Catalogue Entry: OTHE00058

Chapter One: Servant of the Church

Author: John T. Young

Source: Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy: Johann Moriaen, Reformed Intelligencer, and the Hartlib Circle (Aldershot: 1998).

[Normalized Text] [Diplomatic Text]

[1] The only indication of his date of birth is his mention in a letter to Benjamin Worsley of 2 July 1651 that he was nearly sixty at the time of writing: 'id unum tantum addam me prope sexagenuarium esse' (HP 9/16/10A).

[2] The most notable examples are Hamburg and - after it had shaken off Spanish dominion at the turn of the century - the Dutch Netherlands. See Joachim Whaley, Religious Toleration and Social Change in Hamburg 1529-1819 (Cambridge, London, New York, New Rochelle and Sidney, 1985).

[3] See Hans Neidiger, 'Die Entstehung der evangelisch-reformierten Gemeinde in Nürnberg als rechtsgeschichtliches Problem', Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg 43 (1952), 225-340. My account of Nürnberg at the time of Moriaen's birth is heavily indebted to Neidiger's fascinating study, which far transcends the bounds of its somewhat dry-sounding self-appointed brief.

[4] Kurt Pilz, 'Nürnberg und die Niederlande', Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg 43 (1952), 1-153, p. 56.

[5] Neidiger, 'Die Entstehung der evangelisch-reformierten Gemeinde in Nürnberg', 258.

[6] Ibid., 258-9.

[7] The names of Moriaen's parents are to be found in the record of his marriage to Odilia von Zeuel, Protokolle der hochdeutsch-reformierten Gemeinde zu Köln 1599-1754 II (Cologne, 1990), 476, no. 947.13.

[8] There are only two signatures to non-Latin holograph letters spelled 'Morian'. Latin letters have to be considered separately, since it was normal to use the Latin form of a name when writing in that language (Hartlib for instance becoming Hartlibius, and Dury Duræus), but even when writing in Latin Moriaen occasionally used the Dutch form. A significant exception to the general preference for the spelling 'Morian' is provided by Dury, who was brought up in the Netherlands: he used both forms, but marginally preferred the Dutch.

[9] Four holograph letters in Dutch (to Justinus van Assche) date from before his move (UBA N65a-d).

[10] Moriaen to Hartlib, 5 April 1640, HP 37/62A, referring to de Bra as 'schwager' (brother-in-law). Though the term could be used more loosely in the seventeenth century than it is now, there also survives a letter to Hartlib of 22 April 1661 from one Isaac de Bra - doubtless Abraham's son - enclosing a (now lost) recommendation 'from my uncle Johann Moriaen' ('meÿnes herrn Ohman Ioh: Moriaen') (HP 27/41/1A).

[11] Neidiger, 'Die Entstehung der evangelisch-reformierten Gemeinde in Köln', 270.

[12] The evidence for this is, again, the existence of a nephew, Jean Abeel, who, writing from Amsterdam on 10 April 1659, sent Hartlib £3 'van mynnen waerden Oom Iohan Morian' ('from my worthy uncle Johann Moriaen') (HP 27/44/2A).

[13] See Ole Peter Grell, Dutch Calvinists in Early Stuart London: The Dutch Church in Austin Friars 1603-1642 (Leiden, New York, Copenhagen and Cologne, 1989), 257, and J.H. Hessels (ed.), Ecclesiæ Londino-Batavæ archivum (London, 1887-97) III, passim. Neither of these can have been the husband, for their marriages are recorded (ibid., 270), but a family connection is altogether likely. There was also another Jan Abeel at Austin Friars at least between 1648 and 1656 (Hessels III, nos. 3013 and 3043).

[14] Moriaen to Hartlib, 22 July 1650, HP 37/156A.

[15] Moriaen to Hartlib, 23 January 1640, HP 37/53A.

[16] G. Toepke, Die Matrikel der Universität Heidelberg von 1386 bis 1662 (Heidelberg, 1886) II, 254, entry 84.

[17] Moriaen to Hartlib, 23 June 1639, HP 37/27B. Georg Vechner matriculated at Heidelberg two months after Moriaen, on 8 July 1611 (Matrikel der Universität Heidelberg II, 254, entry 118).

[18] Howard Hotson, Johann Heinrich Alsted: Encyclopedism, Millennarianism and the Second Reformation in Germany (PhD thesis, Oxford, 1991), 41 and 82. For a fuller account of Keckermann and his impact, see the second chapter of this thesis, pp. 52-90. On Ramus and his impact, see Walter J. Ong, Ramus, Method and the Decay of Dialogue: From the Art of Discourse to the Art of Reason (Cambridge, Mass., 1958).

[19] Ibid., 82-5. See below, 101-112, for a fuller discussion.

[20] See Gerald Lyman Soliday, A Community in Conflict: Frankfurt Society in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries (Hanover, New Hampshire, 1974).

[21] 'Weil die Brüder sich entschlossen den dritten Diener zu berufen, und uns einer mit Namen Johannes Morian vorgeschlagen wird, welcher sich auf die zukünftige Woch wird finden lassen zu (Frankfurt); als sollen die Brüder Wilhelm Engels und Johan Fassing Anordnung tun, daß gemelter Morian in seiner Predigt von den vornehmsten Gliedern der Kirche angehöret werde, damit man abnehmen möge, ob er dieser Gemeinde würde früchtbarlich dienen können' - Protokolle I, 235, no. 750. The Protokolle are a fascinating document, but unfortunately are published in a massively modernised and standardised form with what appear to be somewhat ad hoc editorial policies: it is never made clear what the bracketing of (Frankfurt) indicates, though I would guess it is editorial expansion, perhaps of 'Ffort', a common abbreviation of the name.

[22] Protokolle I, 235, no. 752, 25 April 1619.

[23] 'Vom ersten Schlag, 1566/1568, über berichtete oder nur angedeutete Überfälle auf Predigten […] ist es bis 1627 eine fortwährende Kette von Verhören, Geldstrafen, Haft und Stadtverweisungen, von Hausdurchsuchungen und Hausverschließungen, worunter die Evangelischen zu leiden haben' - Rudolf Löhr, 'Zur Geschichte der vier heimlichen Kölner Gemeinden', Protokolle IV, 11-33, pp. 16-17 (prepared for publication by Dieter Kastner: Löhr died before completing his work). See also A. Rosenkranz, Das Evangelische Rheinland: ein rheinisches Gemeinde- und Pfarrerbuch I (Düsseldorf, 1956), esp. p. 376. Rosenkranz gives the name of the 'third minister' in Cologne from 1619-27 as Johann Moreau, which must be a variant form or a mistranscription of 'Morian'.

[24] Protokolle I, 243, no. 775. On 29 July 1626, the maximum number was further reduced to one (pp. 327-8, no. 1040).

[25] Fama Fraternitatis des löblichen Ordens des Rosenkreutzes (Kassel, 1614) and Confessio Fraternitatis oder Bekanntnuß der löblichen Bruderschafft deß hochgeehrten Rosen Creutzes (1615).

[26] Moriaen to Hartlib, 19 Feb./1 March 1658, HP31/18/7B.

[27] Löhr, 'Zur Geschichte der vier heimlichen Kölner Gemeinden', Protokolle IV, 11-33, 19.

[28] 'in Ansehung gedachte Witwe seine Mutter sei oder zum wenigsten dafür gehalten werde' - Protokolle I, 238-40, nos. 762 and 767 (3 and 31 July 1619).

[29] 'Wir kommen in Erfahrung, daß Johann Mosten bald nach dem Gebrauch des heiligen Abendmahls sich mit dem Trunk überladen und darüber zu Hause gegen seine Hausfrau ungebührlich verhalten, dadurch die Gemeinde Christi geärgert. Soll deswegen bestraft werden von Bruder Jordan und Morian' - Protokolle I, 259, no. 838 (16 June 1621).

[30] Protokolle I, 299, no. 966.

[31] 'daß er seiner gewesenen Magd nachgangen, hab er allein getan, sie zu versuchen, ob sie fromm wäre oder nicht' - Protokolle I, 302, no. 977.

[32] Protokolle I, 309-10, no. 1000 (7 Aug. 1625).

[33] 'Matthias Kuiper ob […] er […] mit hohem Eid und teuren Worten einsteils Besserung angelobet, andern Teils seine Mängel verneinet, so haben danach die Sachen anderes befunden, daß er dem Saufen, Spielen und Leichtfertigkeit unaufhörlich nachhanget' - Protokolle I, 312, no. 1006.

[34] Protokolle I, 327, no. 1037 (8 July 1626).

[35] 'Christian Stoffgen wird berüchtigt, daß er in Gegenwart einer Päpstischer Frauen sich ungebührlich verlauten lassen, daß er von D. Lauterbach unfreundlich tractiert wurde, und dabei gesagt, "so tun unsere Eltesten". Soll darüber von Bruder Johann und Schütgens angesprochen und nach Befindung gestrafet werden' - Protokolle I, 305, no. 988 (6 March 1625).

[36] Protokolle I, 282, no. 919 (5 July 1623).

[37] Protokolle I, 335, no. 1056.

[38] Protokolle I, 242, no. 774 (10 Oct. 1619).

[39] Protokolle I, 118, no. 286.1.

[40] Protokolle I, 122, no. 303 (14 June 1606).

[41] Protokolle I, 118, no. 286.1 (he took over from Jacob Pergens at the end of 1605).

[42] He is mentioned several times in Moriaen's correspondence and seems to have been something of an inventor. Eph 1640 refers to a 'Luterbach Mr Morians cozen' who has designed a folding table; Mersenne in Sept. 1640 told Haak that 'Mr Lauterbach vostre amy' had visited him bringing an unspecified invention of Thomas Harrison (Correspondance de Mersenne XI, 415; HP 18/2/24A), and Comenius told Hartlib on 13 Dec. 1656 that Lauterbach had presented him with a copy of his 'brachygraphia' (shorthand) (Blekastad, Unbekannte Briefe, 31; HP 7/111/27A). Blekastad suggests the Glogau syndic Johann Lauterbach, but with no other evidence than the name.

[43] Protokolle II, 275, no. 898, and 332, nos. 1048-9.

[44] 'zue Cölln einer seii sehr perfect Inn solchen [optischen] Sachen, der hab ainen gesellen Morian genandt' - August von Anhalt to Widemann, 13 Dec. 1626, Niedersächsische Landesbibliothek Hannover, MS iv, 341, 861, cit. Inge Keil, 'Technology transfer and scientific specialization: Johann Wiesel, optician of Augsburg, and the Hartlib circle', SHUR, 268-278, p. 272, n. 18.

[45] As appears from his letter to Hevelius, 9 April 1650, Observatoire de Paris Corr. Hev. AC I, 2, fol. 215v, ref. Keil, 'Technology transfer and scientific specialization', 275.

[46] Moriaen to [Worsley?], 4 May 1657, HP 42/2/7B.

[47] As Inge Keil suggests, 'Technology transfer and scientific specialization', 272.

[48] See below, 166-72, for a detailed discussion of Moriaen's ideas on this notion, and his reports of experiments to demonstrate it.

[49] See NNBW I, 187-8; Journal tenu par Isaac Beeckman, ed. Cornelijs de Waard I (The Hague, 1939), 219, n. 2 and II (1942), 175-6, n. 3; E.G.E. van der Wall, Serrarius, 39-42 and passim.

[50] See J. Minton Batten's hagiographical but soundly researched John Dury, Advocate of Christian Reunion (Chicago, 1944); Karl Brauer, Die Unionstätigkeit John Duries unter dem Protektorat Cromwells (Marburg, 1907); G. Westin, Negotiations about Church Unity 1628-1634 (Uppsala, 1932); George Turnbull, HDC; Anthony Milton, '"The Unchanged Peacemaker"? John Dury and the politics of irenicism in England 1628-43', SHUR, 95-117.

[51] See van der Wall, Serrarius, and 'The Amsterdam Millenarian Petrus Serrarius (1600-1669) and the Anglo-Dutch Circle of Philo-Judaists', Jewish Christian Relations in the Seventeenth Century: Studies and Documents, ed. J. van den Berg and E.G.E. van der Wall (Dordrecht, Boston and London, 1988), 73-94.

[52] Jacob Beeckman to van Assche, 31 March 1624, Journal tenu par Isaac Beeckman IV, 79-80.

[53] Van der Wall, Serrarius, 40-41.

[54] Moriaen to Hartlib, 14 November 1639, HP 37/47B.

[55] Van der Wall, Serrarius, 45-50.

[56] See Starck, Lübeckische Kirchen-Geschichte, 785-811, partially reproduced in Steiner, Morsius, 48-57.

[57] 'denn Er selbsten Iustinus vmb dieser vrsach willen des ministerij entsezet worden vnd annoch von der Communion abgehalten wird' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 14 Nov. 1639, HP 37/47B.

[58] See Pamela R. Barnett, Theodore Haak, FRS (1605-1690): The First German Translator of Paradise Lost (The Hague, 1962). The book is a fund of information on the Hartlib circle and gives a vivid impression of their milieu.

[59] See Webster, Great Instauration, 54, for details.

[60] Barnett, Haak, 13.

[61] 'wegen großer gegenwärtiger Not und schrecklichen Zorn Gottes' - Protokolle I, 312, no. 1006.

[62] 'weil es uns allbereit an Personen mangelt, und je länger, je mehr ermangeln wird' - Protokolle I, 297, no. 960.

[63] Protokolle I, 280, no. 913.

[64] Protokolle I, 328-9, no. 1042.

[65] 'In Betrachtung der großen Gefahr und Not, die an diesem Ort je länger je mehr zunimmt, wollen sich die sämtlichen Brüder mit Anrufung göttlicher Hilf auf die allerheilsamsten und sichersten Mittel eifrig bedenken, wie wir möchten unsern Gottesdienst besten Fleißes verrichten, und gleichwohl Gefahr wohl vermieden bleibe' - Protokolle I, 336, no. 1057.

[66] 'daß gleichwohl er uns seine Gutwilligkeit, solang es Gelegenheit gibt, wolle wiederfahren lassen' - Protokolle I, 334, no. 1055.

[67] 'Über die Gelegenheit Bruder J haben die sämtlichen Brüder aus Betrachtung hochdringender Not einmütiglich dahin geschlossen, daß, ob wir wohl sehr ungern seines Dienstes entbehren wollten, dennoch ihm auf sein Begehren zu willfahren' - Protokolle I, 337, no. 1060.

[68] Grell, Dutch Calvinists, 186-7; Barnett, Haak, 21.

[69] Moriaen to Hartlib, 3 October 1641, HP 37/88B. Turnbull, confusing English and German usage of the perfect tense, takes this to mean the five years up to and including 1641 (HDC, 355), an error followed by Blekastad (Comenius, 328).

[70] Hans Neidiger, 'Die Entstehung der evangelisch-reformierten Gemeinde in Nürnberg' (see n. 3 above), 270.

[71] Ibid., 271-3. My account of the Nürnberg collection is again heavily indebted to Neidiger's excellent article, esp. pp. 269-75.

[72] Ibid., 273.

[73] On de Geer (1587-1652), see NNBW and Blekastad, Comenius, passim.

[74] Moriaen to Hartlib, 3 October 1641, HP 37/88B.

[75] See below, Chapter Four, section five, and Chapter Seven, section two.

[76] Cf. Ole Peter Grell, Dutch Calvinists in Early Stuart London, ch. 5 ('The Collections for the Palatinate'); 176-223, Barnett, Haak, 21-4, and Hessels III, nos. 2141 and 2244. Haak acted as representative in England for the Lower Palatine refugees.

[77] Grell, Dutch Calvinists, 206-7 and 223.

[78] See Richard van Dülmen, 'Schwärmer und Separatisten in Nürnberg (1618-1648)', Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 55 (1973), 107-137, 115. Van Dülmen is overly inclined to take passing mentions in letters as evidence of close and formalised contacts, and consequently gives an impression of more organised and active resistance to orthodoxy than his evidence warrants. The essay is nonetheless a valuable account of unofficial religion in Nürnberg at the period and the (not very effective) measures taken to suppress it.

[79] See van der Wall, Serrarius, 112-14.

[80] HP 9/15/1A-B.

[81] Van Dülmen, 'Schwärmer und Separatisten in Nürnberg', 132-4, esp. n. 96 which quotes extensively from the commission's findings.

[82] Moriaen to Dury, 19 Sept. 1633, HP 9/15/3A: 'Nuptias neptis meæ ex sorore, cum Petro Neefio tibi non ignoto celebravi'.

[83] Van Dülmen, 'Schwärmer und Separatisten in Nürnberg', 115.

[84] Van Dülmen, 'Schwärmer und Separatisten in Nürnberg', 116, n. 50, and 119. On the pietistically inclined J.F. Münster, see van der Wall, Serrarius, 112.

[85] See Ernst Georg Wolters, 'Paul Felgenhauers Leben und Wirken', Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft für Niedersächsische Kirchengeschichte 54 (1956), 63-84, and 55 (1957), 54-94, esp. part 2, 72-3.

[86] Ibid., part 2, p. 69.

[87] UBA N65a (10 March 1634), a letter principally devoted to alchemy, but which concludes 'als ul den monarchen Speigel oock per dominum Serrarium (quem ex me ut salutes rogo) niet tewege brengen can so moet ick dien in de toecomende missie bestellen' ('if you cannot obtain the Monarchenspiegel through Mr Serrarius (to whom please send my regards), I can order it at the next [Frankfurt] Fair'). Van der Wall (p. 100) takes this to mean that Moriaen was trying to obtain the work through van Assche, but the implication could equally be that Moriaen would try to get it for van Assche if Serrarius could not.

[88] See Margaret Lewis Bailey, Milton and Jakob Boehme: A Study of German Mysticism in Seventeenth-Century England (New York, 1964), and Christopher Hill, The World Turned Upside Down: Radical Ideas during the English Revolution (London, 1972).

[89] Ephemerides 1634 (Eph 34), HP 29/2/12A-B.

[90] The principle source on Morsius is Heinrich Schneider, Joachim Morsius und sein Kreis: zur Geistesgeschichte des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts (Lübeck, 1929), which repeats or supersedes everything about him in Rudolf Kayser, 'Joachim Morsius', MCG 6 (1897), 307-19, and Will-Erich Peuckert, Die Rosenkreuzer. Zur Geschichte einer Reformation (Jena, 1928).

[91] Fama Fraternitatis Deß Löblichen Ordens des Rosenkreutzes and Confessio Fraternitatis. Textually, much the best modern edition is provided by Richard van Dülmen in Quellen und Forschungen zur Württembergischen Kirchengeschichte Bd. 6 (Stuttgart, 1973), which unlike all its predecessors makes no attempt to modernise or 'correct' the original text. The introduction and notes, however, are perfunctory and often inaccurate. The colossal impact of the Rosicrucian manifestos, and the complex question of their origins and authorship, have been discussed and debated respectively at daunting length ever since the works were first published, and there is still no scholarly consensus in sight. Many later myths have their origin in Gottfried Arnold's wonderfully vivid but not overly reliable Unpartheyische Kirchen- und Ketzer-Historien (Schaffhausen, 1740-42) vol. II, book 7, ch. 18, and vol. III, book 4, ch. 25. Will-Erich Peuckert's Die Rosenkreuzer. Zur Geschichte einer Reformation (Jena, 1928) is a book rich in useful references and imaginative speculation but very short on reliability: Peuckert has a particularly annoying habit of not distinguishing quotation from narrative, so that what appears to be (modernised) citation of a source sometimes turns out to be his own invention or commentary, and vice versa. Frances Yates, in The Rosicrucian Enlightenment (London, 1975), also tends to let her imagination run away with her, and her thesis that the Rosicrucians were formed as part of the support mechanism for Friedrich V of the Palatinate has subsequently been disproved, but the book contains much of interest, and depicts with singular vividness the extraordinary contemporary reaction to the Fama and Confessio. Probably the soberest account (even if one does not accept the author's conclusion that Andreæ had nothing whatsoever to do with the manifestos) is J.W. Montgomery's chapter on 'Andreæ and the Occult Tradition' in Cross and Crucible: Johann Valentin Andreæ (1586-1654), Phoenix of the Theologians (The Hague, 1973) I, 158-255. See also Paul Arnold, Histoire des Rose-Croix et les origines de la franc'maçonnerie (Paris, 1955); Die Erbe des Christian Rosenkreuz: Vorträge gehalten anläßlich des Amsterdamer Symposiums 18-20 November 1986 (no editor named) (Amsterdam, 1986), especially Adam McLean, 'The Impact of the Rosicrucian Manifestos in Britain' (170-179); Roland Edighoffer, Rose Croix et société idéale selon Jean Valentin Andreæ (Paris, 1995); Susanna Åkerman, Queen Christina of Sweden and her Circle: The Transformation of a seventeenth-century philosophical libertine (Leiden, 1991), especially Chapter Seven, 'Neo-Stoic Pan-Protestants and the Monarchy', and the same author's Rose Cross over the Baltic: the Spread of Rosicrucianism in Northern Europe (Leiden, 1998).

[92] G.F. Guhrauer, Joachim Jungius und sein Zeitalter (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1850), 67; Schneider, Morsius, 30-31.

[93] Schneider, Morsius, 31-2, including a summary of the letter.

[94] The rest of the family were jewellers; Morsius was an itinerant scholar who seems never to have held down any position for long.

[95] The lady in question, of whom no more is known than that her maiden name was Telsen, would perhaps have placed a slightly different emphasis on the quaint assertion of Morsius's biographer that 'it seems a likely conjecture that the woman was unable to come to terms with his restless, fantastical nature, which, in its continual yearning quest for the new, never attained a firm, masculine clarity' ('Die Vermutung liegt nahe, daß die Frau sich nicht in sein unruhiges, phantastisches Wesen zu finden wußte, das immer nach Neuem sehnsüchtig ausschauend nie zu einer festen männlichen Klarheit gelangte') - Schneider, Morsius, 64.

[96] Morsius, COPIA Einer kurtzen eylfertigen/ doch Rechtmässiger Ablehnung vnd Protestation […] in justissimâ causâ Morsiana ('Philadelphia', 1634).

[97] Morsius to Jungius, 26 Aug. 1643, Stadts- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 98.19-22; transcript in Schneider, Morsius, 57-62, following R. Avé-Lallemant, Des Dr. Joachim Jungius Briefwechsel, (Lübeck, 1863). An earlier transcript published by Guhrauer (Jungius, 232-5) contains a great many errors; Avé-Lallemant's is much superior. Quotations here are from the original manuscript.

[98] Guhrauer, Jungius, 69-71; Donald R. Dickson, The Tessera of Antilia: Utopian Brotherhoods and Secret Societies in the Early Seventeenth Century (Leiden, 1998), 91-101.

[99] See Guhrauer, Jungius, 56-67, and Peuckert, Die Rosenkreuzer, 88-9 and 228-30 on the suggestion of Jungius's involvement with Rosicrucianism. Not even Peuckert, who can generally be relied on to find evidence of Rosicrucian mysticism almost anywhere, takes the idea very seriously.

[100] 'tertiam partem Dextræ amoris porrectæ & Imaginis Societatis Evangelicæ, Themidem videlicet auream de legibus illius societatis, vnd leges Antilianas […] oder andre particularia de istâ societate ac socijs' - SUBH 98.19v.

[101] The best and fullest account of Andreæ, which contains an extensive bibliography, is J.W. Montgomery's Cross and Crucible: Johann Valentin Andreæ (1586-1654), Phoenix of the Theologians (The Hague, 1973); see also Andreæ's Selbstbiographie, translated from the Latin manuscript Vita ab ipso conscripta by David Christoph Seybold (Winterthur, 1799). On his relations with Comenius, see Comenius, Opera didactica omnia (Amsterdam, 1657; facsimile reproduction Prague, 1957) I, 283-4, and Ludwig Keller's fanciful extrapolations from this, 'Johann Valentin Andreæ und Comenius', MCG 1 (1893), 229-41.

[102] Turnbull discovered copies of the two tracts in question, which were long supposed lost, among the Hartlib Papers (HP 25/2/1A-B and 6A-20B, and 55/19/1A-15A), and published them with a valuable introduction in Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie (ZfdPh) 73 (1954), 407-32. He followed this with a reprint of Hall's English translation in ZfdPh 74 (1955), 151-85. A printed version of the originals was later discovered in the HAB, Wolfenbüttel, by Roland Edighoffer: see his 'Deux écrits de Johann Valentin Andreæ retrouvés ou le nouveau Neveu de Rameau', Etudes Germaniques (Oct.-Dec. 1975), 466-70.

[103] Turnbull, 'John Hall's letters to Samuel Hartlib', Review of English Studies New Series 4 (1953), 221-33. They were published as A Modell of a Christian Society and The Right Hand of Christian Love Offered, with a dedication to Hartlib, in 1647.

[104] See McLean, 'The Impact of the Rosicrucian Manifestos in Britain' (n. 91 above).

[105] See Frances Yates, The Rosicrucian Enlightenment, 85-7, for a succinct summary.

[106] Not, as Guhrauer reads, 'Andilianos', a mistake taken over, with a surprised '(sic!)', by Turnbull ('Johann Valentin Andreæs Societas Christiana', ZfdPh 73, 410).

[107] For a detailed account of this group, see Donald R. Dickson, The Tessera of Antilia: Utopian Brotherhoods and Secret Societies in the Early Seventeenth Century (Leiden, 1998), 114-37.

[108] Cf. Turnbull, 'Johann Valentin Andreæs Societas Christiana', 409-10. Dickson in The Tessera of Antilia, 121-2 states as a near-certainty that (as Turnbull had much more cautiously speculated) the 'Leges Societatis Christianæ' at HP 55/20/1A-5A are the 'leges Antilianas'. While I would certainly not rule this out, I do not think the evidence is by any means conclusive.

[109] 'habeo alia, & de Rhodostauroticis singularia, si intellexero ex responsorijs vestris, literas meas vobis non ingratas futuras, quæ superioribus addenda erunt' - SUBH 98.21v.

[110] SUBH 98.20v. The twelve alleged recipients are enumerated in detail. They are: Herzog August the Younger of Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel; Prince Moritz of Hessen, the great patron of alchemists; Duke Frederick of Schleswig-Holstein; Prince Ludwig of Anhalt, founder of the literary 'Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft'; Holger Rosenkrantz, the King of Denmark's former privy counsellor; Johann Adler Salvius, a Swedish diplomat; Henricus a Qualen, a Danish noble; Laurens Grammendorf, a leading German lawyer and theologian; Wendelin Sybelist, a spagyrist who had been personal doctor to the Russian Czar; Moriaen; Johann Jakob Pömer, a Nürnberg patrician associated with Antilia, and Georg Brasch, a Lutheran pastor who - ironically enough - represented Lüneburg at the conventicle arranged in 1633 by the churches of Hamburg, Lübeck and Lüneburg to discuss ways of dealing with such enthusiasts as Felgenhauer, Raselius, Tanckmar and Morsius (see Caspar Heinrich Starck, Lübeckische Kirchen-Geschichte, 797-8 and 977-80).

[111] His authorship is strongly contested by J. Kvačala, J.V. Andreäs Antheil an Geheimen Gesellschaften (Jurjew, 1899), which like so much of Kvačala's work stands up as well now as it did a hundred years ago; R. Kienast, Johann Valentin Andreæ und die vier echten Rosenkreutzer-Schriften (Leipzig, 1926), and J.W. Montgomery, Cross and Crucible: Johann Valentin Andreæ, Phoenix of the Theologians (The Hague, 1963). For important supplementary evidence, see Wolf-Dieter Otte, 'Ein Einwand gegen Johann Valentin Andreäs Verfasserschaft der Confessio Fraternitatis R.C.', Wolfenbüttler Beiträge 3 (1978), 97-113. For summaries of the evidence presented on either side and full bibliographies of the issue, see Montgomery, op. cit., who comes out against Andreæ's authorship, Frances Yates, The Rosicrucian Enlightenment (London, 1972), who suspends judgment, Susanna Åkerman, Rose Cross Over the Baltic (Leiden, 1998), who favours the attribution, and Donald R. Dickson, The Tessera of Antilia: Utopian Brotherhoods and Secret Societies in the Early Seventeenth Century (Leiden, 1998), 20-21 and 62-88, who contends that Andreæ was one of a team of co-authors.

[112] In his autobiography, his letters to Herzog August in the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel, his funeral oration on his friend Wilhelm von der Wense who first proposed the scheme (in Amicorum singularium clarissimorum funera, Lüneburg, 1642), and a letter to Comenius of 16 Sept. 1629 (Comenius, Opera didactica omnia (Amsterdam, 1657) I, 284). A letter from Andreæ to August of 27 June 1642, HAB 65.1 Extrav. fols. 21r-23v, includes a list (admittedly obviously incomplete) of the 'Pauci, ad quos Christianj amoris dextera porrecta pervenit' ('the few whom the Right Hand of Christian Love reached': Andreæ's emphasis is very apparent in the original). Though often interpreted as a membership list of the Societas Christiana, this is surely only a punning account of which individuals Andreæ was aware had received copies of the work. It is reproduced in MGP I, 184, but the usually meticulous Kvačala mysteriously transcribes 'Daniel Hizler' as 'Daniel Hikler' and 'Baltas. B. Roggendorffij' as 'Baltas. B. Seckendorffius', errors uncharacteristically taken over by Montgomery (Cross and Crucible I, 176). A few members of the society who do not appear on this list are mentioned in the funeral oration on Wense and the autobiography. See Montgomery, Cross and Crucible I, 176, for details.

[113] The copy is still held in the Herzog August Bibliothek and is the only known copy of the original edition.

[114] August to Andreæ, 26 July 1642, HAB 236.1 Extrav. fol. 30r; August to Hainhofer, 19/29 July 1642, HAB 236.1 Extrav. fol. 12r

[115] Andreæ's letter is dated 27 June 1642: HAB 65.1 Extrav. fol. 23v; transcript in MGP I, 184.

[116] August to Hainhofer, 9 Jan. and 22 May 1630, HAB 149.6 Extrav. fols. 214r and 214v-215r.

[117] Sommer was (according to this same letter) a minister in the Upper Palatinate at some date before 1639, by which time he was in church service in Danzig. Dury had contacted him in 1633 via Haak's uncle Paul Tossanus seeking support for his ecumenical projects (HP 5/53/9A-B).

[118] Moriaen to Hartlib, 23 June 1639, HP 37/28B.

[119] Moriaen to Hartlib, 13 Dec. 1638, HP 37/1B.

[120] 'lieben discursen so der herr mit mir zue Nurmberg gepflogen' - Sommer to Moriaen, as quoted by the latter in a letter to Hartlib, 23 June 1639, HP 37/28A.

[121] Moriaen to Hartlib, 13 Dec. 1638, HP 37/1B.

[122] One of Jacob Andreæ's sons was called Jacob after him, but Moriaen was almost certainly referring to the much more famous preacher.

[123] Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 March 1639, HP 37/14A.

[124] Copies at HP 59/10/53A-60B, 24 Feb. 1633, and 59/10/113A-116B, n.d. Both were signed by Moriaen on 23 April. See HDC, 146, n. 1, and 153.

[125] Published with an English translation in Dury's The Earnest Breathings of Forreign Protestants (London, 1658).

[126] HP 9/15/3A.

[127] De Waard (ed.), Journal tenu par Isaac Beeckman III (The Hague, 1945), 302.

[128] See NNBW II, 736 (which misprints the date as 1663).

[129] Moriaen to Hartlib, 23 Jan. 1640, HP 37/54A.

[130] He may well have been right, but a contemporary account of Drebbel's device also implies some sort of chemical process at work: Drebbel 'extracted a fierie spirit, out of the minerall matter, joininge the same with his proper aire, which encluded in the Axeltree, being hollow, carrieth the wheeles, making a continual rotation or revolution' (Thomas Tymme, Dialogue Philosophicall (London, 1612): summary and extracts in Harris, The Two Netherlanders, 152-5). Harris believes the device to have been powered by variations in temperature and air pressure, though how this could have yielded the regularity claimed for the device it is difficult to see.

[131] Journal tenu par Isaac Beeckman III, 300 (24 Aug. 1633) and 381 (1 July 1634).

[132] 'Il y a quelque temps qu'un honnête homme de Nüremberg, nommé M. Morian, passant par ici [Utrecht], me dit qu'il avait souvent taillé sur le tour des verres sphériques qui s'étaient trouvés fort bons; mais il m'avoua aussi qu'il s'y servait de deux mouvements, appliquant tantôt une partie de son modele contre le milieu du verre, tantôt une autre; ce qui est bon pour les verres sphériques, à cause que toutes les parties d'un globe sont également courbées, mais, comme vous savez mieux que moi, ce n'est pas la même de l'hyperbole, dont les côtés sont fort différents du milieu' - 8 Dec. 1635, Correspondence of Descartes and Constantin Huygens, ed. Leon Roth (Oxford, 1926), 9. I am puzzled by Descartes' use of the word 'modele' here but assume from the sense that it must refer to the instrument Moriaen used to grind his lenses.

[133] 'Ich will ihn [Pell] woll versichern das viel zeit vnd muhe nur vergeblich zuebringen […] wird[.] was Er suchet ist noch vngewiß vnd darzue nur ein particular stuckh. […] Auß diesem fundament der parabolæ ist es meines erachtens nicht zue practiziern. auff dem pappier kan mans woll demonstrirn aber der artifex kans nicht pstirn, wie sie mit der that woll finden werden. […] Ich hab in diesen sachen auch etwas gethan vnd verstehe die handarbeit so weit sie dieser zeit vblich vnd bekand ist H des Cartes hatt mich berait vor 5 Iahren sehr eÿferig ersucht das Ich ihme die handt bieten vnd sein furhaben ins werckh richten wolte, Ich sehe aber darzue keine müglichkeit, wie sie auch bißher im werckh selber erfahren haben' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 14 November 1639, HP 37/47A. This report of a meeting 'five years ago' ties in plausibly enough with Descartes' 'some time' before December 1635.

[134] The response to Descartes in the Hartlib circle was by no means uniformly negative, and his mathematical gifts in particular were generally recognised and admired. But the approach I have outlined was the prevalent one, the more so as time went on. Comenius in particular, after some initial interest, became increasingly hostile to Descartes, whose approach he thought likely to lead to atheism. He wrote a refutation of Descartes and Copernicus which was destroyed in the siege of Leszno (Comenius, 549) and a satirical pamphlet Cartesius cum sua naturali philosophia a mechanicis eversus (Descartes and his natural philosophy overthrown by craftsmen) (1659: Comenius, 593, and see also pp. 640-41).

[135] Protokolle II, 476, no. 947.13.

[136] HP 9/15/3A-B. The date is given, bewilderingly, as 'Ao 1633 Ad 16 19 9b; both '1633' and '16' have been altered, and '19' could debatably be read as '29'. Dury has noted on the back 'Scripsit 19. 9bris (written 19 November)'.

[137] HP 9/15/3A: 'Noribergâ solvi civitatis Iure me frustravi aut liberavi potius'.

[138] 'so hebbe ene tyt lang met t'Bezoardicum maeken besig geweest, en hebbe voor enige daegen aen Monsieur de Bra ontrent 14lb daerof gesonden, om niet alleen de vrienden maer oock andere daermede te [illeg.] […] dat oock een wat profyt van mynen arbeyt quaem dat soude mij incourageren om de Naturæ wonders t'[illeg.]' - Moriaen to van Assche, 6 September 1636, UBA N65c.

[139] For instance Appelius to Hartlib, 12 June 1644, mentioning 'H Morian, vnd andere Medici' ('Herr Moriaen and other physicians') (HP 55/1/8A), Rand to Hartlib, 10 Jan. 1653, HP 62/17/4A, and Hübner[?] to ?, 30 July 1655, HP 63/14/31B.

[140] Moriaen to van Assche, 17 January 1637, UBA N65d.

[141] Moriaen to Worsley, 9 June 1651, HP 9/16/7A. A fuller account of Moriaen's alchemical project and von Zeuel's putative involvement is given below, pp. 226-32

[142] 'haben wir so woll in vnseren gemeinen als meinen priuatsachen so viel zue thun gefunden das Ich auff nichts anderß gedenkhen können' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 2 August 1640, HP 37/66A.

[143] Moriaen's letter of that date to van Assche, UBA N65b.

[144] 'ich mit meiner haußfr. dz mehrertheil an landgutern bekommen habe' - Moriaen to ?, 21 July 1639, HP 37/35A.

[145] Moriaen to Hartlib, 2 August 1640, HP 37/66B.

[146] Moriaen to ?, 21 July 1639, HP 37/35A.

[147] Moriaen to van Assche, 17 Jan. 1637, UBA N65d: 'maeken wy rekenninge tegen t'beginsel of 12 Mey te geliggen God geue tot syns naems eer genadige uytcoomste'.

[148] Ibid.: 'het heeft God belieft myn beminde huysvrouw met de hote van lyfsvrücht te segenen'.

[149] Moriaen to van Assche, 24 Nov. 1635, UBA N65b, with the news that 'het onsen God ook belieft heeft onsen Broeder Adam van Zeuel uyt dese werelt te nehmen ende onsen noch resterenden Broeder Pet. v Z. met de beginseln van malo Eupochondriaco te gesoeken daeraen hy nu over 3 weken te bedde ligt'.

[150] Moriaen to van Assche, 17 Jan. 1637, UBA N65d: 'so lang Monsr: van Zeu: niet getrouwt is so haeken hem niet te verlaeten'.

[151] Protokolle II, 511, no. 989.9. There were no fewer than five witnesses: Abraham de Bra's wife (so Moriaen's sister if this is not a different Abraham de Bra), standing in for Elisabeth de Famars, Maria Mitz, Magdalena Bergens (i.e. Pergens), Maria Hildebier (standing in for the Lauterbachs), and Odilia's brother Peter.

[152] Protokolle II, 480, no. 952.2.

[153] Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 March 1639, HP 37/13B. This was probably John Pell's manuscript 'meditationes de causâ diminutionis magneticæ', a copy of which he sent to Mersenne on 24 Jan. 1640, mentioning that he had earlier sent the original to Hartlib (Correspondance de Mersenne IX, 59). Moriaen did not say in so many words that he had had the piece from Hartlib, but this is the obvious implication.

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