HP 42/2/1B.

[146] This is mentioned repeatedly in Moriaen's letters from the first half of 1658: HP 31/18/2B, 31/18/4B-5A, 31/18/15B, 31/18/23A, 31/18/31A..

[147] Hartlib to Boyle (quoting Moriaen), 13 May 1658, Boyle, Works VI, 108: this letter also mentions Brereton's attendance. Moriaen's own letters from the period are full of remarks in the same vein. Winthrop, who learned about the business later, felt the same: 'I wish you could prevaile with Dr Keffler to bury that fireworke […] in oblivion […] there are menes ynough already knowne to the world of ruin & destruction to mankind' (Winthrop to Hartlib, 25 Aug. 1660, HP 32/1/7B).

[148] 'so mag Gott kein gefallen an diesem furnehmen haben und den succes deswegen hindern' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 26 May 1658, HP 31/18/27A.

[149] 'Ich bin mit H Boÿle eines sinnes und will lieber zu einigen furnehmen rathen und gluckwunschen als zue diesem' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 14 June 1658, HP 31.18/29B.

[150] On Hartlib's attitude to such subjects, see Timothy Raylor, 'New Light on Milton and Hartlib', Milton Quarterly 27 (1993), 19-31, on Hartlib's (and Milton's) promotion of Edmond Felton's 'godly' engine of war.

[151] 'treffliches arcanum […] zu verderben des menschlichen geschlechts […] Es scheint den Engelländern beschert zu seyn durch eine Wunderliche Providentz' - anon., 8 Aug. 1658, HP 48/6/1A.

[152] Hartlib to Boyle, 10 Aug. 1658, Boyle, Works VI, 113.

[153] Hartlib, testimonial on Kuffler, 26 May 1659, 53/41/3A.

[154] Kuffler's petition to Richard Cromwell, HP 66/18/1A-B.

[155] Moriaen to Hartlib, 26 April and 14 June 1658, HP 31/18/17B and 31/18/29B.

[156] Pepys, Diary, ed. Latham and Matthews, III (London, 1970), 45-6.

[157] Hartlib to Boyle, 12 April 1659, Boyle, Works VI, 119.

[158] Ibid., 118.

[159] Hartlib to Winthrop, 16 March 1660, HP 7/7/2B.

[160] John Evelyn, Diary, ed. W. Bray (London, 1879) II, 198. See also Webster, Great Instauration, 390.

[161] It was a large estate alongside the Rhine, just to the north-west of Arnhem. There is a rather purple description in A.J. van der Aa, Aardrijkskundig Woordenboek der Nederlanden (Gorinchem, 1844) V, 896-7. It was destroyed in the Second World War.

[162] This is abundantly clear from a letter of 26 April 1658 (HP 31/18/17A-18B), in which Moriaen specified the rent (104 Imperials a year) and that he had vouched for it, as also for other debts of Kuffler's.

[163] Moriaen to Hartlib, 1 Jan. 1658, 31/18/1A.

[164] Ibid., 31/18/1B.

[165] 'darfur wir Gott vnd EL dankbar sindt' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 10 Dec. 1640, HP 37/71A.

[166] 'eine sonderliche schickung Gottes vnd gutes zaichen' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 10 Oct. 1641, HP 37/90A.

[167] Hartlib to Boyle, 2 Feb. 1658, Boyle, Works VI, 100-101. The published version gives 'Dr Van Mussig', an obvious mistranscription of 'Vnmussig' ('Diligent'), the pseudonym of the Paracelsian physician Johannes Brun.

[168] Ibid., 101.

[169] HP 42/2/18B.

[170] Van der Wall, Serrarius, 303.

[171] Moriaen to Hartlib, 14 June 1658, HP 31/18/29A.

[172] Especially Moriaen to Hartlib, 1 Jan. 1658, HP 31/18/1A-3B, but there are examples in almost all the letters from this point on.

[173] 'Ich werde woll wunderlich geleitet und weiß nicht wohin aber ich will mit blindem gehorsam meinem laidsman folgen, der mags versehen was der in mir sein und werden will des bin Ich zuefrieden' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 19 Feb./1 March 1658, HP 31/18/8A.

[174] 'nach kindlichem vertrawen in einem blinden gehorsam der mich leitenden hand Gottes' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 5 March 1658, HP 31/18/11B.

[175] Simon Schama, The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden Age (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1988), 343.

[176] Matthew, 19:24; Mark, 10:25; Luke, 18:25.

[177] Luke, 16:19-31.

[178] Matthew, 25:14-30, the classic Scriptural authority for capitalism: 'Thou oughtest therefore to have put my money to the exchangers, and then at my coming I should have received mine own with usury […] unto every one that hath shall be given, and he shall have abundance: but from him that hath not shall be taken away even that which he hath' (v. 27-29).

[179] Ecclesiastes, 11:1.

[180] 1 Timothy, 6:10.

[181] The address appears on a letter from Christian Rave to Moriaen, 12 November 1651, Bodleian MS Lat. misc. c.17 fol. 42. I am indebted to Gerald Toomer for pointing this letter out to me. It is the only surviving evidence of his exact address at any point before the move to Arnhem, though it emerges from his own letters that he moved house within Amsterdam at least three times between 1639 and 1641.

[182] 'Ich habs etwan an mir selbsten wolgehabt' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 5 March 1658, HP 31/18/11B.

[183] Details of his alchemical projects are given below, pp. 226-32.

[184] The Embarrassment of Riches, 309: Schama is referring here specifically to the grand lotteries held in the Netherlands, but it is very much part of his point that any return on an investment involving the risk of loss could be viewed in the same way.

[185] 'theilen […] mit seinen gewin proportionaliter' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 31 Dec. 1640, HP 31/74A.

[186] 'sich […] die Gnade Gottes bei gefährlichen Unternehmungen erkauft' - Blekastad, Comenius, 333.

[187] Assuming Moriaen's second-hand report to be accurate (to Hartlib, 31 Dec. 1640, HP 37/74A).

[188] 'kunfftige woche soll und mus ich den leuthen helffen die nun lang auff uns gewartet haben und aus mangel eines kessels nicht haben geholffen werden können' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 25 June 1658, HP 31/18/37A.

[189] 'umb das einige patienten mit der fallenden Kranckheit behafftet sich beÿ mir angeben [haben]' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 23 July 1658, HP 31/18/42A.

[190] This is obvious from a number of remarks by Joachim Poleman. He asked Hartlib to convey Moriaen's reaction to his (Poleman's) medical ideas (HP 60/4/105A, n.d. but 1659 or 60), and thanked him for not revealing his (Poleman's) name when passing on his (profoundly negative) assessment of Friedrich Kretschmar to Moriaen (HP 60/4/150B, 17 Oct. 1659). Hartlib in turn reported Moriaen's favourable opinion of Poleman's Novum lumen medicum (1659) (HP 60/4/183A, 2 Jan. 1660). There is also an alchemical letter, probably from Kretschmar, of 1660, in which Hartlib is urged not to pass on the contents to anyone, especially not to Moriaen (HP 31/23/28A-31B; see below, pp. 203-4, for a fuller account). On 21 April 1661 Moriaen's nephew Isaac de Bra (son of Abraham and Moriaen's sister) sent Hartlib a letter of recommendation from his uncle (now lost but mentioned at HP 27/41/1A).

[191] HP 27/44/1A-2B.

[192] Dury to Hartlib, 11 March 1661, HP 4/4/5A-B, with instructions to Dorothy Dury to cash for Hartlib (at a favourable rate) a bill of exchange from Moriaen.

[193] Moriaen to Hartlib, 14 Jan. 1659, HP 39/2/79A.

[194] Kretschmar to Hartlib, 1 August 1659, HP 26/64/3B, and Poleman to Hartlib, 29 August 1659, HP 60/10/1A, both mention the first visit. Poleman also mentioned his arrival two days before 10 Oct. 1659 (to Hartlib, HP 60/10/2B), and departure before 17 October 1659 (HP 60/4/105A).

[195] Kretschmar to Hartlib, 1 Aug. 1659, HP 26/64/3B.

[196] Hartlib to Winthrop, 16 March 1660, HP 7/7/3A. Winthrop, who had met Moriaen during a visit to Europe, had asked after him the previous December (Winthrop to Hartlib, 16 Dec. 1659, HP 32/1/4).

[197] Hartlib to Boyle, 27 April 1658, Boyle, Works VI, 103.

[198] The recommendation itself does not survive, but is mentioned in letters from Moriaen to Hartlib of 16 June 1658, HP 39/2/38A and 25 June 1658, HP 31/18/37B, the latter reporting that Stahl was on his way. On Stahl, see Turnbull, 'Peter Stahl, The First Public Teacher of Chemistry at Oxford', Annals of Science 9 (1953), 265-70. See also Guy Meynell, 'Locke, Boyle and Peter Stahl', Notes and Records of the Royal Society 49 (1995), 185-92, and my entry on Stahl in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Moriaen's recommendation is in a letter to Hartlib of 6/16 June 1658, HP 39/2/38A.

[199] Hartlib to Boyle, late April/early May 1659, Works VI, 122.

[200] Poleman to Hartlib, 19 Sept. 1659, HP 60/4/186A-B.

[201] Faber (1641-78) was an iatrochemist from Lübeck, possibly a younger relation of the now otherwise unknown Otto Faber who according to Eph 53 'is the Man which corresponds with Morian as a true adept. from whom he expects the perfecting of that mystery [the Philosophers' stone]' (HP 28/2/61B). On Albert Otto, see Thorndike VII, 233 and Partington II, 182.

[202] 'ein lb. Ludi veri Paracelsi wie derselbe zu Antwerpen, nach Helmonts Anweisungen gefunden wird, vnd ich ihn von Moriano empfangen habe' - Faber to Hartlib, December 1661, HP 39/2/70A-B. The 'ludus Paracelsi' was one of the near-miraculous cure-alls of the Paracelsist chemical physicians.

[203] HP 31/16A.

[204] Bodleian MS Aubrey 13, fol. 14v. I am hugely indebted to Noel Malcolm for alerting me to the existence of this letter, of which I had been unaware when writing the print edition of this book. I had conjecturally placed Moriaen's death in the first half of 1668 on the basis of circumstantial evidence cited in the following footnote, but it is a great relief to have concrete confirmation.

[205] Haak to Winthrop, 22 June 1670, in R.C. Winthrop (ed.), Correspondence of Hartlib, Haak, Oldenburg and others of the founders of the Royal Society with Governor Winthrop of Connecticut 1661-1672 (Boston, 1878), 45; the published edition gives the obvious mistranscription 'Morlaen'. Among the 'curiosities & rarities' of which Moriaen was 'master', there featured an extremely valuable Arabic manuscript of the mathematician Apollonius Pergæus, which the astute and unscrupulous Orientalist Christian Rave (Ravius) had acquired in the course of his travels. Rave had sent this to Moriaen in 1651 for forwarding to Claude Hardy in Paris (Rave to Moriaen, 12 Nov. 1651, Bodleian MS Lat. misc. c.17, fol. 42), but Hardy never received it, and as late as 1669 Rave was still complaining about the detention of his manuscript by certain unnamed persons. But by then the manuscript was in the hands of Thomas Marshall, later Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford, who had purchased it from the Amsterdam bookseller Ratelband almost certainly in the first half of 1668 and certainly not later than 24 June (Marshall's interest in Apollonius was aroused in December 1667, and he had shown a friend the manuscript by 24 June 1668). Rave was evidently not aware of this - or, it would seem, of Moriaen's death - and perhaps thought Moriaen still had it (see Gerald Toomer, Eastern Wisedome and Learning: the Study of Arabic in seventeenth-century England (Oxford, 1996), 186; I would like to express my warmest thanks to Toomer for sharing this information with me long before he published it). According to John Pell, however, writing to Haak on 17 April 1668, Rave had 'pawned it to Mr Moriaen for some money which He had not repaid when I last saw Mr Moriaen, that was in July 1658' (Bodleian MS Aubrey 13, fol. 94v, cit. Noel Malcolm and Jacqueline Stedall, John Pell (1611-1685) and his Correspondence with Sir Charles Cavendish: the mental world of an early modern mathematician (Oxford, 2005), 176, n. 171). As was mentioned above (p. 48), Moriaen had been fretting about Rave's outstanding debts to him since at least as early as 1648. In any case, the fact that the manuscript materialised in an Amsterdam bookshop in (presumably) the first half of 1668 serves to corroborate Haak's second-hand report that Moriaen's effects had been 'sold, distracted, scattered'.

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Professor Rob Iliffe
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