<1r>

Bagdadi

447 Togro'l Beg 1055
455 Olub-Arslan \nepos/ 1063
4{illeg}|65| Malecsahus fil 10{02}|73|
485 \Mahmud fil/ 1092
487 Barkiaruc frat 1094
498 Muhammed frat 1105
511 Mahmud frat iterū 1117
525 David fil 1131
530 Masud
547 Melechsahus
547 Mohammed
554 Soliman sha 1159
or 1160


Miyapharekin

Il Gazi ebn Ortoc
516 Solyman fil. 1122
Tamartash
547 Nojmoddin 1152
|578| |vel * *|
581 Saladin 1185
Al Adel fil
615 Al Modhaffer |fil| 1218
Al Ashraf fil occisus ab Hulacu anno 658

Mall|u|selæ

Iagarmish
500 Zengius |fil| 1107
502 Maudud |fil. {Tatash}| 1109
515 Oksenkar |(Assangur)| 1121
520 Ezzoddinus fil 1126
521 Zengius (Saugain) frat. 1127
540 Nuraddin Gazi |fil.| 1145
544 Kotboddin frat 1149
565 Gazi fil 1170
576 Ezzoddin frat. 1180
589 Nuraddin fil 1193
607 Ezzodin fil. 1211
615 Nuroddin fil 1218
615 Naseroddin frat 1218
631 Badroddin Luluus 1234
64|5|{illeg}7 Al Malec Al Saleh fil una cum fratribus qui anno 659 & 660 a Tartaris afferentur \evertuntur/ AC: 1262|1| & 1262

Mardini



Ortoc
Ilg|G|azi fil
516 Tamartash fil 1122
547 Nojmoddin fil 1152
Ilg|G|azi fil
Kotboddin fil
580 Hosamoddin fil 1184
\puer in vivis an 594 (1198)/ 595 Kotboddin frat puer 1200 circiter
599
618
Pater Modhafferi anonymus
658 Modhaffer 1260

Alapiæ

468 Aksis 1075
4{6}|7|2 Tagjuddaulas (Ta{b}|l|ash) /filius Olub Arslami\ 1079
488 Raduan 1095
Tagjuddaulas 1113
Bulgarus 1117
515 Solyman 1121
517 Balac 1123
518 Oksenkar (Assangur) 1124
520 Anonymus quidam fil 1126
522 Zengius (Sanguin) frat 1128
540 Noroddin fil 1145
569 Malechsal{illeg}|ah| fil 1174
Omadoddin Zengius
7|5|79 Salahoddin
589 Al malec Al |D|haher Gazi fil Saladin cum fratre Damasceno 1193
613|2| Al Aziz fil 1216
634 Malec-Naser Saladin fil, regum Iijubidarum ultimus quem interfecit Hulacu.
[Editorial Note 1]

For these were ye Princes of ye East whose way was prepared by ye dissolution of ye Euphratean Sultanies. And of these there are recconned by historians 7 eminent ones a little before they united under Ottoman.

<1v>

Now in this History we have first ye desolation of Bagdad, but that being not a Turkish Sultany &c – conclusion thereof: & so there will remain

[for if Da (accounting Damascus ye head of Syria as it was \unquestionably/ in ye begning {sic} of yt sultany & many ages before) their position, is yt ex so nearely as I can gather it \out/ of \Ptolomy &/ ye Nubian Geography, is this.

2 Decac \at Damascus (1095)/ wth his brother Roduan at Aleppo. 3 Togtacinus Atabec (or \{illeg} {Doldaqin} called also Doldequin/ Abacuc) 1104 4 Tegel-melud, 5 Majiroddin \Atec/ ebn Mohammed ebn Buri ebn Togtacin Atabec. 6 Nor{a}|o|din 1154. 7 Saladin Malechsala fil 1174. 8 Saladin 1175.

After the death of Tajuddaulas this Sultany became divided between his sons Roduan2 & Decac1 ye first residing at Damascus ye other at Alep{a}|p|o And in {illeg} this divided state it continued about 32 years ye successors of Roduan being {1} Tajuddaulas fil 1113. 2 Bulgar 1117. 3 Solyman 1122. \&/ 4 Balac 1124|3|. Afterwards \The next/ |year| {illeg}|AC| 1124 Aleppo became subject to Oksenkar ye sultan of Mausela & {illeg} after him to his son Zengius until ye year 1145 After whose death & then he di|y|ing his son Nuroddin inherited {Mau} Aleppo wth wthout Mausela & after {4}|9| years reunited it & Damascus under himself. And from yt time Damascus &c

[4 Buri fil. 5 Muhammed fil (perhaps (perhaps ye same wth (Shekaboddin, & /or\ Tegel-melud) 6 Majiroddin fil. 7 Nurrodin{illeg} who began AC 1154 at Aleppo A.C 1144|5| & at Damascus AC 1154.

about 6 or 7 days journey westward {illeg} from Bagdad, not far \above one or two days journey/ from one of ye streams of Eufrates. Its sultans

{4}|{3}| {illeg} These|y||se| \nations were seated {sic}/ were seated in a 4square position. {For} This is hinted by ye 4 horns of ye g. Altar from whence ye voice concerning ym came. For ye horns by this voice coming from ym are made a type of ye 4 Angels, & I see not wherein they should be intended to typify them unless in \by expressing/ their position. \& consequently of their position/ For the \For {sic} they can typify them in nothing but their position & number &/ it would be a superfluous circumstance were it only to express their number since yt is otherwise sufficiently defined.

Especially since they had a square position one to another \– & yt in a square position one to another, &c –/

Their position was not indeed exactly square. But as Daniel expressed yt ye successors of Alexander \ye great/ should be divided toward ye 4 winds of heaven Dan 11.2 & yet they lay not exactly east west north & south from their common center but only something nearly approached to yt posture: so here it may suffice if ye posture of ye Angels 4 Turkish nations pretty nearly resemble a square: wch \And/ they do whether you consider their ditions in general or their metropol head cities if

<2r>

The first yt considerably \notably/ advanced | promoted ye Turkish affairs \state/ was Togru'lbec |(called also Togra, Taugrolipix, Dogrissa, & Sadoc)| who having conquered Chorasan & Persia made himself master of Bagdad & & advancing still more westward took Bagdad \added Bagdad to his Empire AC 1055/ AC 1055 & made that ye seat of his empire \& made that the seat thereof/. And his successor Olub'Arslan ({otherwise or} \called also/ As{s}i|a|n, a|A|ccian, Olba\r/salan Alpasalem \&/ Aspasalem) who began his regin {sic} A.C. 1063, added \to his Empire/ |also| Mesopotamia {illeg} this Empire \a good part of/ wch he took from ye Romans \Greeks/ captivating at ye same time their Emperor Diogenes Romanus. The third Sultan Malec\h/sah (or Melecla) who began his reign A.C. 1071 \first/ sent A\k/sis to invade Mesopotamia, Syria \who took Aleppo Damascus/ AC 1075 & then Cutlumuses into Natolia \to invade/ ye lesser Asia AC 108|7|9, [the first of wch s|m|ade | took Aleppo & ye last Cæsarea & Iconium the seat of their dominions{illeg} wch their successors asserted to thems] & after ye death of this Sultan \wch happened AC 1092/ ye Empire became |was| rent into many \pieces/ f|p|arts {sic} by civil dissentions, the subordinate Sultans (of ye principal cities) claiming \asserting/ absolute dominion over {all} ye territories wch {were} committed to their government: when \before they held under ye Bagdad ye Sultan of Bagdad./ whence sprang ye following senary | dynasties

1 The remainder of ye Sultany of Bagdad, whose Sultans were Barchiaruc, (or Belchiaroc,)|)| Muhammed, Mahmud, David, Masud, Melechsa, Muhammed, |&| Solyman shah: the last of ye who ceased \in whom ye race of the Saghucides ad|t| Bagdad ended/ about ye year 1160 or soon after, {&} ye Chalifa recove & from thence forward ye unti|o|l ye taking of Bagdad by ye Tartars, the Chalifa recoved|r|d \& maintained/ supreme temporal power at {illeg} \wth/in this Sultany, wch had be{i}|e|n intermitted for about 224 years. |In this sultany besides ye regions about Bagdad was comprehended Persia.|

2 The Sultany of Mausela or Mosul, in \a City of/ Mesopotamia seated upon Tigris \about 100 miles/ north{wardst} \west/ of Bagdad \& 60 miles from a branch of Euphrates/; whose Sultans were |1| Iagarmish, \2/ Zengius fil who began \his reign/ AC 1107, |3| Maudud 1109, |4| Oksenkar (or Assangur) 1121, \5/ Ezzoddin fil. 1126, \6/ Zengius (or Sanguin) frat {illeg} 1127, \7/ Gaza|i| fil 1145, \8/ Cotboddin frat 1149 \9/ Gazi fil 1170, \10/ Ezzoddin frat 1180, \11/ Nuroddin fil 1193, \12/ Ezzoddin fil {illeg}1211 \13/ Nuroddin fil {illeg}1218, \14/ Naseroddin frat 1218, \15/ Badroddin 1234, \16/ Saleh fil 1259 una cum fratribus \wth his brothers/ 1259 qui post duos vel tres annos a Tart whose Territo {sic} wthin \after/ two or thhre {sic} years were {seized} \taken from them/ by ye Tartars. To this Sultany belonged a good part of Assyria together with ye southern regions of Mesopotamia between extending from Tigris to Euphrates, together wth a good part of Assyria, lying on ye other side of Tigris.

3 The Sultany of Maredin (or M{a}|i|rdein \or Marde)/ a city of Mesopotamia seated also upon {sic} Euphr \not far from/ Tigris \northwest of Mausela{sic}/. Its Sultans were \1/ Ortoc \who was contemporary to Olub Ars3|l|an & Melecsah & Barki{aru}{c}/; |2| Gazi fil; |3| Tamartash fil, who began his reign 1122; 4 Nojmoddin fil |who began| 1152; 5 Gazi fil; 6 Cotboddin fil; 7 Hosamoddin fil. 8 Kotboddin frat. 9 Pater M{a}|o|dhafferi anonymus; |10| Modhaffer {sultanorum} |qui cepit – –|

<2v>

4 The Sultany of Miepharekin (called also Magarkin & Martyropolis) a city {illeg} of Armenia major seated upon ye border of Mesopotamia \(about 40 miles northward of {Armenia} & /{illeg} at a {little} distance beyond {Tigris}\/ {illeg} upon ye river Nymphius not far from wch flows into Tigris |about 120 miles beyond Euphrates & \at/ some little distance {fro} beyond Tigris but {illeg} \scarce above/ half that distance from one of its arms|. This sultany was for ye most part a Province of ye Sultany of Maredin until Saladin invaded it & afte about ye year 1185 {a w} after whose death succeeded Adel fil, Modhaffer fil, \&/ Ashraf fil; {al}



5 \4/ The Sultany of Syria \usually \usually// seated at Alepo whose \& Damascus \Damascus./ Its/ Sultans were |1| Aksis, |who {began} \took | conquered/ Damascus \& ye most of Syria/ A C 1075| |2| Tagjuddaulas Talash \who took Aleppo A. C. 1079/, 3 Roduan, 4 Tagjuddaulas     5 Bulgar     6 Solyman 7 Balac |8| Oksenkar (or Assangur) |9| Anonimus \quidam fil/ |10| Zeng{ais}|ius| (or Sanguin) \frat/, |11| Nurrodin \fil/, |12| Sah{a}|e|h \fil/, {Sa} |13| Saladin, |14| Dhaker fil, |15| Aziz fil, |16| Naser fil qui cepit who began his reign AC 1237 & reigned till ye invasion of ye Tartars. Vnder this Sultany \besides Syria/ was sometimes (& particularly at ye time of ye Tartarian invasion) a part of Mesopotamia comprehending Edessa & Harran \or Carrhæ/. Between \{sic}/ \After/ ye reign of Tagjuddaulas wch ended AC 1095 & ye reign of Noradin wch began \AC/ 1144 Syria was divided into two Sultanies ye one seated at Alepo ye other at Damascus {until} |But| < insertion from f 3r > Na|u|rod|d|in AC 1154 united ym again & from yt time {Dam} ye Sultany \regions/ of Damasc was|ere| almost continually subject either to \ye Sultans of/ Alepo or Egypt or divided between them.

< text from f 2v resumes >

6|5| The Sultany of Asia seated at Iconium whose Sultans were Cutlumuses, Solyman \fil/, Tanisman (or Kelui Arslan) \fil/ Masut \fil wth his Brothers./, Clisastlan |fil|, Kai Cosroes |fil| wth his brothers Aladin, Ez{o}|z|odin (Azatin) fil, Aladin frat. Iathatin fil|r|at Ezzodin fil cum fratre \wth his brother/ Rocnoddin (Masut & Kei cubades). Aladin |{f}| Salghucidarū ultimus.

7 The Sultany of Egypt wch began in Saracon \was seized by ye Turks/ A.C. 1168 & ended in A.C. Moadd|h|am 1250 was Translated from ye|m| {illeg} to ye Mamalukes.

Besides these there was ye Sultany of Damascus whose sultans were Tagjuddaulas (or Talash) who began A.C Decac, Atabec (or Atabacus) Tegel-melud, & Meje|i|roddin the first of wch began in ye ye AC 1079 & ye last ended AC 1154, Damascus being then taken by Noradin ye Sultan of Aleppo & from ye|t| time almost constantly subject \either/ to Aleppo or Egypt or divided between those two Sultanies.

Besides these, (& ye sultanies of Egypt & Corasan \wch/ I reccon not here by reason of their distance frō Euphrates) there were sometimes other sultanies |split o{illeg}ut of these;| but \those were but/ of small extent, bearing perhaps yt proportion to ye sultanies already named \these/ ye|wch| ye European Dukedomes & Principalities t|d|o to Kingdoms; & \&/ if any of ym were at any time greater yet they were but of short continuance, & extinct before ye incursion of ye Tartars, & therefore they deserve not to be here taken {notis} of \remembred/ unles wth reference to those \aforenamed/ cardinal Sultanies out < insertion from f 3r > of wch they were derived, & into wch they returned again.

< text from f 2v resumes > <3r>

This was ye Whilst ye During this state of ye Turks, ye Empire of ye Ta{illeg}tars (or Tartars) was founded in Ta{illeg}taria under Zingiz Chan A.C. 1203. whereby {illeg} was subdued; who soon after subdued Corasan \by whom \amongst other eastern & northern regions/ Corasan was {subdued}/ {&} & not Afterwars {sic} ye Kingdom of Armenia was much afflicted by these |his successors| & ye sultany of Iconium subju conquered \subjugated/ A.C. 1243 B|b|ut not overthrown And at length Mangca Caan ye 4th Emperor of ye Tartars being converted to Christianity by means of ye {sic} King Ayton King of Arnenia {sic} sent his brother Hulacu (or Haolon) wth a great army to \invade ye Turks &/ root out ye {sic} S{illeg} Mahome their religion. Hulacu therefore advancing from ye East after he had stayed sometime in Persia \& subde {sic} part thereof \subjected it// came{illeg} to Bagdad Ian 22 1258 & in a day & a night having compassed Bagdad \ye city/ wth a wall & a ditch & placed their engins of B\attery/ they begain to batter it Ian 29 & took it on ye |10th| Feb 10 following. & for 7 days together continued &|to| spoile |it| & to kill &|or| captivi|a|te ye inha{p}|b|itants, at ye end of wch time ye Califa was also put to death, & so ye Califate abolished.

The same yeare Ashraph sultan of Miepharekin went to Naser Sultan of Aleppo \Syria/ desiring aid that they \together/ might hinder ye Tatars from entring Syria, but Naser slighting his advice, he returns in anger to Miepharekin & ejects ye Tattarian Lords Prefects, {&} crucifying also a certain Priest who{illeg} by appointment of ye gt Chan came to him wth commands & edicts. But ye Tattars immediately {encompas} ye \follow &/ beseige him & in ye space of a day & a night compass ye city wth a wall & a \deep/ ditch, & begin to make battery \assault/, but after some sharp conflicts \on both sides/ finding they could not take it by force, they determin to hold it beseiged so yt none should go in or out.

The next year \AC 1259/ Hulacu cites ye Sultan|s| of Alepo to \Syria/ Alepo \Syria & Asia/ to come to him & submit |t|hi|e|mself|ves| wch he refusing \Ezzoddin/ ye Sultan of Asia wth his Brother \Ruch|n|oddin/ did, ye|but| ye Sultan of Syria refused: wherefore the \he sent back ye/ Asian sultans were sent back honourably & established |ym| in their dominions but determined to inva invaded Syria AC 1260 wth {sic} army of |four hundred| 490000 thousand taking first C|H|arran & Roan wth ye adjacen{t} regions on ye East of Euphrates \wch belonged to {Asia} \this/ sultany/, & then passing \having passed/ ye River whis {sic} {illeg} his Captains {tok} \invade/ ye \other {or}/ Cities {round about} \of Syria belonging to this Sultany/ (among|st| wt|c|h was Damascus{sic} \Emessa Hama & Moarra &c)/ he himself beseiged Alepo & took it wthin a few days, a greater number of people being slain there then at Bagdad. Naser himself \the Sultan thereof/ was fled before ye siege, but soon after taken & slain wth his whole family.

Not long after in ye same year \Halacu/ being about to return into ye eastern regions <3v> ye other army came to him from ye siege of Miepharekin &|b|ringing wth them ye|A|shraf|p|h ye Sultan thereof & relating how they had slain all yt were in ye city, there being but few left {illeg} left that of them that that survi whom ye famin had not destroyed before.

About ye same time Hulacu so soon as he came neare Maredin cited ye Sultan thereof, but wh{e}|o| refusing to appear before him, ye Tatars beseige ye|t| city \also/, but ye Sultan dying suddenly, his son Modhaffer presently yeilds ye City to Hulacu whereupon Hulacu treated him honourably & restored ye City to him wth ye rest of his fathers dominions. |Yet about 30 years after this Sultany as well as ye rest was utterly \utterly/ dissolved.|

The next year AC 1261 the Saleh ye Sultan of Mausela \wth his brother/ combining wth ye Egyptians against ye Tartars, was invaded also by ym under ye leading of Samdago one of Hulacu's captains, & his imperial city Mausela beseiged |&| taked|n| & \the soldiers continuing/ for{illeg} 8 days together |to| spoiled, ye inhabitants killed or mad{e} captives. {He} spoile3 captive2 & kill1 the city. |And amongst ye rest Saleh was taken & commanded to be slain by Hulacu|

Thus were ye Turkish sultanies \about Euphrates/, as it were at a watch word given conquered & in their stead a new Tatarian Empire founded in Hulacu wch for sometime last continued in his posterity.

At \Vntil/ this time the Sultany of Iconium comprehended only Greeks \had constantly/ posessed Asia minor, \strictly so called,/ Paphlagonia Mysia Bithinia, Phrygia magna, Phrygia Pacatiana, Caria, & part of Cilicia; & ye rest of Natolia \ye Asian provinces/ to Eufrates (namely Lycaonia (wch ye Turks had newly taken from ye Greek{illeg} \Lycaonia/ Galatia, Pamphilia, Armenia, Helenopontus, Pisidia, \&/ Lycia) Syria {came} together wth Lycaonia wch ye Turks had newly taken from ye Greeks, was subject \belonged/ to ye I|S|ultany of Iconium. But now the {Eastern} Turks being expelled |of| Mesopotania {sic} & Syria bing molested by ye Tartars & force flocked into Asia to seek new seats \shelter them selves/ under ye wings of ye Iconian sultan {&} & f endeavour to obtain new seats {by} \their severall Princes/ maki|e|ng wars upon ye Grecians. {Atin} Mantachia subdued |ye city| Ephesus & ye Province Caria, Atin {now} conquered Lydia as far as Smyrna Sarohanall Magnesia to Pergamus together wth ye whole Province of ye Magedi. Carmian all Phrygia. Carases ye other Phri|y|gia between Hellespon & ye City Asso & Othoman all Bythinia wth part of Paphligonia.

In ye meane time ye Iconian Sultany became much afflicted & weakened by ye Tartars pressing upon them & taking from ye regions next Eufrates insomuch that at ye death of Aladin it was utterly abolished dissolved. And about ye same time \then/ or soon after \namely in ye year 1299/ Ottoman being grown more powerful then ye rest of ye Turkish Princes took upon him ye title of Sultan & by degrees \became ye universall Monarch of the Turks, th {sic}/ rest of ye Turkish Princes uniting under him; whereby being {now} rendered more powerfull they prevailed still more upon ye Greeks & at length \wthin a while/ invaded Europe & ceased not to propagate <4r> their victories till at long at length they swallowed up \overthrew/ ye Contstantinopolitan Empire & on its ruins erected yt great Empire wch we see at present.

Now in this history if we should reccon \co {sic}/ ye loosing of ye angels \losed/ by \to be/ ye imperi \regal/ cities \actually/ wch were together \together/ overthrown \by H/, they would be {illeg} Bagdad, Miepharekin; Aleppo, & Mausela. But since Bagdad being not a Turkish sultany like ye rest but in ye hands of ye Chalifa{illeg} who was of ye nation of line of ye Abasides of ye Saracen nation, {&} {&} of ye line |had been always of ye Saracen nation & for almost ye last 500 years of \one &/ ye same family| of ye Abasides it is more proper to ye|r|efer ye destruction of this city to ye former Trumpet as bein the conclusion thereof, & so \ye/ to interpret ye next actions wth wch yt|t|his \ye following dissolution of ye Turkish sultanies wth wch this/ Trumpet begins will be \fall in wth/ ye solution \loosing/ of ye Angels. And \in these/ if we consider yt M|i|{a}|e||pha|red|k|in{illeg} was but lately rent from yt ye Sultany of Maredin, & guirded on th|on|e hand by ye Kingdom of Armenia & one ye other by ye Sultany of Maredin whose \their/ seats Maredin & Miepharekin{illeg} being not above 60 or 90 Italian miles distant, & also {yt} & \& also yt {Miep|aer|edin} was seated \{also}/ {beyon {sic}} Tigris/ this Sultany of {sic} Maredin was neither of equall standing nor extent \wth ye rest {and} so/ nor so properly seated upon bound in Euphrates as ye rest

it will be more proper \reasonable/ to reccon refer this sultany to that of Maredin as a branch thereof:] & so there will remain these four great Turkish nations, ye South-Mesopotamian ye North Mesopotamian wth \including/ {illeg}|pt| of Arnemia {sic}, ye Syrian & ye Asian, < insertion from f 1v > wth wch at this time comprehe the turkish domions {sic} were bounded, & all wch | were ye full extent of ye turkish dominions & {}|all wch| wth in ye < text from f 4r resumes > |compas of next after| all wch were \30 or 40 years after ye desolation of Baby ye Chalifate that is/ in ye begining {sic} of this Trumpet \were/ overrun {illeg} & by ye Tartas lossed \by ye Tartars/ from their Eufratean seats & forced upon ye Christians to make war upon ym & erect that great Empire wch rules as|t| present & is ye {illeg} \great/ plague of ye Christians \Apostate{illeg} Christendom/ threatned \in/ {illeg} this Trumpet.

The greatest objection against this interpretation is yt Miepharekin was at this time a distinct Sultany & so there should have been rather 5 then 4 Angels. But if we consider that this Sultany was neither of equal standing nor extent wth ye rest being but lately rent from ye sultany of Maredin & guirded on ye one hand by ye kingdom of Arm. & on ye other by ye Sultany of Maredin their \whose/ seats M. & M. being \were/ not above 6 or 90 Italian miles distant; & also that m{are}|iep|harekin was seated beyond Tigris & so not so properly \truly/ bound in Euphr as ye rest: it will be more proper \naturall/ to refer this (I|a|s I signified above) to ye Sultany of Maredin as a branch thereof |reconning them still|both| to make but one gt nation or Angel as formerly,|{sic} then to then to fellow it wth ye originall Sultanies. A case not unlike this we have in ye third of Daniels universal Empires represented by ye Leopard who had 4 heads to signify its division into four kingdoms at ye death of Alexander. And yet it was divided into more yn 4 Kingdoms [For besides ye A|E|gyptian, Syrian, Asian, & Macedonian Kingdō there was \(to mention no others)/ ye {formerly} Thracian wch lasted {above} \continued distinct about/ 4|3|6 years, & yet not recconned among <4v> ye other four becaus \becaus that being \but but this/ becaus/ none of ye princip{illeg}|a|ll heads suc kingdoms such as might properly be represented by ye heads of ye beast, it was not recconned among ye other 4 but \rather {I suppose}/ referred to ye Kingdom of Macedon becaus {at} length united to that. And If this be \to wch it was at length united./ /as I suppose because \it was/ at length united to yt\ compared \this/ wth ye prsent case of ye Turks, |&| I think it will make ye interpretation clear.

< insertion from higher up f 4v >

Mausilæ, Senjari, & AlIaziræ. Hama, Hemesa, Moarra, Harran, Roan, Saruji.

657 filij ejus \Badroddinus/

< text from f 4v resumes >

Besides what has been hitherto explained of ye 4 Angels there seems to be a further mystery \{illeg}/ couched in yt|th|is circumstance yt ye voice \concerning ym/ came from ye 4 horns of golden Altar, And this I a further mystery, namly|ely| ye position of ye 4 Angels or Turkish nations one among another. For by the 4 Horns \the horns/ by ye voy|ic|e coming from ym are made a representative \type/ of ye 4 Angels, {illeg} & I see not whe{illeg}rin they {are} \should be intended to/ typify them unles by d|e|xpressing their \number &/ position. If it |For it would be a superfluous circumstance| were |it| only to expres their number that would be {sic} superfluous circumstance {&} The \since that number is otherwise \sufficietly {sic}/ defined in express words./ Hence therefore I collect yt ye 4 Turkish nations were to be in square position. And so it was thus it happened. For. In ye mean while Naser, hearin who wth his court resided at Damascus, hearing of ye progress of ye Tartars, fled wth his wives & children family into the Desert Carac & Shaubac |[|but was after a while taken & slain,|]| & ye nobles of Damascus so soon as ye Tartars approached ye city delivered it to them \&/, |&| after wch \a while/ Naser {was} wth his family was taken & slain.

N|M|oreover whereas I interpret ye loosing of ye Angels to be ye dissolution of these Euphratean Sultanies, this interpretation is confirmed not only by ye opposition wch loosing has to their being bound in Euphrates, but also by ye 6t Vial wch is coincident wth this Trumpet & begins {illeg} this: The & in ye beginning of wch ye waters of Euphrates was dry|i|ed up yt ye way of ye Kings of ye East might be prepared. By |ye| waters of the|is| river we are to understand ye people situate upon it by Def     \that is ye Turkish sultanies/ & by ye drying up of those wates {sic} ye wasting \consumption/ of ye power & dominion \st{ren}g/ of yt people by Def.     wch

Analogous to this|e| losing of these angels is ye drying up ye waters of Euphrates in ye 6t Vial. For these two actions are contemporary \must correspond wth one another/ because \they are/ ye beginning of this {via} Trumpet & Viall wch are contemporary. Now by ye waters of – Def suppose \that is/ ye dissolution of those sultanies by ye Tartars. And consequently by ye {illeg}|K|ings \or Princes/ \of ye East/ whose way from ye East was prepared by ye drying up of Eufrates, \we must understand/ the {lea} Chief leaders of ye great Army of Horsmen wch upon ye loosing of ye 4 angels came from Eufrates to execute ye plague of this Trumpet that is ye Turkish Princes under whose conduct ye Turks fled from ye Tartars into Asia & \& began/ to invade ye {nations}|Christians|

<5r>

But you'l say perhaps this was a prediction of ye father of his & so not to be credited it's rashness & uncharitableness to charge \accuse/ ye Christian world upon such grounds as these.

Thus you {see} \have/ ye consent of Prophesies both sacred & prophane to assigne \to this nick of time/ {yt} the end of ye Church & begining of {illeg}wicked times {illeg} reign of ye Beast times {illeg} or 8th head \times/ of ye Beast & ye consent of ye event also wth \to confirm/ these prophesy|i|es. But I know yt they who stand accused by these hereby will plead \{condemd} {sic}/ they are |ye| orthodox \church/ & ye Barbarians Hereticks & therefore ye Oracle was a ly & my application of these things to them is rash & uncharitable. T{r}|o| convince these men that of their Heresies would {be} a vain attempt \it being the nature of Heretics to be obstinate/ what I write of that kind I write not to them but to \make/ such as God \{mad}/ shall grant \are {sic}/ already \{are or shal be}/ {convincet} /already\ know their baksliding, {But} understand how these prophesies are fulfilled in them. But some Yet for ye sake of these men I shall add something to shame 'em at least if not to convince 'em. They'l contend the Trinity is no denying ye Father & Son, the Hypostatical union no denying ye incarnation & passion, the worshipping of Sts & reliques no Idolatry, but all these pious & truly religious, but what will they say of whoredom, {illeg} murder, |perfidy| lying, \{s}/ perjury, drunkeness, \gluttony/ oppression, pride, {illeg} stealing, blasphesmies {sic}, strifes. Any of these are enough to damn a man as well as Antrichristianity & Idolatry: & therefore deprive a man make a man as much a fals Christian & church of such Christians as these as \much a/ fals Church; & if in these crimes ye church generation I speak of were ye {illeg}s such beleiv |the generation I speak of were not notoriously guilty of these crimes, if they were not more guilty then| ye Heathens \themselves yea then the{illeg} Barbarian Heathens/ if they were not apparently the {wor} worst sort of men{, then} {illeg} that ever reigned upon ye face of ye Earth till that same time then let all \the Oracle/ be fals that I have {said} {illeg} \& my accusation rash & incharitable/. My Author is Salvian one of their own Bishops who \after above 40 years observation/ wrote a tract to convince those of his own religion \who blasphemously {accused} God he that \such was// it was for \by {sic}/ their extreme wickedness that God executed ye judgment wch called for \they provoked/ ye divine vengeance to excute {sic} \upon them/ those \severe/ judgments upon them b of ye Barbarian invasions wch you shall hear described in ye Trumpets. But to wakē you {sic} attention to thi{illeg}|s| \author/ I shal wth all give you ye judgment of \ye gt/ Cardinal Baronius, a man unwilling to confes any thing to ye scandal of his Ch. yt he can decline. Imperium, saith Baronius, – /    He proceeds further to tell how some men went about ye streets in weomens apparell known to ye City & connived at by ye magistrates Authority ye magistrates, but what has been produc't is enough to \cause teares & astonish/&|th|ose yt have any sense of sin & oppres wth draw tears from them that have any common love affection to mankind -mentment, & almost too much to be believed did not ye circumstances of ye Author ascertain it: But [wch were such that Baronius relating some of \mentioning/ these things, could not but subjoyn. Cæterum] And y|A|nd yet Baronius mentioning these things confesses he dealt favourably wth the{m} {illeg} accused. Cæterùm inquit

After Salvian {h} Salvian having d|t|hus described ye Roman manners in general & then those of its several Provinces in particular proceeds one step farther & shows that they were so stupidly wicked so hardened in sin that ye greatest dangers the greatest afflictions could never make 'em relent or remit their cours of sinning, no not in ye {time} \very nick/ of danger: for proof of wch he instances in times that their principal cities were taking {sic} by ye enemy. And first of Carthage he says

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Sed et idem, addit \inquit/ Baronius, – Much to ye same purpose is a passage of D. Austin wch Baronius subjoyns after ye recital of Salivan {sic} thus mentions

Then \he/ speaking of ye strange fury of ye Donatists, he {sic} adds / In ye same discours St Austin speaks \has {divers} other things/ very conformable to Salvian. And amogst {sic} ye rest this is remark{{illeg}}|bl|{sic} that he strove to speak thinke ye best of men. For he tells us that there were divers who lamented ye sinfull state of ye people & yet ev|b|y his discous {sic} {illeg} to be suspected \plain/ that these lamenters were \worldlings & consequently/ but Pharisaical censures

Hieron adv. Lucif. Baron 362 § 223.

Baron 370. 117, ad 122.

Asserebat [Helladius scil.] universum mundum esse diaboli: &, ut jam familiare est eis dicere, factum de ecclesia Lupanar. Hieron{illeg}. adv. Luciferanos.

De fossa ab Eufr. in Tigr. Greg. Naz. Orat 2 in Iul. Baron 363. 45.

L 1 de his qui confugiunt ad Ecclesias. Baron 392. 29.

About ye same time ye {illeg} clergy began to be notoriously infecte

De superbia, neophytate et alijs vitijs cleri, vide Hieron. ep. Oceano \tom 2/ p 324 De luxuria tom 6. 142 sub fin: script post An 412|3| / tom 1. p 144 De avaritia, Hypocrisi &c.

Such as would not Had they found the cle what a clergy, what successors were such as these like to leave. But if this Nor Another argument of ye de {sic} Again ye declining state of ye Clergy was best \is/ best ye election of unfit persons into it wch began now to be an e{m}|pi|demical distemper. Muli {sic} saith Ierom –       And in another place commenting upon S where a question put to him a{p}|b|out ye mari second marriage of Priests after bap put him upon upon {sic} commenting on St Pauls instruction to Titus about ye delection of ye clergy: Upon these words Non           

O deus, deus tuus. Eloim, Eloach. Euseb. Demonstr. evang. l 4 § 15. Ex Hebr. & transl. Aquilæ. in Hebr 1. & Psal.              |But what a clergy they left.|

Verba volvere {You yo}

Nolo te declamato

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Nolo te declamatorem esse & rabulam garulum sine ratione {illeg}|s|ed mysteriorum peritum, & sacramentorum Dei tui eruditissimum Verba volvere, & celeritate dicendi apud imperitum vulgus admirationem sui{illeg} facere indoctorum hominum est. Hieron. ad Nepotianum. Ep {1}|2|.

– sed nostras breviter flere miserias. – O si possemus in talem ascendere speculam de qua universam terram sub nostris pedibus cerneremus; jam tibi ostenderem orbis ruinas, gentes gentibus & regnis regna collisa, alios torqueri, alios necari, alios absorberi fluctibus, alios ad servitutem trahi. – Vincitur sermo rei magnitudine & minus est omne quod dicimus. Hieron epist 3 epitaph Nepotiani. Pone in Tub: 1.

< text from f 5v resumes >

But to let you see how ye clergy declined manifestly from this But let you I shal manifest by showing [yt it began from hence forward to be an) not only how vitious they were but / Here Ierom acqui|a|ints us both wth ye cause] is notorious

Of their vices Ierom has divers other passages. An {sic} in this epistle he has these / So Am{illeg}|m|ianus a heathen historian but yet a most faithful one & one ye|t| speaks honourably of ye Christians where they deserve it. Damasus, inquit, et Vrsicinus –       This of ye Bishop of Rome himself. wch wth what candor \towards Christianity/ it was spoken may be guest by ye good characted|r| he gives some other \Provincial/ Bishops. But who were those think you? Not ye Bp of Alexandriam {sic} I'me sure for of him Ammian gives this character Athanasium – obtinebat. Now if ye two head Bps of this party \[besides the multitude wch Ierom spoke of,]/ {were} thus plaid ye game of Lucifer: guesse whether the {illeg} Provincial Bps wch Ammian commends were to be found <6r> among this party, {amo} ye admirers of these or among {ye} th{o}|e|{se} other party that made it a crime so much detested Athanasius for it. what {ye} {these} \this party/ admired in Athanasius, & were at this time above two third parts of ye whole. |I deny not but that there might be| Some more humble & sober Bps of this party, p|b|ut how few they were may be guest out of {yt} St Ierom. Regis ad exempl. takes place in ecclesiastical as wel as civil bodies, & therefore since these I thank Ammian that for acquainting us that while ye two head Bps of this party thus elevated themselves, there were \in ye Empire/ other Provincial Bps wch demeaned themselves so soberly & humbly as to deserve that \so/ good \a/ report from wthout as he gives of them. \/ < insertion from lower down f 6r > as indeed there were at this|at| time so many of ye other party \right si {sic}/ /other side\ yt they {Ammians} \his/ laudible character could not fall beside them: for they others were scarce grown to be \schism {was} \{then}/ being but newly begun could not then have gained/ a qter of ye whole. /

You heard how they [insnuated {sic} themselves into affection o | inricht them by ye donation of widdows & other simple peole {sic} out of love] led silly haunted crept into ye houses leading silly weomen captive & to inrich themselves by their donations. Now this even before ye year 4|3|70 was become so frequent & notorious \such a grievance to ye Em/ that ye Emps were fain to check them by this edict wch he sent to ye Bp of Rome to be read in ye Churches. This was this their covetousnes ye root of al evil, & this prid and arrogance | insolence \too/ was {illeg}so remarkable \enormous/ for & intollerable as in some cases to be curbed by laws.

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Nor could they be {ye} {one} any other monkish Bps, for those had {illeg} at this time got footing no where but at Alexandria in Egypt. And as for ye rest {they} had they {detestest}{deteste st} though some of them might out of custome or covetousness or a natural disposition or want \want of/ opportunity or custome of {ath{illeg}} hypocrisy \& some perhaps out of conscienciousnes/ demean themselves humbly & soberly yet how few those were may be guest of Ierom. It's plain out of St Ierom yt many of ym followed ye Bp of Romes example. Had they detested pride as ye certain signe of gracelesnes, they would not have forsaken ye Church & broken their oaths & \to &/ mad|k|e a shism {sic} in ye Church & \to/ go a whoring after a new religion set up & headed by two such Lucifers as ye Bps of Rome & Alexandria. Simile gaudet simili & Regis ad exempl.

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Fertur Melitonem \{sand}/ fuisse Chiliastam. Sand l 1. p 131    Aliqui ferunt Theophilu Apollinariu Antioch Ep. Hierap. Papiæ discipulu & Chiliastā fuisse Papiæ successit in Episcopatu. Sand l 1 p 141. Fuit etiam Apollinaris Laodicenus Chil (Basil ep. 293. Greg. Naz 2 ad Cledon. Hieron &c. Sandius. Ib. Fertur etiam Origenes fuisse Chiliasta. Sand 168. Cyprianus Chiliasmum non obscure docuit Serm 6. Victorinus Pictabionensis Ep. Chiliasta .|(|Hieron. de Script. Eccl. in Papia.)    Chiliastarum opinio ad tempora Damasi P.P. absq jactura fidei vel comnunionis {sic} divisione liberè fruebatur (Baron {3}|i|n Martyrol. Nov.). Chiliastæ Barnabas, Papias, [Hermas] Iustin M. Melito. Apollinaris, Irenæus, \Tertullian/ [Clemens Alexandr. contra Origen, Cyprian. |[Dionysius A. Contra] Victorinus Lactantius.|

[Editorial Note 2]

Quod. ais, quasdam esse virgines tabernarias: ego tibi plus dico, esse in bis & adulte{illeg}ras & |(|quo magis mireris|)| clericos esse caupones & monachos impudicos. tom 2. 15. a. Hieron adv. Helvidium.

Multi eliguntur non amore suis, sed alterius odio. Nonnunquam errat plebis vulgiq judicium & in sacerdotibus comprobandis unusquisq suis moribus favet ut non tam bonum quam sui similem quærat propositum. Dicam aliquid quod forsitan cum multorum offensa dicturus sum, sed boni mihi non irascentur quia eos peccati conscientia non remordebit. Interdum hoc et Pontificum vitio accidit qui non meliores sed argutiores in clerum allegunt, & simpliciores quosq atq innocentes inhabiles putant vel affinibus & cognatis quasi terrenæ militiæ officia largiuntur, sive divitum obediunt jussioni. Quodq his pejus est, illis clericatus donant gradum quorum sunt obsequijs deliniti. Hieron. adversus Iovinianum {illeg}. lib 1. Tom 2. p 40. script post A.C. 410. Præf. Com. in Ionam.

Quotidiè mæchorum sanguis effunditur, adulteria damnantur & inter ipsas leges & secures ac Tribunalia flagrans libido dominatur. ib. p 41.

Eo tempore quo totum Orientem excepto Papa Athanasio atq Paulino) Arianorum & Eunomianorum hæresis possidebat &c vide locu Hieron tom 2 p 163. b.

Sunt enim quidam [Clerici] scil.] ignorantes mensuram suam & tantæ soliditatis ac vecordiæ, ut et in motu et in incessu & in habitu & in sermone communi risum spectantibus præbeant: et quasi intelligentes quid sit ornatus, comunt se vestibus & muditijs corporis & lautioris mensæ epulas parant: cum omnis ese|ist|jusmodi ornatus {p}|&| cultus sordibus fædior sit. – In hæc Pauli at|d| Titum verba: addit Non litigiosum non avarum: addit, Nihil enim impudentius arrogantia rusticorum, qui garrulitatem authoritatem putant: & parati semper ad lites, in subjectum sibi gregem tumidis sermonibus tonant. \Ib./            Talis ergo sit pontifex Christi: ut qui religioni detrahant vitæ ejus detrahere non audeant At nunc pleros cernimus, vel favorem populi, in aurigarum morem pretio redimere: vel tanto omnium hominum ode|i|o vivere, ut non extorqueant pecuniâ quod minis impretrant gestibus.

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4 The Sultany of Miepharekin, a city of ye greater Armenia {es}|u|pon ye borders of Mesopotamia seated about two days journey northward of Am or northwest of Ameda on ye other side Tigris. What Sultans it had before ye year Heg. 515. I find not, but then it came into ye hands of Gazi sultan of Maredin & he dying ye next year his Son|s| Solyman \& Tamartash/ inherited \the one/ Miepharekin, the other Maredin. Afterwards Maredin & Miepharekin \were united again under one Sultan &/ had for ye most part \sometimes/ at least if not always one common Sultan \I know not whether they continued so till {sic}/ till ye year Saladin invaded Mesopotamia & \who/ amongst his other victories took Maredin \Miepharekin/ wth ye adjacent regions, of wch he made it ye head \& left it to his brother Adel/, & after his death he it|s| had its proper sultans \wer/ /sultans in continuall succession\ \it had \wthout interruptions/ Sultans of ye posterity of Saladin/ Adel |f.| |Saladini fil. & sub eo Nojmoddin fil.| \1193/ 2Modhaffer fil \Adeli/ 1218 & 3Ashra{f}|ph| \Modhafferi/ fil {illeg} the last of wch was slain by ye Tartars (A.C. 1260.) in ye first year of his reign {sic}

5 The

Now of these six Sultanies that first of Bagdad is to be omitted because it ceased long before ye loosing of the angels & \while it lasted/ was coincident wth ye Chalifate. A{sl}|ls|o yt of Maredin is to be omitted because of its distance from Euphrates. At first indeed, while it was united to yt of Miepharekin it extended to Euphrates, but \not/ after Saladin invaded Mesopotamia, for he tooke|ing| Roka Harran Nisibis Senjar, Ameda, & Miepharekin wth their ditions, that is almost all ye regions round on yt side of Maredin towards Euphrates, & these regions his Sons & his son's sons inhærited except yt \{Coral}/ ye Sultan of Egypt \except that the Sultan of Mausel/ {& Armenia ye ye} {This he brings} {illeg} (Pharajius pag                           Wherefore since we are to ye angels ({illeg} I apprehend) \wch/ were bound in Euphrates till their loosing, & consequently \loosed {illeg} from \their/ Euphrates bonds must/ signify such sultanies as were adjacent to Euphrates in ye years immediately preceding ye|th|eir loosing, we must reject this Sultany, & this loosing happened not before ye end of ye fift Trumpet {illeg} & that Trumpet \wch/ as we shall farther hereafter explain ended {on} \not before/ ye dissolution of ye Chalifate A.C. 1258, {so we} must reject \&/ this Sultany of Maredin was not after ye year 1182 adjacent to Euphrates |we must not number this Sultany among ye Angels|: we must reject this Sultany se\e/ing it was nevet adjacent to Euph. after ye year 1182.

There remains therefore for ye 4 Angels ye Sultanies of Mausela Miepharekin, Syria, & Asia. And these fulfill all conditions. The Sultany of {Mau} Asia wthout question bordered always upon Euphrates {f} especially towards ye time of loosing (Pharajus and {illeg} for then & for       years before it comprehended ye provinces of Malatia & Chartaberta wch {l} lay upon ye|t| river (Pharajius p 31{7}|4|, 317, 321, 332 & 333) & ye at ye very time of losing (A.C. 1260 & 1261) Parajius \(pag/ {of} expresses that it extended to Armenia major Yea sometimes it {is} \had/ extended into ye regions of Mesopotamia & Armenia major. (Abdul. p           ) The Sultany of Syria was not only always adjacent to ye river but at ye time of loosing extended a good way into Mesop.

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Yea & of ye Sultanies here named, two make nothing to or purpose: ye sultany of Bagdad by|e|caus it ceased long bef. t. l. of ye angels. \end of ye 5t Tr./ & w. it l. w. c w. t. chalifate; & ye Sultany of Maredin becaus of its distance from Euphrates. For when Saliadin invaded Mesopotamia (viz: A.C. 1182) he tooke Roha – except yt ye Sultan of Mausil towards ye end of ye 5t Tr. recovered Senjar wth ye adjacent regions wth in \wch I/ suppose was \also/ {n}|N|isibis. The great {nakednes} of Maredin to defend towards The short {bounds} of Maredin on {that} side{illeg} seems deducible from its lying open to ye enemy for |[And so open to ye enemy was Maredin lied|ay|ed by this skirting of it that it was afterwards after besieged as by| it was besieged by {sic} Saladin A.C       & then by his brother Adel A.C.       & again AC      . And so much was Maredin skirted \on that side/ by this invasion {that it} \&/ layd {illeg} open to ye the {sic} enemy that it was afterwards often besieged: as by Saladin A.C. |1183| & by his brother Adel A.C. {& 1203} \1198/ & again A.C. 1203.] [proceeding to besiege even Maredin {him} it self, as did also his brother Adel after him more \ofner/ then once. And these regions his family inherited to ye end of ye fift Tr: except yt ye sultan of Mausel {&}{illeg} towards ye end recovered Senjar wth ye neighboring regions {among} \wthin/ wch was I suppose was also Nisibis.

These two sultanies therefore being rejected there remains only for ye four angels ye Sultanies of Asia, Syria, Mausel, & Miepharekin. The Sultany of Asia was watered by a large arm of Euphrates passing through ye middle of it & not only so but bordered upon ye main channel especially towards ye time of loosing for then & for      years before – to Armenia major. The Sultany of Syria was not only adjacent to ye river but at ye time of loosing extended a good way into Mesopotamia. The Sultany of Mausel was water {sic} by ye River Alchab{a}|u|r \(or Harnas)/ a large arme of Euphrates & bordered also upon ye main channel \Euphrates it self/ for Mausel it sed|lf| thoug situate upō Tigris, yet was distant but about one or \little/ two {sic} days journey from one of ye streams. The Sultany of Miepharekin had been was indeed something further from Euphr. namely about 5 days journey or 12{illeg}|5| Italian miles \(Geogr. Nubisusis clim 5 pars 5)/ but yet it was nearer \to it/ then Maredin by two days journey at least, & {illeg} in all probably extended its jurisdiction to Euphrates for it was guirded on ye north by ye kingdom of Armenia wch in ye end of ye 5t Tr was pretty powerful Maredin was & on ye south east by ye Sultany of Maredin {illeg}|those| metropol{i}|{e}|s {Ma}{illeg} yet being not \scarce/ above two or three days journey distant from one another & yet \that/ it was a powerful Sultany |& consequently of large extent towards the other quarters| {as} is manifest by ye defiance wch its Sultan \(as Pharajus informs us/ bad to ye Tartars even upo after \when/ they had \newly/ sacked Bagdad. [* For it's chief extent was that way as may be collected from hence yt its chief extent was founded by ye conquests of Saladin wch extended from Eufrates to this city but not much farther. \It comprehended Ameda wth its territory (Pharajus) & so lay partly between Maredin & Eufrates./ It was g\u/irded on ye north – sacked bagdad. During \And as in/ ye reign of Saladin & his successor Adel it was united to Syria under one supreme Sultan {illeg} |so| still at ye end of ye fift{illeg} Tr. it bordered upon the Syrian Sultany as may appear {frō} <8r> hence yt its sultan \Ashrat after ye sacking of Bagdad/ went into Syria to ye consult wth ye Sultan thereof about their common safety & mutual aid. And if it extended to ye Syrian Sultany much more should it extend to Euphrates that of Asia wch lay over against it on ye other side ye river, for I read not of any other Sultany between them. I may further add that its regions wa|e|re watered by a large river wch flows out of ye mountains of Armenia & enters into Euphrates {illeg} below Samosat joyns wth ye main channel of Euphrates below Samoset. (Geogr. Nub. Clim 5. Part 5)

These four Sultanies therefore all ly \were all seated/ upon Euphrates & so fitly answer to ye 4 angels bound in that river. But thes|r|e is another character of them wch notably confirms this determination for by ye 4th condition of the|i|se Tr. they \Metropoles they their Metropoles/ were to {be in} /resemble\ a 4 square position{sic} or very nearly. And behold here their position if Syria be \behold here theire position how nearly it appoaches t{he}|ha|t figure. of/ recconing \here/ Damascus ye chief seat of Syria becaus it had been ever so & at the {sa} time of loosing ye Angels ye Sultan resided there.

5 Supposing therefore that these Tetrarchies are ye 4 angels --

After this Ashraf ye Sultan of Miepharekin went ye same year into Syria to Naser Sultan thereof to desire aid of him whereby ye Tartars might be kept out of Syria, but Naser not hearkening to him he returned in anger to Miephar & when he came to Miepharekin ejected ye praæfects of ye Tartars & crucified a certain Priest sent to him wth commands from ye great Chan. Whereupon Hulacu ye {sic} sent his son Yashmut wth part of his army – to be slain by Hulacu.

The same year ye Tartars, I know now upon wt occasion invaded Asia also |[|& overran all Cilicia, \the less/ Armenia, & Cappadocia as far \northward/ as ye river Thermodon,|]| & e{illeg}|a|sily subdued it, ye limits of ye excursion northward being Cappadocia & ye river Thermodon, southward Cilicia & ye \those/ parts of ye mountain Taurus wch a little after its beginning are variously divided. Afterwards \And then/ they] forced |[als{o}| ye imperial cities [Iconium & Cæsarea.] {&} forcing \constraining/ Azati Ezzoddin [Azatinus] wth \one of/ his brothers to fly to \ye Greek Emperor/ Michael Palæologus ye Gre who {con} {illeg} where{illeg} being confined, they were freed by an incursion of ye Tartars \Scythians/ from beyond ye Danube. But Azatine \And/ Ezzoddin died soon after he had passed ye Danube wth ym, but his brother escaped from them into Asia & was {illeg} received \for a while/ by ye reliques \Satrapæ/ of ye Turks|ish| \reliques/ as their Sultan.

Vntill this time – of Iconiū. But now the Turks out of these four disso{lved} Sultanies flying every where from ye T violence of ye Tartars flocked \continual{ly}/ towards ye western parts of Asia & to obtein new seats – Paphlagonia; the last of wch growing more powerful then ye rest, of ye at length (namely in ye year 1299) took upon him – see at present. / Thus you see ye four angels were all at once in ye very beginning of ye 6t Tr. loosed from their <8v> Eufratean seats & forced – threatened in this Trumpet.

Analogous to ye loosing –

In ye meane time the reliques

And while As they began to prevaile they were continually. \parts of Asia:/ the reliques of them \beyond Euphr. being/ about 30 years after (viz A.C. 1289) being universally ejected hither out of \Assyria/ Mesopotamia & |ye| other Tat|r|tarian dominions. In ye meane while to obtein new seats their severall princes, every {made} \or heads of families/ under whose conduct they fled hither made war upon ye Ro\m/mans, every one \in this confused/ gaining what he could for himself: Turci autem, saith Nicepho{illeg}rus (l 7) satrapis illis – mala conjecit.

Vntil the \afforesaid/ dissolution of ye 4 Turkish \Euphratean/ Sultany|i|es by ye Tartars, the Greeks had constantly posessed Asia – of Iconiū, but from that time, & chiefly after ye battel newly mentioned (wch happened about ye year     ) the Turkish Princes took several \gained ground upon the Romans/ /inlarged the\ spread by degrees into ye rest of ye Asian Provinces \Roman \Greek/ Provinces/. Mantachia –– Paphlagonia: The last of wch growing more powerfull yn ye rest at length (A.C. 1299) took upon him ye title of dignity & title of Sultan – yt great Monarchy} \founded that/ wch reigns at present / founded a greater of their own

Thus you see the 4 angels were all at once in ye very beginning of ye Sixt Trumpet \A.C. 1260 & 1261/ loosed from their Eufratean seats & forced upon ye Christians to make war upon then {sic} & \thereby/ erect yt \great/ Empire wch \reigns at present & is {sic}/ is ye plage of Apostate Christendome threatned in this Tr.

After \Vpon/ the dissolution of these Sultanies Thus {was\er/e} ye Sultanies of Mosul Miyapharekin Syria & Asia all at once in ye very begining of th{illeg}|e| sixt Trumpet A.C. 1260 & 1261 A dissolved: & {now} \from/ that time ye turks out of these Sultanies flying every where from ye violence of ye Tartars flocked into ye western parts of Asia: the reliqs of ym also about wthin 30 years after (viz A.C. 1289) being universally ejected hither out of |[|Persia Assyria Mesopotamia & ye otherer Tattarian dominions|]| ye \new/ Tattarian Empire.

NB. Βασιλεῦς [\reges/ quod nos A king \reges/ vertimus] apud Græcos non tantum pro Monarchis præpotenti|bus| quales nos jam reges dicimus vsurpabatur sed {ejusq} inferioris \etiam/ generis Principes etiam significabat ut apud Homerum non uno loco videre est. Sic et מלד vox Hebrea ejusdem significationis \vox hebræa/, an sacris litteris pro p|P|rincipibus \Ducibus/ et singularum ferè urbium dominis usurpatur ut e regibus 31 quos Ioshue in exiguo illo terræ sanctæ circuitu {superavavit}. (Iosh 12.) Et quinq regibus Midian qui a Mose cæsis Num 31.8. qui in Iosh 13.21 Principes Midian & Duces Sehon vocantur, manifestū est.

yt is Osrohene a region of \Syria wthin/ Mesopotamia, \some/ part of wch, as should seem \seems b appears/ by this passage was possessed by{illeg} \to have belonged to/ Ashraf. / whereby they might keep the Tattars of|ut| of Syria, that is \out of Syria/ Osroene a province of Syria on ye east of Euphrates comprehending among other cities Edessa Carrhæ & Nicephorium. some part o. Instantiā{illeg} ex habes in exercitu Roili fulgure & igneis turbinibus perdito

[Editorial Note 1] The remainder of the text on this page is written upside down.

[Editorial Note 2] The remainder of the text on this page is written upside down.

© 2017 The Newton Project

Professor Rob Iliffe
Director, AHRC Newton Papers Project

Scott Mandelbrote,
Fellow & Perne librarian, Peterhouse, Cambridge

Faculty of History, George Street, Oxford, OX1 2RL - newtonproject@history.ox.ac.uk

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