<1r>

Out of Mr Gregories Letter of the 17th of May 1671

This method of infinite Series hath no good successe in the second Segments of round Solids, at least so farre as I can improoue them yet such as it is you shall haue it

Figure Sit igitur Ellipsis ADCE, cuius Axis transversus AC. Coniugatus DE; Centrum B, supponatur nunc Sphærois generari ex revolutione Semiellipseos ADC, circa Axem AC, secetur Sphærois a duobus Planis parallelis, per Puncta K, B, Axi DB normalibus, et a duobus Planis Parallelis per Puncta B, F, axi BC normalibus:

Sit BF=a, BK=b; erit pars Sphæroidis KIFB a quatuor dictis Planis comprehensa = =1680r6ba280r4b3a42r2b5a15b7a&c840r51680r6ba3+280r4ba3+280r4b3a3+126r2b5a3+75b7a3+&c5040r5c216r6ba5+8r4b3a5+6r2b5a5+5b7a5+&c320r5c448r6ba7+40r4b3a7+42r2b5a7+45b7a7+&c2688r5c6&c in infinitum. This Series is nothing but a Congeries of other Series's all of them being infinite, yet is the best I can haue to this Purpose, I hope Mr Newton hath better, and that with his Leaue yee will informe mee, If you would haue it agree to the Sphære, yee shall only put c in place of r, which will render it more Simple, I can giue such a Series as this for any \the second/ Segment of a{illeg}|ny| round Solid, and if you like this, I shall giue a Series for the second Segments of an Hyperbl|o|lick Spindle, which I imagine is of greater Consequence than any thing else for Guaging –

<2r>

Figure AB=x. BC=o=CD. BE=y. HF=y.o=IK. KG=y..oo. GI=y.o+y..oo. EFq=oo+y.y.oo. 2EF, EF=y.2y..oo. EF=y.y..ooEF.G GFq=oo+y.y.oo+2y.y..o3+y..y..o4. GF2, GF.=2y.y..oo+2y..y..o3+2y.y...o3+&c GF.=y.y..oo+y..y..o3+y.y...o3GF. y.y..ooEFGL=2o{illeg} GL=p2=2y.o+y..ooo EL=2×o. FN=q.oo+pp2pq+qqx+oo+pp+2pq+qqx+o=Min=R+S. R2=oo+pp2pq+qqx. SS=oo+pp+2pq+qqx+o. 2RR.=−2pq+2qq.x. 2SS.=+2pq.+2qq.x+o pq.+qq.Rx+pq.+qq.Sx+So=0. Spq.o+Sqq.oSpq.x+Sqq.x+Rxpq.+Rxqq.=0 oo+pp+p2q+qqx+o in po+qopx+qx=oo+pp2pq+qqx×xp+xq. oo+pp+2pq+qq in p+q×x+o×x+o=oo+pp2pq+qq in p+q×x×x oo+pp+2pq+qq in x+o=oo+pp2pq+qqin x. oox.+ppx.+2pqx+qqx.+o3x+opp+2pqo+qqo=oox.+ppx.2pqx+qqx. 2pq{illeg} 4pqx+o3x+opp2pqo+qqo=0. oo+pp+2pq+qq in qq2pq+pp in x+o3=oo+pp2pq+qq in pp+2pq+qq in \x3/ oopp2oopq+ooqq in x3+3xxo+3xoo+ppqq2p3q+p4. +ooqq2oopqooppoooo2oooo in x3+oopp, +p42oopq

116b448b.3v14b.4+32b.3v+14b.4b.3v+14aabbaabv+abbh2abhv=habb 116b4+14aabbaabv2abhv=0. v=4a2b2+b416aab+32ahb=a2b+14b34aa+8ah=aab+14b38ah. aa+14bbv=8ahb=8ahb=FH. BC=a. CG=12b8ahb. 4h=HL

oo+pp+2pq in qp in x+ox32=oo+pp2pq in q+p. oo+pp+2pq in pp2pq in x{illeg} 1+3×ox=oo+pp2pq in pp+2pq oopp2, oopq+p42p3q in 1+3ox=oopp+2, oopq+p4±2p3q 3, o3pp6o3pq+3p4ox=4, oopq. 3ppoo+3p4=4pqxo+6pqoo. q=3p×EFq4xo 4xo3p=GR=EFqq

<3v>

p. 11. l. 4.

3dly We do not dispute about the antiquity symbols of the symbols used by Newton for \of/ fluents fluxions & moments \Summs & Differences. And yet/ tho the symbol aa4x be used by Mr Newton \for fluents or {illeg}s is summs is/ be older then the symbol aa4x used \in the same sense/ by Mr Leibnitz, in the same sense & all the symbols of fluxions used by Mr Newton be older then any symbols of fluxions used by Mr Leibnitz \& Mr Newtons had symbols from fluxions {like} before he wrote his Letter dated 24 Octob 17|6|76, but Mr Leibnitz has none to this day/ & the rectangles under the fluents \fluxions/ & the mom letter o be older s used by Mr Newton for moments be \are/ older then the symbols dx & dy \|used in ye same sense d| by MrLeibnitz|.| in the same sense/. |But| These are only ways of Notation & signify nothing {th} to the method it self wch may be without them. [All the use that can be made of them is to shew that Mr Newtons \Leibnitz/ method was as old as the use of the symbols dx & dy & Th Mr Newtons as old as his use of any symbols for the same things.]

— as in the Principia. In the first Proposition of his book De quadratura Curvarum he used prickt Letters but did not make them necessary to his method. for in the Introduction to that book he described that|is| method \at large/ & illustrated it with various examples without making any use of prickt letters. That book was printe first printed in the year 1714 but the \a copy of the/ first Proposition was copied out of it & \thereof was copied &/ \at ye request of Dr Wallis was copied &/ sent to |ye| Dr Wallis by Mr Newton in his Letter of 27 August 1692 & printed the next year in the second Volume of the Doctors works. \It was made use of upon all occasions, by Mr Newton when he wrote his Principia Philosophiæ/ And so many things are mentioned /cited\ out of this book{illeg} |it| in Mr L Newtons Letter of 24 Octob 1676 that one may reasonably conclude that the book was writ before that time. In his Analysis per æquationes &c — — — — — trifling. And if it were not, yet Mr Newton has the advantage \as/ was mentioned above. For prickt letters are put for fluxions or veloci wch are motions \& finite quantities {sic} a{illeg}/ & never signify moments {w} {illeg} or different|c|es which are parte infinitely small parts generated by fluxion|.| unless w|W|here the \symbols of fluxions (whether prickt letters or others/ are multiplied by the letter o either to expres or understood \the rectang make them infinitely little the rectangles are put for moments,/ or where fluxions are considered as the exponents of m{illeg}|o|ments, & accordingly the factor o in the factor o being understood, the symbols of fluxions are put being \are/ put for the exponents of moments, but in such cases the factor o is always understood. {illeg} This symbol \factor/ Mr Newton always expresses when he would is demonstrating a Proposition but when he is only investigating a Propop|s|ition he usually neglects to write it down Now Mr Leibnitz has no symbols of fluxions in his method & theref. all Mr Newtons symbols of fluxions are the oldest in the kind. And as for <3r> the dx & dy of Mr Leibnitz they are {illeg} not to be compared wth the symbols of fluxions but wth the symbols of Moments that is with the rectangles under the symbols of fluxions & the {illeg} letter o used by Mr Newton And those rectangles are the oldest being used by Mr Newton in his Analysis A. O wch \sent by/ Dr Barrow sent to Mr Collins in Iuly 1669. But whereas And tho our great Mathematician tells us that Mr Newton by putting o for the increment of x loses all the advantage of the differential method: the contrary is true. Mr Leibnits by putting dx for the letter o has lost a considerable part of the advantange of Mr Newtons method without adding any thing new to it besides h{illeg}|i|s symbols. For the Method by Mr Leibnitz's way of Notation is not Geometrical nor demonstrative,|.| Nor y It is only fitted for investigation, & is not so expedite \for that {illeg}poss/ as Mr Newtons method when he \who in such cases/ neglects to write down the letter o, & \so/ uses but one letter to represent moments the other \other letter {illeg}/ being understood. And {illeg} These advantages it has lost, & had|s| added no new ones. For there is nothing that can be done by it but what may be done by Mr Newton's method & that wth as much or more dispatch.

But \whereas/ Mr Leibnitz has told us in the Acta Eruditorum \had/ changed the Letters a & e used by Dr Barrow into d dx & dy he tells us in the Acta Eruditorum mensis Iunij 1686 pag 297 |that this change did not create a new method was not necessary to ye method| Malo autem dx & simila adhibere \saith he/ quam literas pro illis quia istud dx est modificatio quædam ipsius x, ut sola quando id fieri opus est litera x cum suis scilicet potestatibus & differentialibus calc\ul/um ingredieatur, & relationes trancendentes {sic} inter x et aliud exprimantur: Qua ratione etiam lineas transcendentis inter x et aliud exprim æquatione {illeg}|E|xplicare licet. So then by the confession of Mr Leibnitz the by his own confession might have used letters as Dr Barrow did & the method would have been the same, but he chose rather to use the letters dx symbols dx & dy for as more convenient. And yet he from these symbols he gave the method the name of the differential method as if it was \had been/ a new method. At wch rate a man might put any letter for ye Abscissa of a curve & modify the letter variously to represent the Ordinate, the {le} area, the length, the subtangent, & the radius of curvity & call this a new methodu, & give it a new name to extinguish the memory of former authors & make himself famous for inventing a new method of solving \all sorts of/ Problemes relating to curve lines.

<2v>

— as in the Principles. Mr Newton seldome uses prickt letters till he has brought Problems to equations & by those equations is to deduce fluxions from fluents or fluents from fluxions. How he deduces fluxions from fluents he has told is|u|s in the first Proposition of his book the Quadratura Curvarum & there he uses prickt letters & by them shews how from æquations involving fluents to deduce the first econd & third fluxions of the fluents & so on in infinitum & this he does by one very short rule comprehended in five lines How Also in explaining how he extracts a fluent out of an equation involving the |its| fluxions he {illeg} uses prickt{illeg} letters & extends the Proposition to ye 2d 3d & fl{illeg} following fluxions. In his Letter dated 242 Octob 1676 he set down this his method comprehended his method in these two sentences Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente fluxiones invenire & vice versa. And Vna methodus consistit in extractione fluentis ex æquatione fluxionem ejus involvente, altera &c. When Dr Wallis was printing this|e| second Volume of his works he descr wrote to Mr Newton to explain those sentences to him & Mr Newton {illeg} & Mr Newton did it by prickt letters coppying sending him a copy of his book the first Proposition of his book the Quadratura Curvarum & of another Paper This was in ye year 1692. In ye year 1686 Mr Newton wrote in the Scholium upon the second Lemma of \the second book of/ his Principia Philosophiæ {illeg} that th ten years before upon his writing to Mr Leibnitz about his Method of fluxions Mr comprised in this sentence Data æquatione quotcun fluentes quantitates involvente Fluxiones invenire & vice versa. Mr Leibnitz wrote back that he had also fallen into such a method & communicated his method \scarce/ differing only in from Mr Newtons except in the forms of words \names/ & symbols. And Mr Newton's symbols here related unto were those of prickt letters with pricks. And indeed in his Letter of 24 Octob 1676 so many things are quoted out of book of Quadratures that one may thence conclude \yt/ this book was writ before that time \letter./ But in the Principia Philosophiæ & \in/ the Letters of Mr Newton \to Mr Collins & Mr Oldenburg/ & th|h|is Analysis published in the Commercium Epistolicum there was & in his Analysis he had no where occasion to treat of Equations involving fluents {illeg}|&| fluxions. In ye Introduction to the book of Quadratures Mr Mr Newton explained the method of fluxions at large & illustrated it with various examples & yet made no \without making any/ use of prickt letters wth pricks. And will or great Mathematician say that Mr {illeg} Mr Newton did not then understand the Method of fluxions because there are no such Letters in that Introduction

<4r>

rxrqxx=yy. rx.2rqxx.=y2y.. rx..2rqx.x.=2yy..+2y.y.. r2rqx.2yy..x.PN.MN. x.=1. x.x.=0=x... r2rqx,x.2rxrqxx=y.=r12,q2x,x.2qqxqxx2rq=2y..rxrqxx+rr4rrqx+4rrqqxx2rx2rqxx.

y..=2rq12rrrxrqxx+2rq2rxrqxx. y..=rx.x.xxxqrxrqxx. the {sic}

PSqPHq=2SHN. qq2qt2SH=HN. SH=qqqr. HN=q12 in q2rqr=qqq2t2qqqr. CN=q2q2qtqr2qqqr. CA{illeg} AN=−2qq+2qt+qr+qqqqr2qqqr. 2dyMN=2drxxx×d2x2dx2xx. 2yyr2rqx=MN=2rx2rqxxr2rxq=2qx2xxq2x 2dyMN=d×d2x×r12d12dxxx. d{illeg}d12×p12 d12r12=d12d12. p12, x., d122dxxx 3477∟1428571042∟5 (029981506954285714034707142860392942857100341285715 3412857153129428572834285827817143525715347714 178001173857144 19∟6300126007∟56

If the {illeg} net d value of ye goods were 100li the Queens duty would be 52.2.6 as above, and the summ of the value & duty augmented by the 7th part thereof would be namely [152.2.621.14.57] 173li. 17. 57 would be the gross pr value by the candle For the allowance of 6 & 612 per cent in the eighth part of ye whole. Say therefore: As \in this case/ the gross value by the candle 173.17.0|1|57 is to the Queens duty 52li.2.6d {illeg} \in this case, so is/ that is, as 1 to 0∟299815, & so is all other cases the gross value to ye Queens duty in all other cases.

Wherefore if you multiply the gross value by the ratio 0∟299815 you will have the Queens duty.

As if the Q gross value be 100li this Queens duty w sum multiplied by the Queens duty \said ratio/ will {illeg} produce the Queens duty {illeg} 29li∟9815 or 29l.19.{0}\7/12 The truth of which \method/ will thus appear

China ware sold for 100li

3477143 ) 1042∟500000 ( 0.2998151 0.30102996954286000.0000000 0.07525753129428700.0000000b 1. 1∟189210a10b12312942870.00000000.189200ab10120.00000000.0946105a5b112278171440.00000000.054016b5a112347710.00000000.162018b15a1200000173860.0000000189021b1712a10424996280.00000001812a22b021b1712a3480.000000037.44.//527627.15a4999760.0000000 The right method of Computation as is conceived by the Auditors is to find the ratio of the Queens duty to the gross price in any one case & then in all cases to multiply the gross price by that ratio.

Suppose \Let/ the net value of the goods be 100li & the in this case the Queens duty will be 52l.2.6 as above; & the summ of this value & duty augmented by the 7th part thereof \(we{illeg} |(the| the allowed|an||ce| for prompt payment & warehouse room)/, namely 173li.17s.1d57 will be the gross value by the candle. For the allowance of 6 & 612 per cent eighth part of the whole is allowed for 7th part in And as this value is to the Queens duty in this case so is 1 to ,299815, & so is the gross vales to the Queens duty in any other case.

As if the gross value be \were/ 100li, this multiplied by ,299815 will produce the Queens duty 29,9815 that is 29li.19.712. The truth of wch method will thus appear.

And if the gross value were 3748li.10s, this multiplied by ,299815 will produce the Queens duty 1123li∟8565, that is 1123li.17s.1d12.

Now the truth of this method may be thus proved.

China ware sold for 100li

<4v>

Now that 29li.19.712 is the Queens just duty will further appear by the following computation.

The western Churhes in their external profession of faith were now macedonians, except that they still used the language of one hypostasis as equipollent to that of \one usia &/ substance. There might be many who believed the holy Ghost to be God but they did not yet begin to speak out. I The easter Chur / & began to by|e| shy of one anothers communion. For the little Council of Alexandria had agreed that the bishops {illeg} who had abolished t consented to the abolishing \of/ the use of the word usia with its compounds, {illeg}ed (except the ringleaders) should be looked upon as p{illeg} bishops who had been only deceived & should not lose their bishopricks if they would b in time they would retract & come over to the \Nice/ Council of Nice. But now the Latines finding themselves strong enough resolved \{illeg}/ to deprive \them/ all {bisho} the bishops who would not {illeg} retract so soon as they could get an Emperor for their purpose. And began \also/ to break \break friendship wth the Macedonians &/ declare for the party of Athanasius against them.

The friendship between the Macedonians & \the/ Churches of Italy {illeg} lasted about seven \five or six/ years. F{illeg} [And all this time the bishop of Rome & {taat}{illeg} {torton} Auxentius governed the diocess of Millain. For when Athanasius & the bishop{illeg} & Lybia \wrote to the Africans/ (wch was in the year 371) Auxentius was not excommunicated by the bp of {illeg} those of his party in Italy. nor Valent V V{r}g{an}t{ius} by those of P{illeg} but] For Basil wa{s} made bishop of Cæsarea in Iune A.C. 361 & soon after the Coun dieity of the holy ghost was published by the Councile of Rome & Illyricum wch met at \one &/ the same time. afterwards wrote his epistole to 73d epistole in wch he saith saith {sic} that when he met with Sabinus the deacon he wrote by him to the whom ye western bishops had sent with letters into ye east, he wrote [by him] to ye bishops of Illyricum & to those of Italy & Gallia. The Concils therefore of I|R|ome & Illyricum met in ye year 371 or 372 (for they met before the death of Athanasius. And in these Councils the deity of the holy Ghost was proclaimed, & Auxentius condemned. The Council of Rome consisted of 73 bps &

The friendship \& communion/ between the Macedonians & the Churches of Italy & the west lasted, I think, till Pope Damasus called \at Rome/ a Council of 93 bishops at Rome whic|o|h sent Elpidius & {illeg} wth a letter to a Council convened at the same time in Illyricum, in wch letter they thus describe their faith. When the evil . . . . . . erring bishops. By these words they signify that the communion between the Greek & Latin Churches was not yet broke off. The Churches of the whole Empire whether for or against the consubstantiality of the Son, for or against the Deity of the Holy Ghost, were hitherto of one communion composed hitherto one \visible/ catholick Church, notwithstanding \the differences of opinions/ that many of its members were corrupt in their opinions \/ & the Latines {of the} were meditating {illeg} to \excommunicate &/ throw out of their \communion/ all those bishops. And {C} to shew that they were in earnest they excommunicated Auxentius bishop of Millain but had yet done it, except in excommunicating {illeg}t{ed}

The Council of Illyricum having recieved this letter — — — . . . others used that of three. They \Basil/ wrote also at the same time \by Sabinus/ to the bishops of Illyricum. For Basil T|in|hiis|his| 73d epistle writes in his 23|7|3d Epistle \he writes thus/: Ego enim cum in Sabinum inciderim in Sabinum diaconum quo nuncio huc ad nos illi [occidentales] usi sunt, ad Illyricos scripsi, ad Italos præterea & Gallos episcopos & nonnullos privatim. These Councils therefore of Rome & Illyricum \& Gallia/ were convened after Basil was made bishop, that is, after Iune 371, & so may be placed in the year 372. For Athanasius heard of them before his death and died in May 373. The controversy therefore wch about the deity of the holy Ghost wch Athanasius had been hitherto labouring to kindle brake out into a flame in the year 372

In another Epistle written this year to the Churches of Italy & Gallia Basil exprest himself in this manner. We are seized wth a persecution . . . . . . . . . . . {illeg}t / during the reign of Valens the Christians of the Greek Empire brake into several parties. The churche of wch were most numerous \generality were {sic}/ were those who \for the sake of peace/ contended for the language of the scriptures & in conformity to the Apostles rule of holding fast the form of sound words & to ye decree of the \Church catholick in ye/ Council of Antioch \& Church catholick/ against Paul of Samosat rejected the use of the word usia with its compounds \as novel & tending to faction & {illeg} sabellianes Paulinianism/ & forbore \the/ curious inquiries \of the Gnostick/ {illeg}{o} \Nicolaitans into/ the metaphysical nature of the deity God & Christ & the holy Ghost < insertion from the left margin > as novel & tending to Montanism Paulinianism & Sabellianism, & forbore the curious \inquiries/ of the Nicolaitans or men of science falsly so called, into the metaphysical nature of the supreme Beings: co < text from f 4v resumes > contenting themselves with the declaration that the Son was like the father according to the scriptures & for doing so were called {illeg} falsly called Arians by the Saintworshippers \For they anathematized as well the novel language of Arius on ye one hand as that of the Gnosticks on the other/. Next to them \in number/ were tha|e| {Camaus} he{m} homousiams who owned not the deity of the holy Ghost & were falsly called Macedonians by the Saint worshippers, as if Macedonius was the author of that opinion.

<5r>

a+xm×axn=yp. a+x=z.x.=z.. ax=v. x.=v. zmvn=yp. mz.zm1vn+nzmv.vn1=yp1py. mzm1vnnzmvn1. pyp1y..x.y.subtang.=subp. myznyv.py.subtang=pmzpnv=subperpendic p pma+xpnax.yy..x.y..1.pma+xpnax=yy. pma+xpnax=12yy.

<6r>

Pag. 12. l 6. + The Postscript not being sent to Mr Newton he did not think himself concerned to meddle with it till at length Mr l'Abbé Conti pressed him to write an Answer that the Pos the Post{illeg} Postscript & the Answer might both be shewed to the King & continued to press him after the King had seen the Poscript \& the Answer was not writ till after the King had seen the Postscript. This Answer was a follows./

Bet{illeg}t|w|een Letter 6 & 7 v|in|sert this Paragraph Introduction to the Observations.

The Answer of Mr Leibnitz being sent open to Mr Remond at Paris to be sent from thence to Mr l'Abbe Conti, & copies of Mr Newton's & Mr l@Abbe Conti's Letters being sent also thither. Mr Newton declined to return \an/ answer in writing & only drew up the following Observations to satisfy his frends privately that he could easily \it was easy to/ have returned an Answer had he thought \it been/ fit to let Mr Leibnitz go on with his politiques.

At the end of all the Letters add the Paragraph in ye German Elogium of Mr Leibnitz.

<6v>

130a3+1112a3+118a3×z7a10=445+1112=493448

5605040

Tempus autem \quæ quantitas est hic fluens hic/ expono per lineam rectā uniformiter fluentem crescentem vel ac temporis momentum per particulam lineæ eodem temporis momento genitam, et inde lineam voco quantitatem uniformiter fluentem, et particulam ejus voco momentum ejus, et quantitates alias omnes simul augescentes voco fluentes et earum partic{illeg}|u|las eodem temporis momento genitas voco fluentium momenta et velocitates augescendi voco quantitatū fluxiones] et particulas singulis temporis momentis genitas nominando momenta {illeg} — et has motuum vel incrementorum velocitates nom (ex fluxione temporis) nominando fluxiones

× (i.e. fluxiones pro differentijs)

✝ ubi Leibnitius Inventor nominatur,

pag. 44. lin 17 — de qua sequentia \paulatim e{illeg}/ anno 1676 ex chartis antiquioribus extraxi. \Anno vero 1676 priores decem/ olim excogitavi et anno 1676 \Propositiones/ in formam sequentem redegi, undecimam vel eodem anno vel paulo post adjuxi, et duodecimam ex Epistolis anno 1676 scriptis jam addidi.

<6bis(r)>

ut videre licet in Lib. 11, Prop. XIV cas. 3.

Quoniam methodus meus generalis ex methodo fluxionem et methodo Serierum convergentium convergentium {sic} componitur, id{illeg} et \quantitatum in series resolu{t}arum/ momenta prima secunda, tertia cætera sunt \{illeg}t/ terminis serierum \correspondentibus serierum terminibus/ momento temporis genitis proportionalis|a| ideo terminis s in resolutione Problematum nonnunquam usus sum terminis serierum. Sit A quantitas fluens, \&/ B=Amn quantitas alia fluens. Augeatur quantitas A momento O, et quantitas B evadet A+Omn. quæ in seriem resoluta fit Amn+mnOAmnn+mmmn2nnOOAm2nn+m33mmn+2nn6n3O3Am3nn+&c. Et hujus terminorum fluxione{illeg} primæ sunt mnAmnn.

Et ipsius Amn fluxio prima est mnAmnn & hujus fluxio est {illeg} mmmnnnAm2nn, Et hujus fluxio {illeg} m33mmn+2mnn

<8v>

To
Sr Isaac Newton at the Lower Side of Leicester fields

Westminster.

Office {C}

suposd Golden square.

<7v>

For Sr Isaac Newton at his house in St Martins lan\e/ \street/ nigh Leîsterffields

These

<6bis(r)>

Honored Sir

In obedience to my fathers Commands I am oblig'd to continue here at london for sometime longer Sr Wm Quintin haueing promis'd my friends in the Countrey that I shall be preferd in the Customes, now seeing that I haue Qualified my self for that purpose, & that Iam in expectation dayly to come into Mr Iohn Selbys place at Whitby, he being to be promoted to a Collection in the South, & that now Sir the Welfare of our Family seems much to depend on my good success. Yr kindnes has been extraordinary to me, for otherwise Imight haue suffer'd very much. I apply dayly to the Treasury & hope that Mr Iohn Selbys Warrant & mine will be <6bis(v)> granted us & that how glad I shall be to be in a Condition to support my Dear Father, that has liu'd well in \ye/ world Sr you must not think much with me for being so free with you Imust Confess Iue been a great trespasser upon you but Ihope yr Goodness will pardon me, & that my Dear father prays dayly you may continue my friend, & not let us sink now, when there is so fair a probability of my getting now into business, Iue' taken abundance of pains & the great fatigue Iue' undergone & hardships here as {illeg}|a|r {illeg}|al|most inexpressible. I hope I shall demonstrate, when please god I am in business my gratitude to you & how much I am

Honored Sir

Augt ye 7th 1716

Yr most humble & most obliged Servant Wm Newton

<7r>

His patet me anno 1676 & annis minimùm quin \vel septem/ prioribus methodum & Analysin \methodum/ generalem habuisse reducendi Problemata ad æquationes fluxionales. Et ubi ex hujusmodi æquationibus tam affectis quam simplicibus eliciendi quantitates fluentes, et {illeg}qua{n}p{illeg}perin et in hac methodo quando assuma{illeg} series pro quantitatibus ignotis \assumere/ et assumptas terminorum coefficientes & indices dignitatum ex conditionibus Problematis determinare, Et inter computandum fluxiones et momenta ex fluentibus & fluentes \vicessim/ ex fluxionibus & momentis deducim & in huic finem me Theoremata plura pro Quadratura figurarum & inventione fluentium \per hanc methodum/ concinnasse, & nomen Analyseos huic methodo impossuissem methodos augentium {illeg} General{illeg} et Barrovij methodo meæ me nomen Analyseos hui methodo olim \ab anno 1669/ imposuisse \propter usum ejus in Solvendis problematis/ \propter \generalem/ usum hujus methodi \in {illeg} solutionionis problematibus/ me nomen Analyseos eidem ab anno 1669 imposuisse/ & huic. affines fuisse methodos Tangentium Gregorij, et Barrovij, propterea quod Methodum Slusij similiter producerent, sed [eos \{ubro}/ de me nunquam conquestos fuisse licut {illeg} sed a] & Barrovium Analysin meam ut methodum novam cum Co ad Collinium mississe misisse.

Brevitate verborum effectum est ut Scholium præcedens male intellectū fuerit, et propterea rem totam fusius enarrabo.

Cum vero D. Leibnitius post annos septem \anno 1684/ elementa hujus Analyseos in lucem emitteret & silentio præteriret literas meas p{illeg}æ {o} ea omnia quæ vead hanc methodum spectantia quæ vel ab Oldenburgo accept|e|rat vel in many|u| Collinij viderat: posui Scholium superius ut inde constaret me primum de hac methodo scripsisse et [elementa ejus in Lemmate præcedente posita synthetice demonstrata non habuisse aliunde] & Lemma superius ab editis Leibnitianis non fuisse desumptum.

Terminos serirum pro momentis nonnunquam usus sum{illeg} propter analogiam. Nam hi termini per terminos {illeg} 1. 1× \correspondentes/ seriei numeralis 1. 1×2. 1×2×3. 1×2×3×4 {illeg}|m|ultiplicati convertuntur in momenta.

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Et his admitus D. Leibnitius {illeg} qu{illeg}{sam} Collinium consulebat de compendium in man hocce in manu Collinij videre potuit. Is enim hoc tempore Collinium de commercio Gregorij et meo consuluit et partem litererum nostrarum in ejus manu vidit & ab Oldenburgo paulo ante postulaverat ut demonstrationem mearum serierum a Collinio procuraret: quæ Demonstratio extabat in hoc Compendio

Analysis vero de qua hic locutus sum eadem est cum Analysi \per series/ cujus {illeg}|c|ompendium Barrovius \anno 1669/ ad Collinium misit

Ad hæc /His\ respondit D. Leibn. 27 Aug 1676 in hæc verba.

Hoc compendium est Analysis illa per series \fluxiones et mom{enta}/ quam Ionesius edidit.

Hæc est Analysis illa per series, fluxiones et momenta cujus specimen Barrovius noster anno 1669 cum Collinio communicavit ut supra.

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Vbi symbolum o{illeg} ut quantitates fracta

In Epistolis meis 10 Decem 1672 & 24 Octob 1676 \datis/ dixi quantitates surdas methodum meam non morari, Et hæc{illeg} \hanc/ res|m| exempl{illeg}|o|{illeg} habere{illeg} \explic{illeg}ui|o|/ in Analysis mea a Ionesio edita, pag. 14. Substituatur uti \in æquatione/ pro quantitate radicale symbolum ubi quodvis; Tractetur symbolum illud ut quantitas fluens; Et completo opere pro symbolo et ejus fluxione scribatur quantitas radicalis et ejus fluxio.

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Newtonus quantitatem aliquam ut uniformiter fluentem spectat Newtonus [fluxionem \exponentis/ temporis exponit per unitatem fluxiones aliarum quantitatum per alia symbola,] momentum temporis per exponit per Newtonus {illeg} \designat/ Tempus \uti/ per quantatem {sic} quamcun uniformiter fluentem {illeg} momentum {illeg} \fluxionum/ ejus designat per literam {a} Leibnit unitatem & momentum per literam o \Newtonus designat/: Aliarum quantitatum fluentes N designato per alia symbola et momenta \earum/ per symbola illa ducta in sym momentum o, e et{illeg}|st| a|A|reas \vero/ curvarum \designat/ per ordinatas ductas in quadrato inclusas. Leibnitius pro fluxionibus nulla habet symbola, pro momentis præfigit literam {illeg}t symbolis fluentium \literam d/, pro et pro Areis præ figit Literam s symbolis {O}{illeg} Ordinatarum \literam/. Newtonus caculo suo usus est in Analysi quam Barrovius cum Collinio mense Iulio anni 1669 communicavit; \et/ Leibnitius hanc methodum tum in Analysi {a}|i|lla tum alias in Epistolis 10 Decem. 1672, 13 Iun 1676 & 24 Octob 1676 valde generalim esse \& \ad/ {illeg}endas curvarum areas longitudines curvitat{e}s (sc. per fluxiones secundas descripsit,/ designavit /{illeg} significavit\ & verbis partim apertis partim fig descripsit partim figuratis celavit, [eam ad Curvarum areas longitudines, centra gravitatis \soliditates/ & curvaturas (sc. per fluxiones secundas) sese extendere, ut et \ad/ inversa Tangentium Problemata aliq|a|difficiliora{illeg}, sino vero ad omnia pene dixerat problemat si forte numeralia quædam Diophantæis similia excipiantur.] Leibnitius suam communicare cœpit anno 1677 \mense Iunio/ Et ut suam faceret scripsit {Et} in hæc verba. Newtono assentior Clarissimi Slusij methodum \tangentium/ nondum esse absolutam \celeberrimo/ Newtono assentior: Et jam a multo tempore rem tangentium longe generalius tractavi scilicet per differentias Ordinatarum. Sed anno tamen superiore methodum differentialem minime invenerat. Scripsit enim 27 Aug. 1676 multa esse adeo mira et implexa ut ne ab æquationibus pendeant ne a Quadraturis: qualia sunt (ea multis alijs) Problemata methodi Tangentium inversæ; quæ etiam Cartesius in potestate non esse fassus est. [Annis 1675 & 1676 D. Leibnitius quadraturam \quandam/ circuli componebat {illeg} limabat et poliebat vulgari more: sed postquam\ea/ Analysin gra{illeg}isse novam invenerat prolixius exponere vulgari more quæ Analysis sua nova paucis exhibet non satis operæ pretium videbatur. Leibn. in Actis Eruditorum Anno 1691 p. 178.]

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sed acceptis Newtono Literis rescripsit {illeg} anno sequente mense Iunio methodum differentialem \ut ut o olim a sc inventam/ communicare cœpit & ut his verbis. Clarissimi Slusij methodum tangentium nondum esse absolutam \celeberrimo/ Newtono assentior: et jam a multo tempore rem tangentium longe generalius tractavi scilicet per differentias Ordinatarum &c. Quod methodum hanc a multo tempore invenerat probandum est. Nam D. Leibnitius pro se testis esse {illeg} non potest. Iniqus esset Iudex qui in rebus controversis hominē quemvis pro seipso testem admitteret.

Et vires more considerat \hase considerat, non/ ut qualitates primaries, \primas causis destitutas aut rebus \corporibus// essentiales, {illeg}d et causes destitutas \considerat/ sed ut qualitates \{lats} patent{illeg}/ quaru{m} causes ignoramus. Et vires considerat ut qualitates primas causis destitutas aut corporibus essentiales sed quarum causes ignoramus.

Sir Isaac Newton

These

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Hon'd Sir,

I take leave to put You in mind of bringing with You to the Royal Society Your Key of the Iron Chest which contains the Common Seal, the Lease being ingross'd and ready for the Seal to be affixt to it.

Crane-Court, Nov. 9th 1713.

I am

Your most Obliged and Obedient Servt.

Io: Thorpe

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Galileo argued that uniform gravity by acting equally in equal times upon a falling body would produce equal velocities \of descent/ in those times, or that the whole force imprest, the whole time of descent & the whole velocity acquired \in falling/ would be proportional to one another; but the whole descent or space described would be \arise from the time & velocity together & there be in a compound ratio of them both, or as the/ as the {sic} \time of descent & the velocity of descending together that is as the/ squares of the times of \{in ther of there}/ descent. And hereby he demonstrated that the a Projectile in a space void of resistance describes a Parabola. And Mathematicians unanimously agree that he was in the right, And Mr Leibnitz himself being one of them. And yet he measures the force imprest, not by the velocity acquired to wch {it} is proportional, but by the space of descent to wch it is not proportio <10r> nal. And if a body ascend, grav the gravity of the body by acting \upon it/ equally in equal times will take of equal velocities of ascent in those equal times, or that || the whole force imprest, || the whole time of ascent to any height || & the whole velocity taken of in that as{illeg} time are proportional to one another \but not to the space of ascent./ But The whole space of ascent will be as the velocity & time together \arise from the time & velocity together & be in compound ratio of them both/, that is, as the square of either of them. And upon these rules of desce ascending & descending, Galileo demonstrated that projectiles would, in spaces void of resistance, {d}escribe Parabolas. And all Mathematicians acquiesce (not excepting Mr Leibnitz himself) unanimously agree that he was in the right. And it is proportional but by the space of ascent to which it is not proportionall.

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et in epistolis supra impressis significavit {illeg} methodum suam ad tangentes directe & inverse et {illeg}l{illeg}qu{illeg}d \ad/ alia \etiam/ problemata \genera{illeg}/ extendere, & method{illeg} Inter Leibnitius et e{illeg}lis [et methodum suam in tangentibus directe et inverse per exempla exposuit.] Leibnitius negaverat Tangentes per inverse per æquationes trac vel \&/ quadraturi|a|s tractavi posse sed Lecta Newtoni literis animum advertit ad methodos tangentium & consideratio diffentiarum {sic} in methodis illis primam lucem ipsi affundit.

Leibnitius hic fat{a}tur methodus determinandi Tangentes per differentiam|s| \linearum/ primam ipsi lucem affunde{ri}t|isse| \Leibnitio/ id est methodum|s| Archimedis a Fermatio, Gregorio, Barrowo restitut{u}m|a| & promotam, Scripserat Newtonus methodum suam ad tangentes de{termi}nisse in omni problemat{illeg} genere. \a Newtono ad æquationes {illeg}is \quasvis in indeterminatas/ & motuum velocitates applicatam./

Vidit hoc Fermati{o}|u|s antea, determinando punctum flexus contrarij.

Nulla est hæc analogia. Differentiæ non sunt summarum differentiæ, {illeg} nec relationem habent \habent/ ad summas \habent {illeg} nisi quatenus sunt/ nisi quantitatum|es| infinite parvorum D Leibnitius methodum suam \minores/ aliunde habe ad \{P}{illeg}am/ D. Leibnitius aliunde accepit.

Methodus \igitur/ determinandi Tangentes per differentias line{illeg}|á|rum primam lucem affuderat Leibnitio \(p    / id est methodus Archimedis a Fermatio Gregorio Barrowo restituta & promota, a Newtono ad quantitatum {illeg} \a{illeg}/ augmenta seu momenta generaliter applicata. Hujus methodi exempl{illeg}|a|{illeg} in problemate tand|g|entium directo (p    ) & inverso (p    ) & in Quadratura curvarum p     \et {illeg} applicatione \methodo/ serierum p    / Newtonus dederat. [Et Lebnitius {illeg} subinde \postea/ de methodo tangentiū amplianda cogitare cœpit (p    ) & cum \ipsius/ Hudeni{illeg}|o| de eadem locutus est (p) & methodum tangentium per differentias ut omnium optimam in animo revolvens (p     \p    /) invenit methodū \incidit in/ differentialem \(p    )/ et eandem cum Newtoniana statim conferens similitu similitudinem de contulit {illeg}                 & per omnia similem deprehendit p        cum {illeg}t{illeg} ta primam lucem int|d|e habuit p         & methodum {illeg} differentialem \differentialē sic reperiam/ cum Newtoniana statim contulit \id/ in problemate tangentium directa p      & inversa|o| p         et in Quadraturis p         & similem deprehendit \animadvertit/ p       sed in Actis Lipsicis prætendit se hoc non prius animadvertisse quam opera Newtoni et Wallisij prodiere. Sic etiam oblitus est literarum Oldenburgi per quas s] Leibnitius ex his deprehendit similitudinem in methodorum p           sed] Et ex his D. Leibnitius statim deprehendit similitudinem methodorum ab initio p

Sic {et} {sic}

|Et| His admonitus D. Leib D. Leibnitius in methodum {illeg} tangentium \per differentias/ animum advenit \intendit/ (p \46, 47/ 87, 88) & methodum differentialem Newtonianæ similem \esse/ statim ab initio deprehendit p. 90, 91, 93.

NHCN+FG=eenoanoo×e5e3, eennooanno32=e4ae2oeeno12anoo=eenoa2n

CF2FG=noe×e5eennoo+anno3=e4eeno+anoo=eennan

CP.CGCN.GF & arcus HC, CP erunt synchroni, et HCCP erit decrementum momentaneum ex resist & grav. Est HCHN {illeg} increm momentaneaum ex grav. Ergo 2HCCPHN decrem. moment. ex grav. resist. =HCCQ

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a D Leibnitius hic fatetur se methodum differentialem a relatione tangent Differentiarum ad Tangentes \didicisse/ habuisse, id est a method{illeg}|o| determinandi Tangentes per Differentias \didicisse So{thian}t/ Archimedes, Fermatius, Gregorius, \&/ Barrowu{s} methodus\um/ \{illeg}s/ Differentiarum ad Tangentes applicuerant\e/: {illeg} Newtonus {illeg} se Fermatio {illeg} se a Fer se primam \hic Lucem primam/ a Fermatio \hic accepisse {illeg}t fatetur/ {illeg}pe{illeg} esse a{illeg}{tos} et \hanc/ methodum \a Fermatij s{illeg} acceptam/ G{illeg} {ne}|a|d æquationes abstractas \& proportiones motuum/ applicando, et per æquationes \& proportiones motuū/ ad op{illeg} \a{illeg}i{a}{illeg} quævis/ problemata \quævis/ quæ \per/ æquationes tractari possunt generalem re{illeg}d{illeg}tus Et {l}{illeg} s{illeg}g{illeg}t per proportiones motuum et hoc {cum} method \& proportiones motuum & series tractari possunt applicu{illeg} {s}{illeg}{ic} reddidit valde generalem/ & se talis methodi compotem \applicando {illeg}a{u}{illeg}m esse & methodum Slusij ejusdem corollariū/ esse significavit in epistolis supra impressis pag     &     De{inde} d{illeg} Leibnitius Deinde cum scriberet \& {illeg} {quibusdam} methodū illustravit p{illeg} pag     &/ \Et cum/ D. Leibnitius \scripsissit/ methodum inversam tangentium impotestate esse \et methodum Slusij esse cor{ollarium} ejusdem/ ab æquationibus \& quadraturis/ non pendere, Newtonus respondit e{illeg}|s{illeg}|dem \hanc etiam/ in potestate esse Et tum dem{illeg} et exemplum \generale/ dedit solutionis per quadraturam|s| Curvarum ubi datur relatio inter latera duo quævis trianguli quod ab ordinata, tangente & subtangente constituitur. Et his ominibus {sic} Et tum demum D. Leibnitius his omnibus admo{t}eitus {illeg} methodum differentialem {illeg} \{illeg} methodum generalem quæsivit per/ relationem differentiarum ad Tangentes. habuit quæsivit & |in| Newtonianam invenit incidit quæ methodo Newtoni responderet, & se in ejusmodi methodum incidisse mox significavit scripsit ad Oldenburgum significavit in ult{illeg} s{illeg}{d} per Epistolā pag {de} quam videas pag supra impressam pag       Methodus tangentium a Slusio publicata a Dixerat Newtonus methodum tangentium a Slusio {illeg} ascriptam, a principijs suis \methodo sua generali/ facillime fluere. Slusius Facillime fluit hæc methodus a Differentijs. Et Leibnitius hic fatetur se methodum differentialem a relatione Differentiarum ad Tangentes habuisse. Et tum demum co{m} D. Leibnitius animum ad\vertit ad/ methodos tangentium, & consideratio Differentiarum in methodis illis primam lucem ipsi affundit Et met problemata tangentium inversa {a}li{illeg} alia similia a tang ab æquationibus & quadraturis pendere se primam negasse & {illeg} \subinde/ a Newtono didicisse {illeg} statim oblitus est Vide p. 65, {illeg}|85|, 86, 93.

\Vidi b mox{illeg}/ b Hoc ante{illeg}|a| Fermatius qui, per \differentiam primam evanescentem id est per/ osculum determinavit punctum flexus contrarij.

c Et notavi c mirabilem &c       c Nulla est hujusmodi {illeg}|a|nalogia Differentiæ \non/ sunt summarum differentiæ; non sunt ejusdem generis quantitates cum summis; [Leibnitius primam lucem aliunde habuit.] sunt ad summas ut momentum ad tempus, vel punctum ad lineam, non ut radix ad potentiam. Leibnitius primam lucem aliunde habuit.

Sic etiam oblitus est liter\ar/um Oldenburgi per quas series suas omnes accepit p.

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he saith that when he was in London the second time he saw some of my Letters in the hands of Mr Collins \cheifly those wch related to series/ & observed that {illeg} {sic} in one of them I acknowledged my ignorance in the dimensions of the vulgar figures except the Sphæroid \Cissoid. &/ & \that the Committee had omitted this. But/ being told yt this was in my Letter of 24 Octob. 1676 & was published {in} the Commerc. p 74 he acknowledges that it was, & adde|s|{sic} that \he would cite another insta{nce.}/ i|I|n another of m{y} Letters wch he then saw (meaning a Letter dated          1672 & not yet publish{ed} \said that/ I acknowleded {sic} my ignorance that I could not find the second sections (or segm{ents} of Sphæroids, & that the Committee acknowledged had omitted this.

{illeg} were as much as was proper in tha{t} {illeg}ere I it being {illeg} of tha{illeg}|t| book to enter into disputes about {illeg} {M}r Pell at that {illeg} notice of Mercators series for the H{illeg}d Mr Collins had some {illeg}communited mine & Gregories series to the Math{ematicia}ns at home & abroad, {illeg} might meet with some of them either at London or Paris without being {illeg} with Mr Collins.] & might be able to give him notice of

{illeg} xn1x.=y..xnnx.=y.x.

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Provided nevertheless that over & above the summs above mentioned there may be issued yearely out of the coinage monnys of England, the summ of 300li per an' for the salary of the General of the Mint in Scotland, 50li per an' for {t}he salary of the Clerk of the Bullion & 50li per an' in part of the salary {of} the Warden of the said Mint untill the next voidance of their places.

{illeg} in the place \Scholium Passage Paraph/ there referred unto I do not find one word to this purpose. On the con{trary} {I} there represent that I sent notice to Mr Leibnitz of my Letter bef Method {illeg} sent notice to me of his method & left him to make it appear that he had {illeg} method before the date of my Letter, I that is, eight months \at least/ before the date {illeg} also And by referring to the Letters wch passed between Mr Leibnitz & {illeg} before, I left the Reader to consult those Letters & interpret the {illeg} Paragraph thereby. For by those Letter{s} {illeg}ld understand \see/ that I {illeg} {o}f that Method & the Method of Ser{ies} {illeg} five years before {illeg} {t}hose Letters that is, in the year 16{illeg} {M}r Leibnitz knew nothing

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quæ beneficio serierum ad omnia pene problemata se extenderet, etiam ad inversa tangentium problemata {ab} aliq|d| difficiliora \se extenderet/ & methodum exemplis illustrarem literis vero transpositis hanc sententiam involventibus [Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente fluxiones invenire, et vice versa] fundamentum ejus celare, at exemplar epis Epistolæ cujusdam {ad} Anno 1672 add Collinium dat{illeg} accepisset etiam exemplar Epistolæ a me anno 1672 ad Collinium scriptæ \in/ qua in dixeram methodum Tangentium Slusij Corollarium esse hujus methodi generalis, Cum methodus Tangentium Slusij fundaretur in di in \proportione/ differentij|æ| Ord Ordinatarum duarū sibi proximarum ad differentiam Abscissarum et anno 1672 ad Collinium scripsissem hanc methodum esse Corollarium methodi generalis quæ citra molestum ullum calculum ad resolvent|d|um abstrusiora problematum genera de curvitatibus, Areis, longitudinibus, centris gravitat{illeg}|is,| curvarum &c & ad quantitates surdas minime hæret, deinde exemplar autem hujus Epistolæ ad D Leibnitium, mittere anno 1676 ad D. Leibnitium mitteretur; et eodem anno literis alijs ad ipsum missis significarem me compotem esse methodi ducendi tangentes determinandi maximas & minimas ducendi tangentes quadrandi curvilineas et similia peragendi quæ in terminis surdis æque ac in rationalibus procederet, et cujus benefici{o} qu{a} beneficio serierum ad omnia pene problemata {illeg} [etiam ad inversa tangentium alia difficili ora] se extenderet, [et methodum exemplis illustrarem] respondet Le D. Leibnitius id sibi non videri; esse {illeg}|e|nim multa us ad eo mira et implexa ut ne ab æquationibus pendeant ne ex quadraturs, qualia sunt ex multis alijs problemata methodi tangentius inversæ. Cum autem rescripsissem \inversa de Tangentibus problemata esse in potestate, alia illis difficiliora &/ methodum tangentium Slusij ex meis Principijs statim consequi, quætiones {sic} sol & similiter quæstiones de maximis & minimis {e}t |re|solvi & quadraturas reddi fal|c|iliores & alia similia peragi, et Analysin meam as|d| surdas quantitates \aut ad Curvas suas vocant Mechanicas/ non hærere, eandem vero exemplis illustrassem sed fundamentum ejus \literis transpositis/ hanc sententiam involventibus [Data æquatione quotcun fluentes quantitates involvente <13v> fluxione invenire et vice versa] fundamentum ejus celassem{illeg}: Respondit D. Leibnitius in hæc verba. Clarissimi Slusij Methodum Tangentium [id est methodum per differentias Ordinatarum] nondum esse absolutam Newtono assentior Celeberrimo Newtono assentior &c et jam a multo tempore rem Tangentium longe generalius tractavi, scilicet per differentias Ordinatarum. Deinde methodum suam communicavit a mea vix abludentem præterquam in verborum et notarum formulis. Vtrius fundamentum continetur in hoc Lemmate.

Hoc fecerunt Gregorius in ejus \Prop 7/ Geometriæ universalis anno 1668 impressæ \Prop. 7/ et Barrovius in ejus Lect 10 anno 1669 impressa, id methodo consimili. Idem D. Leibnitius facere potuisset jam a multo tempore. Sed inversa tangentium Problemata differentiales & quadraturas reducere jam anno superiore minime noverat. Vide pag 65 l. 14, 15. Cum vero a Newtono didicerat Clarissimi Slusij methodum Tangentium nondum esse absolutam, sed Corollarium esse methodi generalis quæ extenderet se citra molestum ullum calculum ad abstrusiora problematum genera, etiam ad inversa tangentium problemata alia diffil|c|iliora, & quæ ad quantitates surdas & Curvas Mechanicas minime hæreret, & cujus ope Quadraturæ redderentur faciliores: cœpit is methodum Tangentium per differentias Ordinatarum ab alijs traditam jam longe generalius tractare quam antea, & novo nomine novis symbolis ut suam ornare. Quo effectum est

<14r>

Id est, y=xx.axxx vel y.=xx.axxx. Et nota quod Diffe\re/ntiæ rectius decerentur partes. Sunt enim partes summarum {illeg} non et \{&} non autem/ differentiæ, {illeg}|n|e aliaquam habent relationem ad summas nisi quatenus sunt earum partes.

id {illeg} & n{illeg} {illeg} id generaliter per \s/ quadraturas sine ejus methodo ge id in t semper per quadraturas solas abs methodo generaliore quando datur relatio inter latere trianguli {illeg} TBC.

Hæc Isagoge et Corollarium Propositionis ultimæ scripta sunt ubi liber prodijt: reliquus in MS reliqua ex MS antiquo impressa sant.

id nonnunquam per quadraturas nonnunquam geralius {sic} method{o}|i|s generaliore|i|bus.

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Figure alia difficiliora. Vide etiam

Simplicior est expressio y.axxx=xx.. maximas et minima ded|t|erminari quæstiones de maximis et minimis alias quasdem determinari, & Problem

Vide etiam pag 30 & pag 47 lin 4

Gregorius methodum serierum ex unit|c|a tantum serie Newtoniana|m| \methodo|u|m/ invenit & Newtonum tamen inventorē primum \libere/ agnovit: Leibnitius pluribus edoctus, fuit. se nihil ab alijs Vide pag 30 & pag 47 lin 4, 8. & 71, 72.

LM 2anno3e5×28no×2e3nnoo 4ann8en3=a2en

2anno3e5×noe ad 8n4o44e6 a. n

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Hic est tractatus de Analysi per æquationes numero terminorum infinitas supra impressus.

Hinc liquet methodum fluxionum non tantum Newtono ante annū 1669 Newtono involuisse sed etiam ad magnum perfectionis gradum eo tempore provectam fuisse.

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|| In the year 1671 I wrote a Tract concerning the method|s| of converging series & the method of fluxions jointly and|but| did not finish it, that part of it being wanting which related to the solution of the inverse meth Problems wch could not be reduced to quadratures, as I mentioned in my letter to Mr Oldenburg dated 24. Octob 1676 &|w|hich |was| published by Dr Wallis in the third Volume of his works. From this Tract \I extracted/ in the year 1676 I extracted the following book of Quadratures; & therein I copied from the former Tract without any alteration the Tables set down in \the/ tenth Proposition for squaring the simpler \some/ Curves, or red{ucin} \&/ comparing them with the Conic Sections. In my Letter of \to Mr Collens to Mr Collins/ dated 8 Novem. 1676 \found by MrIones a mongst his Papers & published by his|m| & dated 8 Novem. 1676/ I had relation to this Book in saying Nulla extat Curva — — — adeo generaliter. This mentioned in set down in \relates to/ Coroll. 2. Prop. 10 of this Book.

And in the second Lemma of the 2d Book of Principles I demonstrated the Elements of the method of Fluxions.

|| ∥ This Book was in the hands of Mr Ralpson & Dr Halley in the year 1691 as the former has bef{illeg}t attested in print before his death & the latter still attests. And \in the year 1692/ at the request of Dr Wallis I sent hi to him the first Proposition of this Book with examples in first & second fluxions & he published \before the end of the year he printed the/ the same in the second Volume of {his} Works wch \Volume/ came abroad in April 1693. And this is \was/ the first time that any Rule was published for finding second third fourth & other differences. But the Book continued in MS till the year 1704. And then in publishing it I wrote a Preface in wch I affirmed that I found the method of fluxions gradually in the years 1665 & 1666. For I thought then that I might safely write this because Dr Wallis in the Preface to the thir first Volume of his works published \in spring./

④ In the abovementioned Letter of {the} 24 Octob 1676 at the request of Mr Leibnitz I described how before the Plague wch raged in London in the years 1695 & 1696 by considering how to interpole the series of Dr Wallis I found the method of converging series \{illeg} together wth/ the Rule for {illeg} converting the powers & dignities of Binomials into such series, & that Dr Barrow about the time \that/ the Logarithmotechnia of Mr Mercator came abroad sent to Mr Collins a compendium of thi|e|se series. This compendium was {illeg}|A| copy of this Compendium was in the hand\writing/ of Mr Collins was found by Mr Iones in the among the papers of Mr Collins & published after it had been collated {illeg} wth ye original wch Mr Iones borrowed of me for that end. The title thereof was Analysis per series numero terminorum infinitas. And in this Tract there are instances of calculating by the method of fluxions, \this method being interwoven with that of Series./ & it is therin affirmed that by this method of the method of series extends to all Problems & that by the help thereof ejus beneficio curvarum area & longitudinis &c (id modo fiat) exacte & Geometrice determinantur |And therefore I then understood the method of Fluxions so far as it is conteined in the first five or six Propositions of the book of Quadratures. And by the Testimony of Dr Barrow & Mr Collins I understood it thus far some years before that time For Mr Collins in a Letter to Mr Strode| And how this is done is explained in my said Letter of 24 Octob 1676. & illustrated with examples. And this is not to be done without the method of fluxions so far as it is conteined in ye first five or six Propositions of the book of Quadratures. And therefore the method of fluxions so far as it is conteined in those Propositions was known to me when I wrote the said Letter of 24 Octob 1676 & before that even when I wrote the Analysis per Æquationes numero terminorū infinitas wch was in the yeare 1669 \it was known to me/ & {choun} |by the Testimony of Dr Barrow & Mr Collins it was known to me| some years before that. For Mr Collins in a letter to Mr Strode dated 26 Iuly 1672 & published by Order of the R. S. in the Commercium Epistolicum wrote thus. Mense Septembri 1668, Mercator Logarithmotechniam suam edidid|t| suam, quæ specimen hujus methodi (i.e. serierum infinitarum) in unica tantum figura, nempe {illeg}|Q|uadraturam Hyperbolæ continet. Haud multo post quam in publicum prodierat Liber, exemplar ejus Cl. Wallisio Oxonium misi qui suam de eo judicium in Actis Philosophicis statim fecit; alium Barro{v}i{o} Cantabrigiam qui quasdam Newtoni chartas (qui jam extemplo remisit: e quibus et ALIIS, quæ OLIM ab Auctore cum Barrovio communicata fuerant, patet illam Methodum a dicto Newtono aliquod|t| annis antea \ALIQVOT ANNIS ANTEA/ excogitatam & modo universali applicatam fuisse: ita ut ejus ope in quavis Figura Curvilinea proposita quæ una vel pluribus {illeg}|p|roprietatibus definitur Quadratura vel Area dictæ Figuræ, accurata si possibile sit \ACCVRATA SI POSSIBILE SIT/, sin minus infinitè vero propinqua, {Et} Evolutio vel longitudo lineæ curvæ, Centrum gravitatis Figuræ; solida ejus rotatione genita, & eorum superficies; sine ulla radicum extractione obtineri queant. {illeg}o So then by the testimony of Dr Barrow founded upon papers communicated by me to Dr Barrow \him/ before the Logarithmotechnia came abroad \from time to time/, I had brought the method to the perfection here described, some years before the Logarithmotechnia came abroad. In another Letter, Mr Collins saith, above two years before. So then \By these testimonies it appears therefore that/ I had the method therefore in the perfection here described before September 1666, & by consequence then understood the method of fluxions \that is/ so far as it is described in the first five or six Propositions of this Book of Quadratures to <16v> square curves exactly when it may be done, or at least by continual approximation, & by consequence that I then understood the method of fluxions so far \at least/ as it is conteined in the first five or six Propositions of the book of Quadratures. Which \together wth the testimony of Dr Wallis/ I recon sufficient to justify me in {illeg} what I said in the Introduction to this Book.

|| In December 1672 upon notice from Mr Collins that Mr Iames Gregory had a method of drawing Tang improved the methods of tangents of Dr Barrow so as to draw tangents without calcuclation & that Mr Slusius had such another Method wch he intended to communicate to Mr Oldenburg, I wrote the following Letter to Mr Oldenburg \Collins/ dated 10 Decem 1672. Ex animo gaudeo D. Barrovij — — — — reducendo eas ad series infinitas. These last words {illeg} you have \here/ a general description of the |great| extent of the method of fluxions, with an example of it in drawing of Tangents. The wor{illeg} the {sic} method here sp{illeg}t described was interwoven with the \another/ method of resolving converging Series in wch I reduce equations to converging series.

|| For in the year 1671 I wrote a Tract concerning the method of

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NB. Hunc Librum {illeg} de Quadraturis \MS/ Halleius & Ralphsonus Anno 1691 manibus suis tractarunt uti posterior publice testatus est et posterior adhuc testatur. Propositionem primam cum exemplis in differentijs primi fluxionibus primis & secundis \inveniendis/ D. Wallisius anno 1672 a me accepit & eadem in secundo ejus Volumine operum ejus impressa fu{illeg} anno proximo lucem vidit, & prima fuit hujus generis Regula quæ lucem vidit; es\t/qus \Regula illa/ verissima et maxime {illeg} universalis. {illeg} In Lemmate secudo {sic} libri |scdi| Principiarum mathematicorum Philosophiæ, Schol Regulam illam synthetice demonstra & in Scholio quod Lemmati subjunxi Propositionem dixi me Propositionem eandem \totidem syllabis/ posui dixi me eandem totidem syllabis prius in Epistola ad 24 Octob. 1676 ad Oldenburgum data posuisse. Hanc Epistolam D. Wallisius in tertio operum suorum edidit volumine edidit, Et ibi habetur hæc Propositio totidem literis tanquam fundamentum methodi cujusdam ducendi tangentes, determinandi maxima & minima, quadrandi figuras & similia peragendi, In qua metho & in hac {m} et hic \in qua/ non hæreti|{ur}| ad Æquationes Radicalibus unam vel utram Indefinitam Quantitatem involventibus utcun affectas. Et eodem fundamento dixi me ad Theoremata quædam generaliora quadrandi curvas pervenisse. Et Theorema primum \(sc. pro/ ib\ub/{sic} posui et exemplis illustravi addidi me pro Trinomijs etiam et alijs quibusdam Regulas \quasdam/ concinasse. Est autem \hoc/ Theorema primum idem cum Propositione quinta libri de Quadraturis, Et Theo\re/ma primum pro Trinomijs idem cum Propositione sexta ejusdem libri. Et hæ duæ Propositiones pendent a Propositionibus quatuor primis ejusdem libri. Et propterea methodus fluxionum quatenus continetur in Propositionibus sex primis Libri de Quadraturis mihi innotuit anno 1676. Sed et Propositio septima et octava, ejusdem {illeg} \sunt/ generis. Nona autem ac decima requirentur ad solutionem Problematis quod posui in Epistola ad D. Collinium Novem. 8 1676 data \& ad Ioneso edita/ ve\r/bis sic Latine redditis Nulla extat Figura curvilinea cujus Æquatio — — — haud tamen adeo generaliter. < insertion from the bottom of the page > Et in eadem Epistola Ordinatæ Cuvilinearum {sic} quæ cum Ellipsi et Hyperbola comparari possunt eædem ponuntur | habentur ac in Tabula secunda Prop. X libri de Quadraturis. Ideo Tabula illa (et propterea methodus fluxionum) mihi innotuit cujus ope \Tabula/ constructa fuit) mihi ante {illeg} innotuit anno 1676: immò et annis aliquot antea. Nam dixi in Epistola illa me Theoremata pro Comparatione Curvarum cum Conicis Sectionibus in Catalogum dudum retulisse. < text from f 17r resumes >

Anno igitur 1676 Methodum fluxionum intellexeram quatenus in \hoc/ Libro |hocce| de Quadrature|is| Curvarum exponitur. Sed et anno 1671 eandem intellexerā Nam in Epistola mea \prædicta/ ad D. Oldenburgum 1|2|4 Iunij \Oct. 1676/ scriptam, dixi me in Tractatu quem tunc ante quinquennium scripseram de Seriebus conscripseram me \etia/ alia præter methodum serierum haud pauca congessisse inter quæ erat methodus Tangentium ducendi Tangentes quam solertissimus Slusius ante annos duos tresve tecum communicavit; de qua tu (suggerente Collinsio) rescripsisti eandem mihi etiam innotuissi. Dein Deinde Diversa ratione in eam incidimus. Et subinde dico me in hanc methodum tangentium incidisse per methodum quandam |quæ ad quæ ad quæstiones de maximis et minimis, de que quadraturis & alijs se extendit & quantitates surdas non moratur, &| cujus fundamentum continetur in hac sententia, Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente, Fluxiones invenire; et vice versa. De his omnibus \hic/ loquor tant|q|uam mihi cognitis ante quinquennius|m| \cognitis/. Sed et in Epistola {illeg} [ad D. Collinium 10 Decem. 1672 scripta data hanc methodum sic descripsi. Ex animo gaudeo — — — ne grave ducas. Methodus fluxionum hic perspicue describitur. Et præterea, in Epis] eadem

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— nec prius cum amicis communicare cœpit quam ab Anglia discesserat, {illeg} |& postq|u|am ab Olden|burgo acceperat, remisit \{illeg} acce{illeg}/ ut Anglis ignotam.

Methodum exhibendi Arcum cujus sinus datus Leibnitius ab Oldenburgo postea quæsivit, Maij 12 1612 {sic}, ideo {illeg} nondum intellexit

\p. 38./ a Collinius jam ante quadrennium series Newtonianas ante triennium Gregorianas cum amicis communicare cœpit. Leibnitius in Anglia diversabatur A|a|nno superiore & hujusmodi series nondum communicaverat, nec prius cum amicis communicare cœpit quam ab Anglia discesserat, Et \subinde/ cum series aliquas ab Oldenburgo acceperat, quas a suis diversas esse \tum/ fatebatur, \tandem/ unam {illeg}bum \acceptarum/ remisit \Oldenburgo/ ut Anglis ignotam. Nullas autem communicavit nisi quas ab Oldenburgo acceperat.

b Methodum exhibendi arcum cujus sinus datur Leibnitius ab Oldenburgo postea quæsivit, Maij 12 1676, ideo nondum intellexit \habuit./ Vnde nec methodum jam habuit perveniendi ad seriem alteram \numerorum rationalium/ quam se primum invenisse hic jactabat \quæ|ā| uti eandem esse dicit/ Sola methodus transmut{illeg}|a|toria quam postea communicavit non dat arcum ex Sinu, ideo non est methodus de qua hic agitur, sed post inventa fui fuisse \videtur/. Series \forsan duas/ habere potuit sed methodum qua inventæ sunt nondum habuit.

p. 41. Hanc seriem D. Collins initio anni 1671 a Gregorio acceperat ut supra; D. Leibnitius cum amicis in Gallia opusculum de eadem hoc anno communicare cœpit, celata hac Epistola.

p. 42. |a| His verbis Leibnitius series acceptas a suis diversas esse testatur \confessus est/ /testatur\ et earum tamen unam pro sua \unam tanen {sic} acceptarum/ quasi Anglis ignotam præ s{illeg}a anno proximo \pro sua/ remisit. Miror quænam fuerint \ipsius/ series quibuscum non potuit series ab Oldenburgo missas \jam/ comparare non potuit, Si aliquas ab communicatas diversas habuit certe b eas nunquam communicavit mirum est quod eas nunquam communicavit in lucem produ{c}it protulit \et quare eas ab acceptas/ lucem nunquam viderunt. siquis habuit ab acceptis diversas

p. 42. b Hoc nunquam fecit Leibnitius . . . . . . vindicandi, cum incidisset tandem in transmutatione figurarum cujus beneficio series illa inveniri potuit \prætendens hanc/ quas longe diversam ab ijs quas per Mohrum acceperat, Anno & quasi alios multos [Anne Leibnitius ignorabat se hanc seriem a] quasi \a nemine acceptam quia/ longe diversam ab ijs quas per Mohr Georgium Mohr acceperat & ab alio nemine acceptam. Certe series hæc Leibnitio ipso teste non est Leibnitiana quia non diversa ab ijs quas ab Oldenburgo acceperat. Certe Leibnitiana non est quia seriem meam In Epistola 26 Octob. 1674 {illeg} data dicebat \seriem {illeg} seriem suam/ suam inventam esse eadem methodo \inventam esse/ cum serie \pro {illeg}endo arcu ex \dato/ sinu (Hæc series/ prima...earum quas per Mohrum \mox/ accepitat jam methodum hanc ignorat \{Ex} Quomodo invenietur jam ignorat/ \methodum inveniendi/ sibi mitti \suar/ postulat et \ut eandem obtineret/ sua {illeg} ab his longe diversa circa hanc rem meditata vicissim promittit seriem scilicet quam ab Oldenburgo acceperat|,| Vide ejus Epistolam Maij 12, 1676 non eadem methodo (ne sua non esset) sed alia {illeg} nova aliqua{illeg} inventam demonstratam.] Series hasce mirabatur ut valde ingeniosas sed demonstrare nondum potuit Postulat igitur demonstrationem sibi mitti, et ut eandem obtineat, sua ab his longe diversa circa hanc rem meditata promittit.

*** ad verba [Via quadam sic satis singulari] notetur. Leibnitius in Epistola 26 Octob 1674 data dicebat series suas \una et/ eadem methodo inventas esse. \& hanc methodum jam vocat viam quandam satis singularum./ Series pro arcu ex dato sinu prima est {illeg}arum quas per Mohrum mox accepit. Series hisce {illeg} \per Mohrum/ acceptas ut valde ingeniosas laudabat sed demonstrre nondum pot{uit}|era|t. Postulabat igitur demonstrationem sibi mitti, et ut eandem obtine\re/at sua ab his longe diversa circa hanc rem meditata promittebat.] Sed {n}ecrium suo{illeg} series suas ab Oldenburgianis diversas, nec \et/ viam singularem qua ejusmodi series prodirent, nunquam misit communicavit.

DG=e. ee2aooo ( eaoennoo2e3 ee2aooo ee2ao+aaooeeonnooee {} aaooee+oo2e2aoe=nnoo2e3. 22 ) oo+aaooee=FG=nnoo2e3

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E{illeg}

Quasi

Seriem Gregorianam ab Oldenburgo acceptam Mense Maio a suis distinuerat. Opusculum de hac serie compositum hoc anno cum amicis in Gallia communicare cœpit celata Oldenburgi {illeg} communicatione. Seriem eandem \quasi/ Anglis ignotam jam promittit se missur{illeg} cum Oldenburgo communicaturum, & proximo anno communicavit. Et prætendit se cum amicis in Gallia ante biennium \id est anno 1672/ communicasse. Prætendit|eb||at| etiam ante menses quatuordecim

Series quas mense Aprili O suas in

Series mense Aprili ab Oldenburgo missas, Leibnitius a suis diversas esse dist{illeg}it \diversas esse agnovit/ Inter {illeg} Missarum una erat series Gregorij pro arcu \circuli/ ex tangente altera alia erat series Newtoni pro tangente ex arcu ex sinu. Has pro suis Leibnitius \{illeg}/ {illeg}e agnovit \Opusculū/ De serie priore Leibnitius ho compositum Leibnitius hoc anno cum amicis in Gallia communicavit|re| cœpit, {illeg} Methodus inveniendi seriem posteriorem Leibnitius \anno proximo/ postulavit ab Oldenburgo \Celata Oldenburgi epistola./ Et jam promittit se hanc seriem \quasi Anglis ignotam/ cum Oldenburgo communicaturum, quasi et eandem \simili/ fide dicit se eandem jam plusquam biennio abhinc cum Geometris in Gallia communicasse. Seriem alteram easdem laudabat ut \novas &/ valde ingeniosit|a|s & sibi tum primum cognita{illeg}|s|{illeg} postuland{illeg}|bit|\{a}t/ \et {illeg}|in|de occasionem accipuit exempl{illeg}/ /& ideo postulabat.\ earum demonstrationem |{illeg}| ad se mitti, quasi series nullas ab Oldenburgo prius accepisset. Et hoc parto . . . . . acceperat.

a Quasi Leibnitius nesciret hanc s{illeg} /hanc Quadraturam {illeg}\ Anglis \Gregorianam esse &c/ innotuisse|.| vel ab Ol

b Anno 1673 Leibnitius in Anglia commorans de hujusmodi serie{m}|bus| aliquid audire potuit. Annū|o| proximi|o| sscripsit \jactabat/ se hujusmodi seriem unam at {illeg}|a|lteram habere \sed nullam cum Anglis communicavit/, {illeg} anno tertio mense Aprili vel Mai{illeg}|o| accepit \ab Oldenburgo/ ejusmodi series \aliquot/ quas a suis diversa, esse agnovit. Eodem anno opusculum de serierum acceptarum una cum amicis in Gallia communicare cœpit, celata Oldenburgi e{illeg}|p|istola. {illeg} Et jam promittit se hanc seriem quasi Anglis ignotam Oldenburgo remissurum.

b Quasi ante Annum easdem non accepisset ab Oldenburgo.

c Opusculum prædictum de Quadratura arithmetica D. Leibnitius polire perrexit.

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When Mr Leibnitz published the series o Gregory at his ow & such other things as he had notice of from England \for preventing disputes & doing justice to every body/: he should have acknowledged who |the| correspondence he had kept wth Mr Oldenburg & what \he/ had received from England or seen in the hands of Mr Collins relating to the things wch he published.

a He omits the greatest part of my method of series & its connexion with the method of Fluxions.

b He gives Mr Fatioo the lye who had seen my ancient papers, & pretends that when I represented that I wro in wh{illeg} in the year 1671 I wrote a tract on the method of series & another. yt method founded on this Proposition Data æquatione fluentes quantitates involvente \invenire fluxiones/ & I did not dream of the calculus of fluents & fluxions

c He affirms falsly that I use prict letters for the differential characters For fluxions & differences are quantities of a different kind.

d He places the invention of the methods in the invention of the \the/ symbols as as if used in them as if new names & new symbols ought to pass for new inventions.

e He affirms falsly that in my Principles I had frequent occasion to use my calcus {sic} of fluxions for a after I had invented the Propositions by Analysis I demonstrated them by composition.

f He affirms falsly that in this book there is no footstep of this Calculus for ye 2d Lemma of the second book conteins the elements of this calculus And the Scholium upon this Lemma asserts this Calculus to my self.

g Prickt letters appeared in the second volume of the Works of Dr Wallis wch was printed in the year 16693 {sic} & mentions that he had the what he there printed of this matter he had from me in the year 1692. My Tract of Quadratures was handed about among in London in 1691. I made much use of it in writing my book of Principles & composed it many years before but never placed the method in the use of prickt letters: for the Introduction to this book was writ in ye year 1704 without p{illeg} & conteins a description of ye method without ye use of prickt letters.

h Incrementum constans ipsius x nunquam notabam per x punctatam notatu uno puncto|.| Sed p Illud noto per {illeg} x.o; & ubi x. est unitas, per o

i Notatio mea per o sub falso dis|c|itur calculi differentialis commoda destruere. Notatio est elegantior et utilior.

k Regulam circa gradus utiliores falsam non dedi Mathematicus ille eminens erravit. Annon hic est Bernoullius.

l Apparet me ab Autore nostro falso accusatum Leibnitius|m| \Anno 1689/ ubi scripsit Tentamen De motuum Cœlestium causis, rectam methodum differentiandi differentiali non intellexisse. Rectam methodum Wallisius noster e literis nostris anno 16{illeg}|9|2 ad eum missis descripsit \anno/ in secundo Operum volumine {illeg} anno 1693 in lucem emisso, Eandem \recte/ descripsi in Propositione prima libri de Quadraturis; et hic liber manibus amicorum Londini terebatur anno 1691, & subsidio mihi fuit \annis 168{illeg}9, 1{84}|68|4 1683, 1684, 1685 & 1686/ ubi scribebam Principia Philosophiæ et multa ante conscriptus fuit. Et recte capiendo fluxiones fluxionum et momenta momentorum inveni Demonstrationem Theorematis Kepleriani anno 1677 & Curvaturam Curvarum ante annum 1673 ut ex epistola mea 10 Decem 1672 ad Collinium data manifestum est.

a literas punctatas uno duobus tribus &c punctis superpositis non adhibit pro dx, d{illeg}|{d}|x, d3x; dy, ddy &c nunquam adhibuit. Hæ sunt quantitates diversi generis. Ex verbis ejus nunc adhibet incidit suspicio quod is fuit author Epitomis libri \De/ Quadratura Curvarum in Actis Erudit. anno 1705 ips impr{æ}|e|ssæ unde nata est hæc controversia.

b In Principijs Naturæ Mathematicis, calculo fluxionum utendi nulla erat occasio. Invent{illeg}|{a}| sunt Propositiones per hanc Analysin, demonstratæ vero per synthesin.

c

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1 Methodum Serierum a me inventam minuit.

2 Somnia narrat. Ex Epistola 24. Octob. 1676 data certissimum est me fluxionales æquationes per ea tempora habuisse.

3 fallitur. Pro {illeg} symbolis differentij|a|rum non utor symbolis fluxionum. Hæ sunt quantitates diversi generis.

4 Fallitur. Methodi non consistunt in formulis verborum et symbolorum. In tractatu de quadraturis olim scripto literis punctatis utor, in ejus Præfatione nuper scripta literis punctatis utor et tamen methodum fluxionum li|a|bsque literis punctatis describo.

5 Falitur. {illeg} In libro Principiorum nullam habui occasionem utendi calculo fluxionum Propositiones inveni per Analysin demostravi {sic} per synthesin. Analysis al{illeg} tamen ita \per Demonstrationes syntheticas ita/ elucet ut Marchio Hospitalius scripserit {illeg} librum pene totum ex hac Analysi constare et ipse Leibnitius agnoverit me omnium primum specimine publice dato ostendisse quod partem hujus methodi nobilissimam et latissime patentem haberem: eam utique qua solidum minimæ resistentiæ, Curva celerrimi descensus, Catenaria et Vellaria inventa fuerunt.

6 Fallitur. Nam Lemma secundum libri secundi & Scholium ejus continet elementa hujus calculi.

7 Fallitur. Nam Volumen tertium seri editum fuit anno 1699. Extant literæ punctatæ in volumine secundo quod prodijt \impressum fuit/ anno 1693. Liber autem de Quadraturis in manibus amicorum terebatur anno 1691 et deinceps & in meis anno dum Principia Philosophiæ scripsi|ber||em| & multo ante sc{ri}ptus \compositus/ fuit|.| ut ex Epist

8. Fallitur. Incrementum constans ipsius x nunquam notabam per x. punctatum uno puncto. Illud noto per x.o: et u{illeg}|b|i x. est unitas, per o.

9. Fallitur. Notatio mea per o non destruit commodo calculi differentialis se e contra, commodior est.

10 Fallitur. Regulam circa gradus ulteriores veram dedi.

11 Annon Ber Mathematicus ille \eminens/ Bernoullius est? Anne author Epistola seipsum hic citavit.

12 Accusationem probare deb{it}|ui|t. Non probata pro calumnia haberi debet.

13 Rectam methodum Wallisius noster e literis nostris anno 1692 ad eum \missis/ in secundo Operum volumine anno 1693 impresso descripsit. Eandem in libro de Qua Proportione prima Libri de Qua olim compositis de Quadraturis habetur.

13 Methodum veram Leibnitius ipse non habuit \Anno 1689/ ubi scripsit Tentamen suum de motuu motuum cœlestium causis. Post annum 1690 methodus illa {illeg} cœpit \a Leibnitianis/ intelligi. Anno 1696 Dn. Marchio Hospitalius eandem edidit. Methodum veram Wallisius a me accepit anno 1692 & \anno proximo/ in secundo Operum Volumine an edidit. Eadem describitur in Propositione prima libri de Quadraturis olim scripti. A fluxionibus secundis {illeg} A momentis secundis multæ Propositiones in Libris Principiorum pendent. & Hujus generis est {illeg} determinatio Problematis Kepleri Propositionis Keplerianæ quam anno 1677 inveni. Dixi etiam in Epistola 10 Decem 1672 me per \ad Collin{um} data/ methodum de qua ibi locutus sum, id est per methodum fluxionem curva \ad/ |curva|turas c|C|urvarum inveni{s} se extendere{,}. Hæ autem pendent a fluxionibus secundij|s|. {illeg} etiam \Regulam utiq {sic}/ Fluxion{is}|ū| uti primas|r|ū intelligenti Regula secundarum latere noti potest cum sit eadem cum Regula primarum ut Propositionem primam Libri de Quaduris {sic} consulenti statim patebit

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complaint that Newton in his Principles & book of Quadratures had used fluxions for the differences of Mr Leibnitz \the inventor of {ean} {illeg}{thor}/ as Honoratus Faber substituted progressions of Motion {as} for the method of Cavellerius.

There have hitherto been \printed/ only a few copies of the Commercium Epipstolicum relating to the infinitesimal method

The Commercium Epistolicum relating to the Infinitesimal method

|1.| It was hoped that a few copies of the \following/ Commercium Epistolium {sic} printed off & sent {sen} printed off & sent to Mathematicians who were able to judge of these things, But might {h}{illeg}|it| have silenced the dispute about \about/ the dispute about the Infinitesimal Method \the {sic} complaint that Mr Newtons book of Quadratures was a peice of Plagiary/: but Mr Leibnitz & his friends have {illeg}d{illeg} declined answering it, & endeavoured to run the dispute into a wrangle & squabble about other matters \\such {as} {illeg}/ occult qualities, miracles, gravity, \attraction/ sensoriums, the perfection of the world, a vacuum atoms the solving of problems & the like: all wch are nothing to the purpose/ which are nothing to the purpose. & some of them still continue to squabble And tho Mr Leibnitz is dead, yet this squabbling humour is still continued by some of his friends. And therefore it has been thought fit to publish this Commercium Epistolicum together wth the given \Account given/ thereof in the Philosophical Transactions for Ianuary 17145 & so leave it to posterity to judge of this matter by the ancient Records.

|3| Against the credit of these Records it has been objected that the Committee of the R. Society published every thing that made against Mr Leibnitz & omitted every thing that made against Mr Newton. In my s{illeg} But This|e| objection was only a pretence {illeg} made by Mr Leibnitz but had nothing more in it then clamour. For in his a Postscript of his first Letter to Abbe Conti, \for proving this/ he wrote that in his second voyage into England Mr Collins shewed him part of his correspondence & he observed \there/ that Mr Newton avowed \acknowledged/ his ignorance in many things & said (among other things) that he had found nothing about the dimension of the celebrated curves|il|inears besides the dimension of the Cissoid But \saith he/ they have supprest all this. And Mr Newton in his Letter of \to Abbe Conti dated/ 26 Feb. 17156 replied that this passage was \not suppressed but/ published in the Commercium pag 74 lin. 10 & 11. Mr Leibnitz in his Answer written to Abbé Conti Apr. 9 1716 acknowledged that he had been mistaken, but saith he, I'le cite another instance. Mr Newton affirmed \acknowledged owned/ in one of his Letters to Mr Collins that he could not find the content of second sections (or second segments) of Spheroids or such like bodies: but they have not inserted this passage or Letter in the Commercium Epistolicum \& that the Commmitte had omitt{illeg}ed that/. And Mr Newton in his Remarks upon the Letter of Mr Leibnitz replyed that whether \he/ (Mr Newton) could solve that Problem or not was nothing to the purpose point in question, & that {illeg} if the Committee had omitted it they would have done right, it being nothing to the point in question, but on the contrary, Mr Collins in a Letter to Mr Bertet Iames Gregory ye 24th of December 1670, & in an other to Mr Bertet the 21th of Feb. 1671, both printed in the Commercium Epistolicum pag. 25|4|, 26, wrote that his metho his (Mr Newtons) method extended to second segments of round solids. And that Mr Oldenburg wrote the same thing to Mr Leibnitz himself the 8th of of {sic} December 1674. See the Commercium Epistolicum pag 39. Another thing objected against{e} the credit of those Records ha{illeg} was this \So that the accusation [amo{ounts} to nothing more th{a}n a Cavil] was groundless & amounts to nothing more then a piece of railery./

In a flying paper dated 29 Iuly 1713 Mr Leibnitz called in question the letter of Mr Oldenburg sent to him with 8 or 9 series & the Answer to it in the han \date/ by wch he [Mr Leibnitz acknowledged the receipt. of that Letter.

|2| The Letters of Mr Leibnitz to Mr Oldenburg are wth Mr|a|re dated 3 Feb. 20 Feb. 30. Mar. 26 Apr. 24 May. 8 Iune, 1673; 15 Iuly, 26 Octob. 1674; 30 March, 15 Apr. 20 May, 12 Iul{illeg}|y|, 28 Decemb. 1675; & 12 May, 27 {O}Aug. \18 Novem/ 1676 & \21 Iune &/ 12 Iuly 1677. And these are \were/ /are\ all \except the 3d & the the {sic} f{illeg}er|ive| last entered {sic}/ entered in in {sic} the Letters books of the R. S. No 6 pag 35, 34, * 101, 115, 137; & No 7 pag. 93, 110, 213, 235, 149, 189, And the Originals of all these letters {illeg} <21v> except that of 27 Aug. 1676 wch was published by Dr Wallis, \& that of 18 Novem following/ are stilll extant in the hand writing of Mr Leibnitz. several of these letters were also published by Dr Wallis {as} The Letters of 15 Iuly & 26 Octob. 1674; 12 Iuly & {illeg} 28 Decem. 1675 & 21 Iune \& 12 Iuly/ 1677 were also published by {M}|D|r Wallis. And \all/ these Letters together wth the Letters of Mr Oldenburg to Mr Leibnitz wch are copies of wch are still preserved make up {illeg}|th|e continued correspondence between Mr Leibnitz & Mr Oldenburge from Feb 3 16723 to the death of Mr Oldenburg wch in excepting that the Letter by wch Mr Leibnitz desired the conception out \a collection/ of Gregories Letters & that of Mr Oldenburg to Mr Leibnitz wch accompanied those Excerpta by wch he sent \to Mr Leibnitz/ that collection together wth Newtons Letter of 13 Iune 1676 & that of Mr Collins dated 14 Iune 1676. The Letters of Mr Leibnitz ran upon numbers till Iune 8 1673. Then \Mr Leibnitz began to study the higher Geom &/ the correspondence ceased {both} for a time. And the next year in Iuly 15 Mr Leibnitz renewed the correspondence beginning his Letter of Iuly 15th with these words Diu est quod nullas a me habuisti litteras. And from thence forward the correspondence continues without intermission to the death of Mr Oldenburg except that the aforesaid two Letters are wanting [the latter of w{illeg}|h|ich is extant but was not published?|]| having nothing in it material to the controversy.] So {illeg} {sic} then the Commercium Epistolicum of Mr Oldenburg wth Mr Leibnitz \the English & Mr Collins Mr Oldenburg Mr Collins & {illeg}l{illeg} Mr Newton/ is here printed entire except those two Letters. And For Mr Collins \& Mr Newton/ had no correspondence with him except \only/ by means of Mr Oldenburg < insertion from p 41 > Leibnitz < text from f 21v resumes > .

|4| When the Commercium Epistolicum came abroad \wch was in the end of the year 1712./ Mr Leibnitz to avoid answering it pretended \d{illeg}ing all/ the two next years that he had not seen it, but had desired an Eminent Mathematician to examin it & nor was at leasure to examin it, & therefore but had referred it the judgment of an able & impartial Mathematician. And the judgment of this Mathematician dated 7 Iune 1713 was inserted into a scurrillous paper dated 29 Iuly 1713 & de|i|spersed over all Europe, without telling the name of the Mathematician or \that/ of the Printer or City where it was printed. [But in the end of the year 1715 & beginng {sic} of the year following Mr Leibnitz to \give/ the per judgment of the Mathematician more credit began to tell the world that it was Mr Leibnitz Iohn Bernoulli & to make this probable he {illeg} translated this|e| Letter of 13 Iune 1713 into French & sent the transla in the translation omitted the sentence quemadmodum ab eminente quodam Mathematico dudum notatum est, by wch words the {illeg} author of the Letter cited Mr Iohn Bernoulli as a person different from himself.] This And this translati [And this translation he sen inserted into his letter of to Madam Pelniz & Madam Kilmanseg dated Apr 18 Apr. 1716 & caused it it to be printed in Holland Decem. 1715]

|6| In this flying paper it is said that prickt letters did not appeared first in the third Volume of Dr Wallis his works. {H} And that Mr Newton did not understand how to find second differences till it was commonly understood by others. But this is a mistake misrepresentation. The third Volum e came abroad in 1699. But prickt letters appeared in the second Volume \wch came abroad/ in Spring 169|8|3. In this Volume Dr Wallis published the first Proposition of |Mr| Newtons book of Quadratures illustrated with examples in prickt letter{s}|f|irst & second differences. And this is the first line that any Rule came abroad for finding 2d, 3d, {illeg} \&/ fourth differences & {illeg} & {at} & fift differences & so on. He \Dr Wallis/ published also at the same time the fift Proposition of the Book of Quadratures & reprented {sic} that he had received these things from Mr Newton by Letters dated Aug 27 & Sept 17 1702. This Proposition depends upon the four preceding Propositions & therefore the first five Propositions of that Book were in being in the year 16 1792 {sic}. This Book \in MS/ was in the hands of M|D|r Halley & Mr Ralpson in the year 1691 as Mr Ralpson has publickly attested & Dr Halley still attests. And this \was before the differential method came abroad began to make a noise abroad &/ may suffice to clear this Book from the accusation \of plagiary/ wch gave a beginning to these disputes. In the XIVth Proposition of the second Book of Principles you have an instance of solving Problemes by second Differences. And this \was the {illeg}fore {illeg} the differential {illeg}/ is the first instance of that kind made publick.

It is true that Mr Leibnitz was the first who published a Rule for first differences. But he should then have acknowledged {illeg} (as he did in his Letter of 21 Iune 1677 written to Mr Oldenburg) that he knew by Letter Mr Newtons Letters that Mr Newton had the a Method wch did the same things. Or rather, he should have acknowledged that Mr Newton gave him light into the method. For Dr Wallis in the Preface to the two <22r> first volumes of his works published in spring 1695 wrote that the method of fluxions & differential Calculus is one and ye same {d} method differing only in some modes of expression & that Mr Newton in his Letters of 13 Iune & 24th Octob 1676 expained {sic} to Mr Leibnitz this Method found by him ten years before that time or above; that is, in the year 1666 or before. The editors of the Acta Eruditorum the next year in giving an account of the|se| two Volumes cited a sentence out of it this Paragraph & therefore knew of it. And Dr Wallis gave notice of it to Mr Leibnitz himself {b} {sic} in a Letter to him dated        & printed in the third Volume of his works

The Original Letters & {illeg} & {sic} Letter Books wh from whence the Commercium Epistolicum was printed are still kept in the \Archives of the/ R. S. & [have been sometimes shewed to strangers & some of them compared with the Comercium Epistolicum. [And particularly the Letter{illeg} of Mr Oldenburg dated Apr 15 167{illeg}|5|, & the Answer to it in the handwriting of Mr Leibnitz dated 20 May have been have been {illeg} viewed \& collated with the print/ by many strangers some of wch & coll{illeg} \altogether/ some of whom knew the hand of Mr Oldenburg.] & collated by them collated with the print. {illeg} & no question is made in England of their sincerity M{r} They have also upon occasions been shewed to strangers [& some \by/ of them been collated with \some of/ the printed Letters before the{illeg} \by/ who have \viewed them &/ collated some of them with the printed Letters to their satisfaction.

It has been Objcted {sic} with clamour that Mr when Mr Newton wrote the Scholium at the end of the Book of Quadratures he did not understand second differences: but the Objector knew that by the first Proposition of the Book yt he did understand second differences.

<22v>

An Account of what has been done
since the publishing of the
Commercium.

The Commercium Epistolicum was published before the end of the year 1712 & h|n|o answer has hitherto been given to it: for it is unanswerable. Mr Leibnits to avoid answering it p{illeg} p{illeg} pretended the Mr Leibnitz pretended the two first years that he had not seen the Book being then at Vienna he had not seen the Book, but had written to an able & impartial Mathematician to give his judment {sic} upon it. And the {illeg} Answer or pretended answer of the Mathematician dated 7 Iune 16713 was inserted into a f{illeg}l scurrilous paper dated 29 Iuly following & printed without the name of the author or printer or Mathematician or place where it was printed & \the paper was/ dispersed over Europe: & it was two years & an half before Mr Leibnitz began to tell the word that the Mathematician was Iohn Bernoulli. The Letter {T} ascribed to him was in these words. Videtur N...sis occasionem nactus serierum opus multum promovisse per extractiones radicum, quas primus in usum adhibuit et quidem in ijs excolendis ut verisimile est ab initio omne suum studium posuit; nec credo — — — alijs fuisset familiaris &c Thus far the Mathematician. His first argument against Mr Newton is founded upon a \ridiculous/ supposition that prickt letters are essential to the method of fluxions, wch is not so. In the Introduction to the Book of Quadratures he|Mr| \Newton/ teaches the method of fluxions & yet there is illustrates it with examples & yet there is not a prickt letter in all that Introduction. In the second Lemma of the second Book of Principles Mr Newton demonstrated the Elements of the Method of fluxions: {illeg}|&| yet there is not a prickt letter in all that Lemma. In his Letters of Octob. 24. 1676 {illeg} 10 Decem 1673 \& 24 Octob 1676/ he d{illeg} wrote that he had a general Method wch readily gave the method of \of/ solving Problems of wch the method of Slu Tangents of Slusius was a Corollary & wch stuck not at surds & was founded in the latter of these two letters he added that this foundation of this Method was founded in the sentence Data æquatione fluentes quotcun æquat{a} quantitates involvente fluxiones invenire & vice versa. And will any impartial man affirm that when Mr Newton wrote those \two/ Letters, he did not so much as dream of the method of Fluxions because there deducing fluents from fluxions & fluxions from fluents because there are no prickt letters in those two Letters. In his Book of Quadratures he used prickt Lett letters, in his o{illeg} In h Sometimes he used prickt letters \& sometimes letters/ without pricks {illeg} or other symbols & sometimes he wrote of it wthout any symbols. What symbols he used in his Analysis per series numero terminorum infinitas has been shewed above. There he used the symbol aa64x in the very same The Mathematian {sic} affirms same sence in wch Mr Leibnitz uses the symbol aa64x, & therefore \in those days he/ dreamt of the summatory method before Mr Leibnitz \wch is the inverse of b{illeg}ing the differential/. And when Mr Leibnitz was in England the second time & saw in the hands of Mr Collins many he saw my Lette Mr Newtons Letter of 24 Octob. 1676 as he has confest in his Letter of {illeg} in wch this Analysis is mentioned by the name of Compendium serierum, & in the hands of Mr Collins he saw many of the Letters of D Mr Newton & Mr Gregory & had especially that wch ran principially upon series & had \then/ an opportunity to ask for this Compendium serierum & see this symbo.

The Mathematician says further that Mr Newton in his Principles of Philosophy had frequent occasion to use prict letters & yet used them not: but the truth is, he had no occasion to use them in that book. For that book is written by composition after the manner of the Ancients: but \yet/ the Analysis by wch it was invented shines through the composition.|;| |& this was acknowleged formerly both by the marq. de l' Hospital & by Mr Leibnitz himself as has been mentioned above|

The second argument of the Mathematician against Mr Newton to prove that the calculus of fluxions was not older then the differential Calculus is The Mathematician saith further that prickt letters appeared first in the third volume of the works of Dr Wallis many years after the differential calculus had obteined every where. But he hath misrepresented the <22r> matter. Prickt letters came abroad The third Volume of Dr Wallis \Works/ came abroad in ye year 1699 & prickt letters appeared in his second volume wch came abroad in spring 1693, wch was two years before Dr Wallis heard that the Differential Method began to be celebrated abroad

The second argument of the Mathematician to prove that the calculus of fluxions was not older then the differential calculus is that Mr Newton did not understand how to find the fluxion of fluxions or difference of differences. And yet if you {be}{illeg} the Mathematician knew by the first {illeg} Proposition of the Book of Principles \Quadratures/ but Newton did know understand how to find the difference of differences \or second difference/ & the difference of second differences or third difference & so on in infinitum. And if you look into the Book of Principles lib. 2 Prop. 4 you will see that he the there knew how to find the difference of moments or second difference. And I do not meet with any ancienter instance made publick of working in second differences.

<23r>

Pag. 1. lin. 20. — prima (p. 37, 38.) Add: Et symbola Leibnitij nondū obtinuerunt in Anglia.

Newtonus Tractatum sua|u|m de Quadraturis edidi die ante {illeg}quam ederetur \dudum/ scrip t{u}|sit|s erant{illeg} quippe \Nam/ plurima ex eo citata sunt in Epistolis 24 Octob. & 8 Novem 1676 (p. 34) In Epistola priore ponuntur \recitantur/ Ordinatis Curvarum quarum collationem cum Sectionibus Conicis Newtonus tum ante annos quin \(seu |(|seu anno 1671)/ in Tabulam retulerat \(pag. 178./ In Epistola posteriore \anno 1711)/ a Ionesio edita Corollarium secundum Propositionis decimæ verbis fusius enarratur, his verbis. Nulla extat Curva cujus Æquatio ex tribus constat terminis — haud tamen adeo generaliter. Hæc sunt omnium quæ in Libro de Quadraturis habentur difficilima & ab {sic} methodo fluxionum \aut simili/ inveniri non potuerunt & abunde satis demonstrant, methodum Fluxionum & Momentorum quatenus in \illam quatenus in in Propositionibus decem primis/ Libra ill{illeg}|i||us| habetur, Newtono innotuisse anno 1676 & \aut/ /&\ antea.



Object. 1. Newtonus introducis|t| attractiones & vult grav \i.e. qualitates occultas/ & vult attractionem gravitatem est attractionem id est qualitatem occultam \ejusmodi esse/.

Resp. Quo sensu Newtonus voce attractionis utitur, ostenditur \ex ejus/ supra (pag. 35, 36): \Princ libro Principiorum:/ & plenius patet ex sequentibus. In Introductione ad Sect. XI Lib. 1 Newtonus hæc habet verba {illeg}|sic| scribit. Qua de causa jam pergo motum exponere corporum se mutuo trahentium, considerando vires centripetas tanquam a|A|ttractiones, quamvis fortasse si physice loquamur, verius dicantur impulsus. In Mathematicis jam versamu{r}|s|, & propterea missis disputationibus Physicis, familiari utimur sermon{illeg}|e|, quo possimus a Lectoribus Mathematicis facilius intelligi. Et \in {sic}/ petulo post in Scholio S{illeg} sub finem hujus Sectionis: Vocem Attractionis hic generaliter usurpo pro corporum conatu quocun accedendi ad invicem sive conatus i{illeg}|l|le fiat per ab actione corporum vel se mutuo petentium, vel per spiritus emissos se agitantium, sive is ab actione Ætheris, aut Aeris Medijve cujuscun seu corporei seu incop|r|porporei {sic} oriatur corpora in{illeg}|no|tantia in se invicem utcun impellentis. Eodem sensu generali usurpo vocem Impulsus, non species virium & qualitates Physicas sed quantitates & proportiones Mathematicas in hoc Tractatu expendaris, ut in Definitionibus explicui In Mathesi investigandæ sunt virium quantitates & rationes illæ quæ ex conditionibus quibuscun positis consequuntur: deinde ubi in Physicam descenditur, conferendæ sunt hæ rationes cum Phænomenis ut innotescat quænam virium \conditiones/ singulis corporum attractivorum \viribus/ competant

Object. 2. Newtonus asserit Deum habere sensorium

Resp. Newtonus per Sensorium \nihil aliud/ intelligit \quam/ spatium infinitum tanquā locum sensetis in quo Deus omnia sentit. Sic enim liquitur de Deo: Is totus est sui sui {sic} similis, totus oculus, totus auris, totus cerebrum, totus brachum, totus vis sentiendi intelligendi et agendi: sed more minime humano, more minime corporeo, more nobis prorsus {illeg} incognito. Vt cæcus non habet idæam colorum, sic nos ideam non habemus modorum quibus Deus sentit & intelligit omnia. Corpore omni & figura corporeo destituitur: ideo videri non potest, nec sub specie rei alicujus corporei coli debet.

Object. 3 Newtonus introducit miracula in Philosophiam

Resp. Leibnitius vocat miracula, quæ quotidie eveniunt nemine admirante.

<24r>

And whereas he claimed one of the methods of regression wch Mr Newton sent him \Mr Newton sent to him/ at his own request \Mr Newton sent to him/ & wch upon the first reading he did not know to be his own \nor understand/ he claimed afterwards claimed \as his own invention/ by pretending that he had \had {sic} forgot it till he/ found it in one of his old Papers: it lies upon \him/ in point of cadour {sic} & justice {illeg} either to prove the {sic} he had found it before Mr Newton, Or, \& forgot it before he wrote to Mr Newton for it or else/ publickly & in express words to renounce {illeg} his claim to it for preven for preventing future disputes about it.

It is therefore expected that Mr Leibnitz de renounce all right to this method as first Inventor, as well as to the Differential method of Mouton as second Inventor. For second Inventors have no right. The sole right is in the first Inventor untill another finds out the same thing apart: in wch {illeg} \in which case/ & then to take away the right of the first Inventor & divide it between him & that other, would be an Act of Injustice.

Endeavours have been used to make the learned world beleive that Mr Newton has been introducin|es|g occult qualities into Philosophy, & the Editors of the Acta Leipsiensia have published that Mr Newton as|f|firms that gravity cannot be explained mechanically. And if this be done to prejudice the Cartesians & \such/ other Philosophers as place all natural Philosophy in Mechanical \hypothetical/ explications of Phænomena by mechanism, at, against Mr Newton, it is an indirect way of proceeding & shews the w

Mr Leibnitz in one & the same Letter (his Letter of       1711 I has opposed his own candor to \the arguments of/ Dr Keill as if it were injustice to question it, \that is to refuse his \own/ testimony for himself,/ & t{illeg}d questioned \in the same Letter \he/ has \in an arbitrary manner/ without who much as one argument cal{illeg} \to justifie/ himself called/ the candor of Mr Newton for publishing that he found the diff method of fluxions \graduall{illeg}|y|/ in the years 1665 & 1666; & now it mutually comes upon him to satisfy the w{or}l satisfy the world about his own candor & integrity in the ten or twelve particulars \last/ above mentioned. Nec lex est justior ulla.

And whereas he has {illeg} in his Theodicee accused Mr Newton of making gravity an occult quality & a miracle \& thereby introducing |& of \thereby/ introducing occult qualities &| miracles into Philosophy thereby such opinions/ & yet Mr Newton has no where declared his \any/ opinion about gravit the cause of gravity|:| or it lies upon him in point of candor & justice to beg Mr Newtons pardon in {illeg} publickly for {illeg} endeavouring by the|i|ss indirect \such indirect & unfair/ practises to prejudice the world against him. The Philosophy wch Mr Newton in his Principles & Opticks has pursued is experimentall & meddles not wth |therefore it & experimental philosophy teaches not it is not the business of Experimental Philosophy to teach| the causes of things any further then they can be proved by experiments. And if Mr Leibnitz would forbear to trouble the world with his opinions \whereas Mr Leibnitz is of opinion that nothing \is done/ by election without a reason, or in other words that {sic}/ that all things are governed by fate & necessity & that {mak} nothing more then matter & motion is requisite \to/ produce all the Phænomena in nature & that man himself is a meer machine; {illeg} untill he can prove these things by experiments, his Philosophy would be of better credit. \God is a supramundane \intelligence &/ the souls of men do not act upon their bodies & that but all/ \animal motion is performed without any other cause than mechanism {illeg} {illeg}|i|f opinion is {illeg} & man/ \himself is a meer machine & God is a supramundane intelligence:/ if he would forbear to trouble the world with such \irreligious/ opinions \& teach nothing more then/ untill he can prove them /conjectures & teach nothing more then \he/ can be\ Proved \by experiments/ his Philosophy would be of better credit.

And whereas Mr Newton sent him at his own request a method of regression wch upon the first reading he did not know to be his own nor understand, but so soon as he understood it he claimed \it/ as invented his own by pretending that he found it had forgot it untill he found it amongst his in {on} in his old papers: it lies upon him in point of candor & justice to prove either to prove that he was the first inventor of this method, or to renounce his claim to it for preventing future dispute about it.

None fuller of Miracles & occult qualities than that.

None more occult mysterious and miraculous \& trifling/ than that wch [destroys all the arguments for a Deity taken from Phænomena &] \& {illeg}/ supposes every thing, proves nothing, & excludes the proof of a Deity from {illeg} phænomena.

<24v>

Mr Leibnitz in his Theodicee has accused Mr Newton of introducing occult qualities & miracles into philosophy {illeg} upon a supposition that he make gravity an occult quality miraculously seated in the will of God. And yet Mr Newton has writte in his Optiqus (Quest 22 has written expresly, to the contrary. Quam ego attractionem appello, saith he Qua causa efficiente attractiones [gravitatis, virtutis magneticæ et Electricæ {illeg} \vel alterius cujuscun/ attractiones], {illeg} h{æ} peragantur, saith he, in id vero hic non inquiro. Quam ego attractionem appello, fieri sane potest ut ea efficiatur impulsu vel alio aliquo in universum solummodo vim aliquam significare intelligatur qua sit illa vis. Nam ex phænomenis Naturæ illud{illeg} nos prius edoctos leges & proprietates ill|st|ius attractionis; quam Et in id inquirere par sit quanam efficiente causa peragatur attractio. And a little after he mentions the same forces \attractions/ as forces wch by phænomena appear to have a being in nature & tho their causes be not yet known & distinguishes them from occult qualities wch flow from are supposed to flow from the specific forms of things And in the beginning of his Principia Philosophiæ speaking of the centripetal forces & attractions he saith: Virium causas et sedes physicas his \jam/ non expendo. And a little after: Voces autem attractionis impulsus vel propensionis in centrum cujus \cujuscun/ in centrum, indifferenter & pro se mutuo promiscue usurpo, has vires non Physice sed Mathematice tantum considerando. Vnde cæveat Lector ne per hujusmodi voces cogitet me speciem vel modum actionis causamve aut rationem physicam alicubi definire, vel centris (quæ sunt puncta physica mathematica) vires vere et physice tribuere, si forte aut centra trahere aut vires centrorum esse dixero.

And whilst Mr Leibnitz has taught that God is intelligentia supramundana & that all animal motion (even that of man) is purely mechanical, & that there no election of any thing without a reason, that is, none all at all, but all things are by fate & necessity: it lies upon him to satisfy the world that |it| \may be proved by phænomena that/ there is a God in whom we live & move & have our being.

<25r>

And whereas Mr Newton sent him at his own request a method of Regression, wch upon the first reading he did not know to be his own, nor understood it, but so soon as he understood it he claimed as his own by pretending that he had found it long before, & \had/ forgot it, as he peceived {sic} by his old papers: it lies upon him in point of candor & justice, {la}|ei|ther to prove that he was the first inventor of this method, or to renounce his claim to it for preventing future disputes.



It is therefore expected that Mr Leibnitz do renounce all right to this method as first inventor, as well as to the Differential Method of Mouton as second Inventor. For second Inventors have no right. The sole right is in the first Inventor untill another finds out the same thing apart: in which case to take away ye right of the first Inventor & divide it between him & that other would be an Act of injustice.

And whereas he has in his Theodiceus accused Mr Newton of making gravity an occult quality, & \{sic} an immediate Act of the Deity wch he calls/ a miracle \immediately seated in the will of God/ & thereby of introducing occult qualities & miracles into Philosophy; & yet Mr Newton has no where declared \any such opinion {illeg}r|o|r/ any opinion about the cause of gravity |or about the cause{illeg} of any other sort of attractions: but speaks of them as forces whose causes are not yet known|: it lies upon Mr Leibnitz in point of candor & justice, to beg Mr Newton's pardon publickly for endeavouring by such indirect & unfair practises to prejudice the learned part of Europe against him. The Philosophy wch Mr Newton in his Principles & Opticks has pursued is experimental, & it is not the business of experimental Philosophy to teach the causes of things any further then they can be proved by experiments. And the Philosophy of Mr Leibnitz would be of better credit \freer from miracles & of better credit/ if he would prove his Propositions by experiments & be silent where experiments fail him. No Philosophy can be freer from occult qualities \mysteries/ & miracles then that in wch Propositions are proved by experiments, & wch is silent \which/ where experiments are wanting, is silent, or at the most speaks doubtfully, & by way of inquiry leaves the matter to further inquiry. None more trifling then that wch supposes every thing & proves nothing.

but on the contrary declared his opinion very expresly about it in these words. For this r For this reason Mr Newton is silent about the causes of gravity, & has there occurring no experiments or phænomena by which he can discover it prove \it appe{r}ed it could be proved/ what it is \was the causes thereof/. And this he has abundantly declared In his Principles, {illeg}{(}{nd} neare the beginning, in these words: Virium causas et sedes Physicas jam non expendo. And a little after: Voces attractionis impulsus vel propensionis cujuscun in centrum, indifferenter & pro se mutuo promiscue usurpo, has vires non physice sed Mathematice tantum considerando. Vnde caveat Lector ne per hujusmodi voces cogitet me speciem vel modum {illeg}|a|ctionis causamve aut rationem physicam alicubi definir{e} vel centris (quæ sunt puncta mathematica) vires vere {illeg} & physice tribuere si forte aut centra trahere aut vires centrarum esse dixero. And in the end of his Opticks,[1]: Qua causa efficiente hæ [gravitatis, \attractiones/ |[|sc. gravitas vis magnetica et electrica aliæ] attractiones peragantur, in id vero hic non <25v> inquiro. Quare ego attractionem appella, fieri sane potest ut ea impulsu efficiatur impulsu vel alio aliquo modo nobis incognito. Hanc vocem attractionis ita hic accipi velim ut in universum solummodo vim aliquam significare intelligatur qua corpora, ad se mutuo tendu|{e}|nt, cuicun demum causæ attribuenda sit illa vis. Nam ex phænomenis naturæ illud nos prius edoctos oportet quænam corpora se invicem attrahant & quænam sint leges & proprietates istius attractionis; quam in id inquirere par sit quanam efficiente causa peragutur attractio. And a little afft{illeg}|e|r, he mentions the same attractions as forces wch by phænomena appear to have a being in nature \& may be made usefull in explaining Phænomena tho their Nature/ tho their causes be not yet known & which may produce \by the causes of/ various effects {illeg} & distinguishes them from occult qualities wch are supposed to flow from the specific forms of things. But \And in the Scholium all the end of his Principles, after he has mentioned the properties But of gravity he adds: Rationem vero harum gravitatis proporietatum ex Phæmenis {sic} &c . . . . non habent./ Notwithstanding all this Mr Leibnitz has accused Mr Newton of making gravity an occult quality & \a miracle/ an immediate act of the Deity \God/ wch \act/ he calls a miracle. \And therefore/ It lies upon him \therefore/ in point of candor & justice to beg Mr Newton's pardon publickly for endeavouring by such indirect & unfair practises to prejudice the learned part of Europe against him.

And whereas the|is| this Philosophy tends to destroy \of Mr Liebnitz is thought by some to weaken destroy \weaken// all the arguments for a Deity taken from Phænomena, it lies upon him in point of religion to beg pardon of all mankind who beleive a Deity God either to show that his Philosophy is not of such a nature \& to declar{illeg}|e| that he is not offended wth |Mr| Newton for insisting upon such arguments/, or to beg pardon of all mankind who beleive a God |And yet ye Editors of the Acta Eruditorum have accused him of denying w|t|hat ye cause of gravity is mechanical tho he is silent about that cause| & have compared an Agent wch he calls a \subtile/ Spirit to Dr |H| Mores hylarc{h}ic Principle. tho he is silent about the nature & cause of that Agent, & Mr Leibnitz has accused him of making Gravity an occult quality & a miracle.



The Philosophy which Mr Newton has published in his Principles & Opticks has pursued is experimental, & it is not the business of experimental Philosophy to teach the causes of things any further then they can be proved by experiments. \We are not to fill this Philosophy wth opinions wch cannot be proved by Phænomena./ C I In this Philosophy Hypotheses have no place unless by way Quære or as as conjectures \or Questions proposed/ which may deserve \to be/ examinati|ed|on. for this r by experiments. \We are not to fill this Philosophy with opinions wch cannot be proved by experiments./ For this reason Mr Newton in his Optiques distinguished those things wch were made certain by experiments from those things wch remained uncertain & wch he therefore proposed in the end of his Opticks in the form of Queres. For this reason is|n| the Preface to his Principles, when he had mentioned the Motions of the Planets Comets Moon & Sea as deduced in this book from gravity, he added: Vtinam cætera Naturæ Phænomena ex Principijs Mechanicis e{illeg}|o|dem argumentandi genere derivare liceret. Nam multa me movent ut nonnihil suspicer ea omnia ex viribus naturæ quibusdam pendere posse quibus corporum particulæ per causas nondum cognitas vel in se mutuo impelluntur & secundum figuras regulares cohærent, vel ab invicem fugantur & recedunt: quibus viribus ignotis Philosophi hactenus Naturam frustra tentarunt And in the end of this book in the second Edition, he said that he forbore to describe the effects of this attraction for want of a sufficient number of experiment to determin the laws \of its acting/. And for the same reason he is silent about the cause of gravity, there occurring no experimts or phænomena by which he might prove what was the cause thereof. And this he hath abundantly declared in his Principles, neare the beginning thereof, in these words: Virium causas et sedes Physicas jam non expendo. And a little after: Voces attractionis, impulsus, vel propensionis cujuscun in centrum, indifferenter & promiscue se mutuo promiscue usurpo, has vires non physice sed Mathematice tantum considerando. Vnde caveat Lector ne per <26r> hujusmodi voces cogitet me speciem vel modum actionis causamve aut rationem phyiscam alicubi definire vel centris (quæ sunt puncta mathematica) vires vere et physice tribuere, si forte aut centra trahere aut vires centrorum esse dixero. And in the end of his Opticks: Qua causa efficiente hæ attractiones, [sc. gravitas vis magnetica et electrica aliæ] peragantur, hic non inquiro. Quam Ego attractionem appello, fieri sane potest ut ea efficiatur impulsu vel alio aliquo modo nobis incognito. Hanc vocem attractionis ita hic accipi \velim/ ut in universum solummodo vim aliquam significare intelligatur qua corpora ad se mutuo tendant cuicun demum causæ attribuenda sit illa vis. Nam ex phænomenis naturæ illud nos prius e doctos oportet quænam corpora seinvicem attrahant, & quænam sint leges & proprietates istius attractionis; quam in id inquirere par sit quanam efficiente causa peragatur attractio. And a little after he mentions the same attractions as forces by wch by Phænomena appear to have a being in nature tho their causes be not yet known, & distinguishes them from occult qualities wch are supposed to flow from the specific forms of things. And in the Scholium at the end of his Principles after he had mentioned the properties of gravity, he added: Rationem vero harum gravitatis proprietatum ex Phænomenis nondum potui deducere, & hypotheses non fingo. Quicquid enim ex phænomenis non deducitur Hypothesis vocanda est; & Hypotheses seu Metaphysicæ seu Physicæ seu Qualitatum occultarum seu Mechanicæ in Philosophia experimentali locum non habent. — Satis est quod Gravitas revera existat et agat secundum leges a nobis expositas, et ad corporum cœlestium & maris nostri motus omnes sufficiat. And after all this one would wonder that Mr Newton should be reflected upon for not explaining the cause of gravity by an Hypothesis, as if it were a crime to content himself with certainties established by experiments & phænomena & let uncertainties alone. And yet \the Editors of the Acta Eruditorum have accused \him/ of denying that the cause of Gravity is mechanical tho he is/ Mr Leibnitz \silent about it & of introducing a spirit that cause, & Mr Leibnitz/ has accused him [2] of making gravity an occult quality & a miracle It lies upon him \Mr Leibnitz/ therefore in point of candor & justice to beg Mr Newtons pardon publickly for endeavouring by such indirect & |&| unfair \& tricking/ practises to \defame him &/ prejudice the learned part of Europe against him.

In the Acta Erudorum {sic}Erudorum for March 1714, the pag. 140|2| & t{illeg} its said that Mr Newton denies that the cause of gravity is mechanical; & yet he neither affirms nor denys nor affirms it, \in any of his writings,/ nor gives any opinion about it. Its said also that he lays down a certain new Hypothesis concerning a subtile spirit perrading the pores of bodies, perhaps the same with the Hylarchic principle of Dr More Henry More, or some other \spirit/ of less value then Hypotheses unless it be the Æther or subtile matter of the Cartesians. It appears by certain experiments tryed by Mr Hawksby before the Royal Society that electric bodies attract constantly at small distances even without rubbing. The Agent by which this attraction is performed Mr Newton calls a subtile spirit,|.| And because he does not explain it by an exp{illeg} Hypothesis, the but leaves its nature \cause/ & properties to be discovered by experiments; they turn his silence to ridicule & make Hypotheses for him. And by such like representations they endeavour to persuade the world that in point of Philosophy he is much inferior to Mr Leibnitz & in point of Mathematicks not only to Mr Leibnitz but also to Mr Bernoulli & Mr Tschurnhause, & therefore not likely to be the first inventor of the method of Fluxions.

And whereas Mr Leibnitz calls God \tells us that \God (the/ God in w{ic}|ho|m we live & move & have or being) is/ Intelligentia supramundana, & under the applys the name of miracles not only to extraordinary & supernatural events but even to the laws of nature if imprest upon her by the will of God, & under the \name of miracles excludes all this|e| actions from being ca of the first cause from being/ <26v> considered in Nature \experimental/ Philosophy, & teaches that nothing happens without a reason or in other words that there is nothing done by election \choise/ but all things are governed by fate & \in his Hypothesis of an Harmonia præstabilita asserts that the soul acts not upon the body, but/ that all animal motion, even in man himself, is performed by meere mechanism it lies upon him in point of religion \either/ to satisfy the world that he has not been at work to \his philosophy doth not tend to enervate &/ \undermine & enervate &/ explode all the arguments for a supreme governour of the Vniverse taken from Phænomena; or else to satisfy beg pardon \for this/ of all makind mankind who beleive a Deity God [& that he beleives that Man is some animal motion in Man is not merely mechanical.|]| Extraordinary events wch cannot be referred to the natural causes are not within the limits of Natural Philosophy: but] & that it \{illeg}/ not in pursuit of this designe that he \make him cry out {illeg} against Mr Newton/ cries out against Mr Newton for introducing occult qualities & miracles into Philosophy, & & applys the name of miracles not only to extraordinary \or supernatural/ events but even to the laws of Nature if imprest upon her by the will of God.

Anno Christi finiente Apogæum Solis Motus medius Longitudo Solis ab Ap {illeg}{lel}|ogæ|o Motus medius Solis ab Apogæo. Motus medius is ab Æquinoxio. 0 00 1500 1600 1700 1720 1740 1760 1780 1800 1900 2000 s.gr.2.3 2.09.24.30 3.04.24.30 3.06.04.30 3.07.44.30 3.08.04.30 3.08.24.30 3.08.44.30 3.09.04.30 3.09.24.30 3.11.04.30 3.12.44.30 0 0 0 0 0 6.12.59.0000.00 6.12.48.0103.20 6.12.37.0206.40 6.12.26.0310.00 6.12.15.0413.20 6.12.04.0516.40 6.14.09.1033.20 6.19.14.1550.00 s.gr.0.0 7.12.15.55 6.15.22.10 6.14.10.35 6.12.59.00 6.12.44.41 6.12.30.22 6.12.16.03 6.12.01.44 6.11.47.25 6.10.35.50 6.19.24.15 0 9.07.55.3110 9.19.13.0910 9.19.58.2010 9.20.43.3010 9.20.52.3210 9.21.01.3420 9.21.10.3630 9.21.19.3840 9.21.28.4150 9.22.13.5110 9.22.59.0215

Annis intermedijs completis 10.01 20.02 30.03 40.04359.57.80 50.05 60.06 70.07 80.08259.54.16 90.09 100.10 110.11 120.12259.51.25 130.13 140.14 150.15 160.16259.48.33 170.17 180.18 190.19 200.20259.45.41 400.40259.31.22 601.00259.17.03 801.20259.02.44 1001.40258.48.25

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Here he represents that he knew nothing by Mr Newton's Letters but that he had a certain method of Tangents, b{u}t but when his Principles came abroad he und{o} abundantly understood that he had gone much further in these matter methods: now he \But he is {since} gone back from what he acknowledged here &/ tells us that the Principles are written in the manner of the ancients & have nothing of the new Analysis in them, nor make it appear that Mr Newton knew any thing of these methods when he wrote that book. It lies upon therefore in candor & justice to acknowledge ther|at| when Mr Newton wrote his Principles he had a method of resolving such difficult & valuable difficillima et pulcherrima quæ etiam mistæ Matheseos Problemata quæ sine sine sine calculo differentiali AVT SIMILI non temere quisquam pari facilitate tractabit. For that \book is/ full of such Problemes & therefore could not be invented in the j{a}|u|dgment of Mr Leibnitz himself could not be written \have been invented/ sine c|C|alcula|o| Differentiali AVT SIMILI It lies upon him also {illeg} in candor & justice to acknowledge that the|a|{sic} before he wrote his Letter of 21 Iune 1677 in wch he began first to mention \describe propose/ the Differential Method, he did understand by Mr Newtons three Letters above mentioned, that when he Mr Newton in those days had a method of drawing tangents to Curves determining maxima & minima, drawing tangents to Curves analytical or mechanical, determining the \& finding & the tangents/ lengths areas, lengths sol curvities, solid contents, centers of gravity of curves & curvilinear figures analytical or mechanical & this without taking away surds, & that this method in conjunction w{ith} |gave the Areas {illeg}|o|f Curvilinear fugures {sic} in Series which in certain cases brake off & became finite, & {illeg} compared figures wth ye Conic sections & |readily gave the Method of Tangents of Slusius as a branch or Corollary thereof, & gave also the Areas of Curvilinear figures|| by the help of finite & infinite equations together extended to inverse Problemes of Tangents & others more difficult & \even/ to almost all Problems except perhaps some numeral ones like those of Diophantus. He is also to acknowledge that when Mr Newton told him how general his methods were he could not beleive it no|bu|t forbear to \in his Letter of 27 Aug. 1676/ represented it improbable. Quod dicere vi [saying Quod dicere videmini pleras difficultates (exceptis Problematibus Diophantæis) ad series infinitas reduci; id mihi non videtur. Sunt enim] And then it lies upon him to make the world understand why he did not upon publishing his own method he concealed all this & did not candidly tell his Readers what he knew of the MET Methodus SIMILIS & whose it was. & that it was invented before his own & gave in conjunction with Dr Barrows method of Tangents gave him light into his \own/, [And he is further to acknowledge that the Principia Philosophiæ is a Book full of such Problemes as were not to be invented witho sine calculo differentiali AVT SIMILI.] & seemed incredible \to him/ when he was first told of it, & put him upon considering how to improve the methods of tangents \then extant/ & particularly that|os|e of Slusius & Barrow wch gave him light into it. For he tells us upon another occasion \has told Dr Wallis in his Letter of 28 May 1697)/ that he found this method by observing that Differences answered to Tangents & summs to Quadratures. Epist. ad

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And whereas Mr Leibnitz tells us that God (the God in whom we live & move & have or being) is INTELLIGENTIA supra SVPRAMVNDANA, & applys the name of miracles not only to extraordinary & supernatural events but even to the laws of Nature if imprest upon her by the will of God, so that for atoms to be hard \or heavy/ by the will of God without a mechanical cause would be a miracle & {illeg} for atoms by consequence for atoms or any thing else to exist by the standing will of God would be a standing miracle & thus by the name of mirales {sic} excludes all the actions of the first cause from being considered in experimental Philosophy, & teaches that nothing happens without a reason, or in other words that there is nothing done by choise, but all things are governed by fate, & in his Hypothesis of an Harmonia præstabilita asserts that the soul of acts not upon the body but all animal motion, even in man himself, is performed by mere mechanism: it lies upon him in point of religion to satisfy mankind that his philosophy doth not tend to enervate & explode all the arguments for a supreme governor of ye Vniverse taken from the Phænomena \of nature/; & that while he asserts that nothing happens without a reason, or in other words that there is nothing done by choise but \all things/ are governed by fate, he doth not mean mechanically, & that his complaining of accusing Mr Newton for introducing occult qualities & miracles into Philosophy proceeds not from notions of this kind.

It is true that Mr the Philosophy & M of these two \Gentlemen/ differ very much. The one beleives \teaches/ that God, (the God in whom we live & move & have our being) is every where Omnipresent: the other that he is INTELLIGENTIA supramundana SVPRAMVNDANA a God that's no where i{illeg}|n| the world. \Whence it follows that he cannot act upon the world without a miracle/ The {one} bele{illeg}|i|ve|s| that animal motion in man is not purely mechanical; the other that it is.|,| The one that the soul \or mind (according to/ the Hypothesis of an Harmonia præstabilita) not \never/ acting upon the body. The one \teaches/ that a Philosophers are to prov argue from Phænomena to the{\re/} first \immediate la{illeg}\a/{illeg}est next/ causes \thereof/ & from those \causes/ to the next & so on till we come to the first causs|e|: the other that all the actions of God are miracles & miracl & all the laws imprest upon Nature by the will of G{illeg}|o|d are both \perpetual/ miracles & occult qualities & therefore not to be considered by a Philosopher|s|. But why must \it go for a miracle or wonder if God has any thing to do with the world & why must/ all the arguments for a Deity taken from phænomena be exploded by such \new hard-/names? {D} {sic} Is it philosophical to rail & scold instead of arguing {illeg} \For certainly/ Philosophers are to reason without railing, \&/ not to rail without reasoning.

The one beleives that \sees no reason why/ God may \not/ chuse by the power of his will in things indifferent: the other teaches that nothing is done without a reason, meaning (I think) that all things are by fate. The one teaches that God (the God in whom we live & move & have or being) is omnipresent: the other &c

The one \for want of experiments to decide the question/ doth not affirm whether the cause of gravity be mechanical or not mechanical the other that it is a miracle if it be not mechanical. The one by way of inquiry attributes it to the will of the creator that the \least/ particles of matter are hard: the other attributes the hardness of matter to conspiring motions & calls it a miracle if the cause of this hardness be other then mechanical. The one doth not affirm that animal motion in man is purely mechanical: the other that it is \purely mechanical/; the soul or mind (according to the Hypothesis of an Harmonia præstabilita) never acting upon the body; \I think he means or never/ without a miracle.

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The one proceeds upon the evidence of Experiment & Phænomena & stops where such evidence is wanting: the other propounds \is taken up with/ Hypotheses & propounds them not to be examined by Experimts but to be received wthout examination The one doth not presume to say that God cannot chuse to act by the power of his will in matters indifferent: the other affirms that nothing himself is done without a reason

And why must the laws of Nature be call'd miracles & occult qualities (that is to say wonderfull improbabilities if not impossibilities absurdities) if derived from the will of God

Mr Leibnitz tells us in his Tentamen de motuum Cœlestium causis \after he had mentioned Dr Barrows indefinitely little triangle for drawing of tangents & said \\(according to the Scholium upon Mr Newtons Xth Lemma)/ that there were infinite degrees of infinites & infinitely littles he// tells us: Si motus exponatur per lineam communem quam dato tempore mobile absolvit, impetus seu velocitas exponetur per lineam infinite parvam, & ipsum elementum velocitatis, qualis est gravitatis sollicitatio, vel conatus centrifugus per lineam infinities infinite parvam. At hæc Lemmatū loco annotanda duxi pro methodo nostra quantitatum incomparabilium & Analysi infinitorum, tanquam doctrinæ hujus novæ Elementa. And this is all one as to say that if the space described be considered as the fluent, the velocity must be considered as the first fuxion {sic} & the variation of the velocity as the second fluxion, \& so on/ The|i|s was the foundation of Mr Newton's arguing in his Principles & this (wth a little variation of the Language) Mr Newton makes the foundat{i} one of the a \Leibnits/ recc{e}|o|ns among the Elements of his Analysis. And while Mr Newton|'s| in his \book of/ Principles is founded upon these Elements & {illeg} in that book he argues right. about the{illeg}: it is certain that when he wrote that book, he had not yn forgotten the method of second fluxions. {sic} \understood the elements of |of| that Analysis & upon wch Mr Leibnits founded the cal that Analysis & of the/ infinitesimal Analysis & had not then forgotten the method of second fluxions.

And Mr Leibnitz himself in his Letter of 21 Iune 1677 in explaining \how/ his Method gave \gave {sic}/ \shewed how it gave shewed how it gave/ the method of Tangents of Slusius & proceeded without striking at taking away surds & extended to Quadratures, \& then |& then|/ dela|cl|ared himself of opinion that \since/ Mr Newtons method \did these things it/ was of the same kind. Arbitror \saith he,/ qua celare voluit Newtonus saith he de Tangentibus ducendis, saith he, ab his non abludere. Quod addit, ex hoc eodem fundamento Quadraturas quo reddi faciliores me in sententia hac confirmat, nimirum semper figuræ illæ sunt quadrabiles quæ sunt ad æquationem differentialem. And before this Mr Newton \had/ told him further in his three Letters above mentioned, that his method determined Maxima & Minima, gav gave the lengths, \&/ curv{a}|i|ties &|o|f centers of gra \{Q} {sic}/ Curves, {illeg} & centers of gravity of curvilinear figures, & compared such figures \curves/ with the Conic Sections & squared them by \infinite/ series \series or æquations/ wch in certain cases brake off & became finite, & by the help of finite & infinite series \æquations/ together re{illeg}ded to \resolved/ inverse problems of tangent & others more difficult, & even to almost all Problems except perhaps some numeral ones like those of Diophantus. \And/ When Mr Leibnitz was \first/ told all this the great extent of the Method, he could not beleive it, but represented it improbable saying Quod dicere videmini pleras difficultates {ad} (exceptis Problematibus Diophantæis) ad Series infinitas reduci; id mihi non videtur. Sunt enim multa us mira & implexa ut ne ad|b| æquationibꝰ pendeant ne ex Quadraturis: [Qualia sunt (ex multis alijs) Problemata methodi tangentium inversæ. And Mr Newton replied that his Analysis extended to such inverse Problemes & others more difficult] It lies upon him therefore \in candor & justice/ to acknowledge that before he found the Differential method \or at least before he wrote his Letter of 21 Iune 1677,/ he knew all this & wondred at it: And to give an Account why he concealed it \his knowledge thereof/ when he published the Differential method \as his own/ & |why he| did not \then/ let the Germans know what he meant by the Differential methodus SIMILIS, {illeg}t \or/ whose it was, {illeg}|o|r what he had learnt \of it/ by his correspondence wth Mr Oldenb. concerning it.

And — Analysis extended to almost all sorts of Problemes & {illeg} \represented it/ so general that Mr Leibnitz himself could not beleive it in answer exprest his disbeleif of it. untill \before/ he found the differential method. It lies upon him therefore in candour & justice to aknowledge this & to give an Account why he did not acknowledge any thing thereof when he first published the differential method. For it was not enough to mention a methodus SIMILIS without saying whose it was & of what antiquity & extent according to the notice he had from England.

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— I do not know. But this I knot|w| that \[after Mr Leibnitz had appealed to ye R S./ MrO there lies no appeal from the Committee of the R. Society to Mr Bernoulli. Mr Berno Mr Leibnitz] Mr Bernoulli{illeg} is a party man & can be no judge. And Mr Leibnitz objected against can be on Iudge in this matter. {illeg}d He is Mr Leibnitz He is too much of a party, & what Mr Leibnitz objected against Mr Dr Keill namely that he is Homo novus & rerum anteactarum parum peritus, & the same objection lies against Mr Bernoul{li} Mr Leibnitz \allows/ that in the differential method letters may be used instead of the diff

But this I know that Mr Bernoulli had the \differential/ Method from Mr Leibnitz & is the chief of his disciples, \& his writ |& gave his opinion in the| Acta Leipsica before he saw the Commercium Epistolicum/ & that {illeg} what Mr Leibnitz objected against Dr Keill may {illeg}b he is \at wch time he was/ homo novus & rerum anteactarum parum peritus, as Mr Leibnitz objected against Dr Keil, & that what he wrote afterwards \he saw the Commercium/ was in his own defense. [And for Mr Leibnitz to appeal|ed| from the Committee of the Royall Society to his confident whose opinion he knew the chief \man/ of his party who h{ad]} & his skill in Mathematicks will not mend the matter. He {sic} is skilful enough to know that in taxing me with ignorance of \in/ second differences he was mistaken & that the {illeg} some errors in Mr Leibnitz his Tentamen de motuum cœlestium causis proceeded from his want of skill in those differences but he has \not/ hitherto been too partial {to} acknowledged {at} what he knows.

— & that before the end of the year 1666 I [sometimes used letters with one or two pricks for quantities involving first or second fluxions &] wrote a small Tract on this subject wch was the grownd of that larger Tract wch I wrote in the year 1671 both wch are still in my custody & are founded upon the fist|rs|t Proposition of the Book of Quadratures explained & demonstrated by letters without pricks tho at the same time I sometimes used & that when I wrote in a Geometrical manner without prickt letters or other symbols; & that when I wrote the larger of those two Tracts I had made my Analysis composed of the methods of Series & Fluxions together so universal —

And therefore he is the Agressor. In both \both/ his \two/ Letters to Dr Sloan that p{illeg}{i}{illeg} of \(that/ dated 4 Mart. 1711 & \1711 & that dated/ 29 Decem. 1711, he pressed the R. Socity to condemn Dr Keil & \& before I medled in this matter/ challenged me to declare my opinion|.| in this matter. His words in his last \second/ letter are: Ita vestræ æquitati committo, annon coercendæ sint variæ & injustæ \[Keilij]/ vociferationes, quas ipsi Newtono, Viro insigni et gestorum optime conscio, improbari arbitror; ejus sententiæ suæ libenter daturum Iudicia mihi persuadeo. And therefore he is the aggressor|.| and ought to prove should have proved

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P. S.

He \Mr Leibnitz/ seems to say that what he formerly allowed concerning my having found a method like his own proceeded from his beleiving me, but since what I have retracted what I allowed \acknowledged/ formerly he may be allowed to do the like. Here especially since the probabilities rem{illeg} observed by Bernoulli, Here he accuses Bernoulli of calling my candor in question {illeg} which is the {v}er, vizt in the Libel above mentioned. Mr Bernoulli may pretend |its probable that no Probleme can be solved by the method of fluxions without the use of prict letters &| the|a|t in the Introduction to the Book of Quadratures the Method of fluxions is not explained because there are no prickt letters {illeg} in it \that Introduction/, & that in the second Lemma of the second book of the Principia Philosophiæ the Elements of the method of fluxions are not demonstrated because there are no prick letters in it, & {illeg} that from the sentences [ set down in my letter of 24 October 1676] viz Data æquatione fluentes involvente fluxiones invenire & vice versa, et \and/ Vna methodus consit|s|it {sic} in extractione fluentis ex æquatione fluxionem involvente it cannot be inferred that I {oh}ad then knew how \then knew the first Proposition of the Book of Quadratures/ had at that time a method of reducing Problems to fluxional equations \or of resolving such æquation/ because there are no prickt letters in those sentences. And that in the Analysis per æquationes numero terminorum infinitas there are no specimens of the {illeg} Method of fluxions because there are no prickt letters. And that to the Schediasma the Proposition in the Schediasma hereunto annexed is no part of the Method of fluxions because it is explained without prickt letters tho it be the very same with the first Proposition in the book of Quadratures upon wch the Method of fluxions is founded. And that its improbable that any {illeg} cal|n| solve \no/ Problemes can be solved by the method of fluxions without the use of prickt letters. But if these things are only probable then its probable \possible/ that they \it/ may be otherwise & that I might have the Method of fluxions above 50 years ago notwithstand any thing wch hath been said to the contrary. {illeg} But other men will rather inferr from these things that I had the method of fluxions when fifty years ago {illeg} putting such symbols for fluxions as I thought fit, & Mr Leibnitz was of the same mind before he knew what symbols I used, as in his Letter of 21 Iune 1677 & where he allowed me a Methodus similis & in the Acta Eruditorum where he {illeg} spake again of for October 1684 p 473 where he {obtiner} again mentioned a Methodus si{l} similis extending to the higher sort of Problemes & in his Letter to me dated {illeg} 17 Mar 1673 st. n. hereunto annexed wherein he acknowledged of his own accord that by the Principia Philosophiæ it appeare I had shewed that I had \such/ a methodus similis & added that he also had endeavoured to reduce s|t|he difficulter Problems to such an Analysis. And in the Acta Eruditorum for Iune 1686 he left me at liberty to use \pag 297 he/ allowed that \{illeg} |in| the Differential method/ one might use letters instead of dx & such like character\symbol/s, & thereby left me at liberty to use what symbols I thought fit. And further, I do not put prickt letters for differences or moments as Mr Bernoulli supposes as Mr Bernoulli supposes, but for fluxions wch are finite quantities of another kind, the first \Differences l the one/ being infinitely little{illeg} the last finite & fluxions quan {ma} magnitudes \parts/ & fluxions \the other/ finite motions velocities of motion. And whereas Mr Leibnitz pretends that \since/ I have retracted what I foll|r|merly alleged him, {illeg} therefore he may be allowed to do the like; he should have proved that had retracted, & if I had done an ill thing yet that would not authoriz him to do the like. And whereas he pr{illeg} questions my credit in what I said of Dr Wallis, he will find the truth of what I said |in| the Paragraph of P|th|is Preface hereunto annexed

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Leibnitius eadem fide chartam totam volantem scribere potuit qua citationem prædictam delevit, & \verisimile est quod/ Menkenius eandem imprimere prælo committere commisit. Nam Leibnitius chartas imprimendas \ad/ ipsū mittere solebat. Et Bernoullius Epistolam sine nomine imprimendā ad Leibnitium non misit

In prima sua ad Abbatem de Comitibus Epistola Leibnitius scripsit — — —



{Et} hæc. Quæstio dirimatur notandum est \{clari}us {illeg} alligatur \De Ad hanc Questionē spectat// quod \D./ Wallisius noster {[}|C|eleberrimus Professor Oxoniensis, Propositionem primam Libri de Quadraturis \exemplis in fluxionibus prim{illeg} & secundis in veniendis illustratam./ {illeg} edidit \anno 1693/ in Volumine secundo Operum suorum pag 392. Et hæc fuit Regula omnium prima \antiquissima/ quæ lucem vidit pro differentijs differend{illeg} {ut} fluxionibus secundis tertijs quartis cæteris in infinitum inveniendis Eandem Newtonus demonstravit synthetice in Lemmate secundo Libri secundi Principiorum: cum Propositionem sine Demonstratione prius posuisset in Epistola ad Oldenburgum 24 Octob. 1676 ut ad Leibnitium mitteretur & ibi significasset eandem esse fundamentum methodi generalis de qua scripserat tum ante decem annos quin, id est anno 1671. In hujus Propositionis solutione habetur Algorithmus Methodi fluxionum.

Gregorius scripsit ad Collinium 2{illeg} 5 Sept. 1671, se ex Barrovij methodis tangentes ducendi methodum generalem ducendi Tangentes & Geometricam ducendi tangentes ad omnes Curvas sine calculo: & Slusius se similem methodum habere mense Novembri 1672 scripsit ad Oldenburgum. Et Newtonus ad Collinium 10 Decem 1672 scripsit in hæc verba: Ex animo gaudeo D. Barrovij nostri reverendi Lectiones Mathematicas \exteris/ adeo placuisse, neque parum me juvat intelligere eos [Slusium et Gregorium] in eandem mecum incidisse ducendi Tangentes methodum & And {illeg}. Et subinde methodum suam tangentium descripsit, & addidit hanc methodum esse corollarium Methodi generalis solvendi abstrusiora Problemata & non hærere ad quantitates surdas. Epistolas totas Gregorij & Newtoni habes infra in Commercio, & earum Exemplaria Oldenbus|r||g|\/ misit ad Leibnitium inter Excerpta ex Gregorij Epistolis 26 Iunij 1676; et Leibnitius Prælectiones Barrovij mense Novembri proximo secum tulit in Germaniam.

Figure Sunto jam ipsarum AB=x & BC=y \utim Epistola Newtoni seu Abissa {sic} AB=x & Ordinata BC=y. Et sint earum/ fluxiones p et q & momenta op et oq, et in AB producta capiatur BE=op, erigatur Ordinata EF parallela BC & occurrens Curvæ in F et compleatur parallelogrammum BCGE et erit FG=oq. Proponatur æquatio quævis {illeg}|qu|antitates duas fluentes x et y involvens, puta x32xxy+bxxbbx+byyy3=0 \ut in Epistola illa/. Multiplicetur omnis æquationis terminus per indicem dignitatis x et productum divisum per x (vide{illeg}|l|icet 3x24xy+2bxbb,) vocetur R. Multiplicetur omnis æquationis terminus per indicem dignitatis y & productum divisum per y ,|(|videlicet −2xx+2by3yy) vocetur S. Et per Regulam in Epistola illa Newtoni traditam erit subtangens BD=SyR, vel potius =−5yR propterea quod AB et BD ducantur in partes contrarias. Sed ex methodo tangentium Barrovij est FG.GCBC=y.BD. adeo BD=op×yoq=pyq. Ergo pyq=SyR et facta reductione Rp+Sq=0 \Hæc est æquation involvens fluxiones/. Et si plures sint quantitates fluentes eadem operatio instit{illeg}|u|ta in{illeg} singulis dabit{illeg} æquationem involventem fluxiones \exhibat solutionem/ \omnium/. Et hæc Regula illud omne comprehendit quod Leib{nitius} ad Newtonum rescripsit in Epistola sua anno 1677 ad{illeg} rescripsit, ut et illud omne quod in Actis Eruditorum anno 1684 in lucem edidit. Exhibet enim hæc Regula solutionem Propositionis, [Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involventes invenire fluxiones; quam posui in Epistola 24 Octob 1676 ad O] primæ Libri de Quadraturis.

Propositionem quintam libri de Quadraturis Wallisius edidit — — — — ab ipso excogitatam, i.e. anno 1666 aut antea; nec non teste N. Fatio de Duillier Et his præmissis qui chartas antiquas Newtoni viderat, & contra seipsum testimonium perhibuit. Et his præmissis legatur jam Recensio Commercij Epistolici & Consulatur Commercium ipsum ubi de factis dubitatur.



Hæc Regula Hoc Theorema {illeg}tur \Sic inventio fluxionum ex æquatione fluentis involvente/ ex Epistola Newtoni {cf} method{o}|i|s Tangentium Barrovij & Gregorij a Newtono citati facillime fluit. [Idem vero exhibet solutionem Propositionis primæ Libri de Quadraturis.] \deducitur/ Et {illeg}s hujus Theorematis \sic ex Newtoni Epistola derivatum/ invent{um}|io| illud omne comprehendit \illud omne/ quod Leibnitius ad Newtonum rescripsit anno 1677 rescripsit, ut et illud omne quod in Actis Eruditorum anno 1684 in de hac methodo in lucem edidit. Exhibet enim hoc Theorema solutionem. Propositionis primæ Libri \Newtoni/ de Quadraturis Newtono \Idem/ vêro \Newtono/ innotuit|s||se| anno 1686 \quemad ut/ manifestum est ex Lem. 2 Lib. 2 Princip. {u}t \ut/ et ann{is}|o| 1676, manifestum est 1672 & 1671 \quemadmodum/ manifestum est ex Epistolis Newtoni 13 Iunij & 24 Octob. anni {i}|a|nni illius, ex quibus uti Wallisius scripsit Newtonum Leibniti methodum exposuisse, et \Leibnitio. Idem Newtono innotuisse etiam/ anno 1672 {illeg} manifestum est ex Epistola ejus Epistola jam explianta ijs quæ \jam dict{a sunt}/ de Epistola ejus hoc anno scripta, sunt jam dicta sunt jam dicta fuerunt.

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Iudex sive celando et nomen suum & nome|i|na eorum quos judicat, libellum potius quam f{illeg}d{illeg} sententium judicis dictitat.

a Hæc Epistola, cum celetur et Iudicis et Iudicatī nomen, Libellum defamatorum magis sapit quam æqui \probi/ judicis sententiam.

b Algorithmus habetur &

c In Analysi per series Newtonus utitur

d Nullam habuit occasionem. Propositiones \non invenit per synthesin sed/ per Analysin inventas demonstravit synthetice ut in Geometriam admitterentur.

e Volumen tertium.

f Eodem sensu

g In libro

h Eminens ille

i Recta methodus

ubi Ordinatim Applicata \(ceu momentum areæ) fluentis)/ deducitur ex æquatione Ab|sc|issam et Aream involvente deducitur.

Recueil Tom. 2. p. 4, 5, 36, 52, 53.

In Epistola ad Cometissam de Kilmanseg

Agnovit postea Oldenburgium ad se mississe des Essays

Ad hanc Quæstionem spectat quod Leibnitius differentias \& methodum differentialem/ vocat quæ Newtonus momenta, Et Methodus differentialis eadem est cu{illeg} momentorum: Et \quod/ methodus fluxionū Newtoni non magis differt a methodo differt a methodo deffentialij {sic} quam differt a methodo momentorum. [Fluxiones sunt velocitates quibus m{illeg}nd {mome} \Vna et eadem est methodus nisi quatenus Newtoni methodus sit amplior/ Momenta vel differentiæ sunt partes \genitæ/ quantitatem \genitarum/, fluxiones sunt velocitates quibus partes illæ generantur. Leibnitius \& Newtonus/ considerat|n|t solas partes \genitas/, Newtonus considerat etiam partes \velocitates/ quibus \partes/ generantur. Newtoni methodus complectitur methodum Leibnitij.]

Vna et eadem est methodus quoad partes differentius vel momenta. Hæc sunt partes quantitatum genitarum. Vter considerat has partes Fluxiones sunt velocites {sic} quibus partes generantur. Vter considerat partes. Newtonus considerat etiam partes quibus velocitates quibus partes generantur. Newtoni methodus complectitum methodum Leibnitij.

Leibnitius ita series a se missas Epistolam Oldenburgij 15 Apr 1675 ad se missam accepit seriebus refertam, \seriebus refertam accepit/ Sed Series nunquam si fas est credere nunquam contulit cum suis.

Ad hanc Quæstionem spectat quod Leibnitius differentias & methodum differentialem vocat quam|s| Newtonus momenta & methodum momentorum quod methodus momentorum & methodus fluxionum eadem sit. Momenta sunt partes quas Leibnitius differentias vocat, fluxiones sunt velocitates quibus partes generantur. Leibnitius considerat partes, Newtonus considerat etiam velocitates. & Newtoni methodus est amplior & Leibnitij methodum complectitur.

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Et hæc est Regula ducendi tangentes quam Newtonus posuit in Epistola illa posuit ut partem aliquam \vel specimen/ vell Corollarium vel Specimen {mea} Methodi suæ generalis:

Ducatur jam secundum methodum Barrovij a Gregorio promotam Ordinata nova EF priori BC proxima & compleatur parallelogrammum BCGE et pro \momentis/ BE vel CG & GF scribamus p et q et erit q.py.BD. seu pyq=BD=SyR et facta reductione \prodit/ Rp+Sq=0. Hæc æquatio ubi duæ tantum sunt fluentes involvit earum momenta. Et ubi plures momenta. {illeg} vel ut Leibnitius loquitur, omnium differente|i|as. Et Theorema hocce quod sic ex \specimine in/ Newtoni Epistola \posito/ facillime deducitur, totum illud \omne/ comprehendit quod Leibnitius anno 1677 ad Newtonum rescripsit, ut et illud omne quod in Actis Eruditorū anno 1684 in lucem edidit. {illeg} [et illud omne quod Newtonus in {illeg} Lem 2 Lib. 2 Princip. et Prop. 1 Lib. de Quadraturis edidit.] Hoc Theorema exhibet solutionem Propositionis primæ Libri de Quadraturis, ideo {illeg} solutio Propositionis \illius/ anno 1672 Newtono innotuit.

In libro de Analysi per Series Fluxiones ac Differentias \anno 1711/ a Ionesio edito extat Fragmentum Epistolæ D. Newtoni ad D. Collinium Nove. 8 1676 data ubi Newtonus scribit in hæc verba. Nulla extat Curva cujus æquatio — possint comparo. — Eadem methodus Æquationes quatuor terminorum alias complectitur, haud tamen adeo generaliter. Hactenus Newtonus. Hæc autem abs Methodo fluxionum fieri non possunt. Indicant vero methodum quadrandi Curvlineas in libro de Quadraturis expositam, eous productam\motam/ fuisse ante 8 Novem 1676.

In Epistola Newtoni ad Oldenburgum 24 Octob. 1676 ha {b}|{d}| citantur \ponuntur/ Ordinatæ Curvilinearum in Tabulam tum olim Catalogum tunc olim re{illeg} qu{s}|{a}|rum collationes cum Conicis sectionibus Newtonus in c|C|atalogum tunc olim {in} {illeg} retulerat. Earundem Curvarum \et/ {illeg}{E}odem ordine et ijs literis literis c|C|ollationes \cum Con. Sect./ describuntur in Tabula posteriore in libro de Quadraturis: ideo \Tabula illa composita fuit est/ methodus quadrandi Curvas eous producta, fuit annis aliquod|t| ante annum 1676. Id quod abs methodo fluxionum fieri non potuit.

In \prædicta/ Analysi prædicta per series \prædicta/ quam Barrovius anno 1669 ad Collinium misit Newtonus exponit \tempus per abscissam Curvæ/ fluentem per aream Curvæ ejus fluxionem \ejus fluentis/ per Ordinatam & momentum ejus per fluxionem ductam in temporis momentum o. Et sub finem Tractatus illus dat specimen calculi. Et his præmissis \Leibnitius/ methodum Newtoni serierum Newtoni in Tractatu illo descriptam postulabat a Collinio per literas ad Oldenburgum 12 Maij 1676, potuit videre in manibus Collinij proximo mense Octobri ubi in Angliam venit & in manibus Collinij vidit epistolas plures Newtoni Gregorij & aliorum, eas præsertim quæ circa series versabantur ut ipse in epistolis ad D. Abbatem de Comitibus & Cometissam de Kilmansegger agnovit.

Et his præmissis legatur jam Recensio Commercij Epistolici & consulatur Commercium ipsum ubi de factis dubitatur.

✝ Tandem agnovit iterum in Epistola sua ad {t}|C|ometissam de Kilmansegger, ut supra in Præfatione ostenditur

— Et Mathematicum esse Bernoullium \ipsum/ scripsit, & charta{s} illa{s} volunte{m} denuo dispersæ & Gallice in Hollandia imprima auctoritate Bernoullij \imprimi curavit/ \&/ Problemata Bernoullij Analystis Anglis solvendam proposuit Et auctorite Bernoulij \Bernullij Indivisa N constituti/ amicos suos rerum mathematicarum inscios passim contra Newtonum passim ciere conatus est, cum tamen Bernoullius.

Commercium Epist. p. 32, 5{illeg}|3{0}|, 3{illeg}, 39, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49 58, 87, 88, 96.

Charta volans p in Commer p.

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In Epistola Charta \illa/ 29 Iulij 1713 data Leibnitius Epistolam Oldenburgi qua 15 April {sic} 1675 datam qua Oldenburgus series aliquot & inter alias seriem Gregorij quam L ad Leibnitium misit et inter alias seriem Gregorij quam Leibnitius postea ut suam edidit in dubium vocare conatus est, dicendo: Tale quiddam Gregorium habuisse ipsi Angli & Scot. Wallisius, Hookius Newtonus & junior \Gregorius/ ultra triginta sex annos ignoraverunt & Leibnitij esse inventum crediderunt. At hæc Epistola ut et E{illeg} in Libro Epistolico Regiæ Societatis asservata, ut et Epistola autographa Leibnitij {illeg}q se series \missas/ recepisse agnoscentis, cum ijsdem epistolis in Commerio {sic} editis, coram exteris plu\ri/mus collata sunt in qu{illeg}d Comite de Kilmansegger, Abbate de Comitibus, {illeg} ministris aliquot aut publicis exterorum {quot} Principum & et {sic} alijs exteirs non paucis \Anno 1715/ collatæ sunt et \ab omnibus/ agnitæ; & Leibnitius ipse a {an}no proximo in Epistola sua ad D. Cometissam de Kilmansegger 18 Apr. 1716 \data &/ a D. {illeg} Deso Maiseaux edita, idem agnovit narrando historiam epistolis in Commercio editis conformem. Narrat enim quomodo Londinum venit initio anni 1673, cum Oldenburgo amicitiam contraxit, a Pellio nostro apud D. Boyle audivit \quod/ Mercatorum seriem invenisset pro Hypola, librum comparavit & secum asportavit in Galliam, ibi sub Huygenio cœpit meditationes Geometricas {illeg} gustare, parvo tempore multum profecit, & invenit seriem \suam/ pro circulo, dein sic pergit Nous crûmes que j'etois le primier, qui avois fait quelque chose de tel sur le circle; & j'en écrivis sur ce ton-la a [15 Iulij & 26 Octob] a M. Oldenbourg en 1674 avec qui auparavant je ne telles choses, quoique nous eussiouns échangé deja pleusieurs [Feb. 20, Mart. 30, Apr 26 Maij 24 & Iunij 8] plusieurs Lettres. M. Oldenburg m'ecrit [15 Apr 1675] m'envoya des & essays. Cependant le mieu [Londinum missa 27 Aug. 1676] fut asser applaudi par M. Newton même [24 Octob. 1676] per Mr Newton même. Il est trouvé par apres [anno 1712] qu'une nomme M. Gregory avoit trove just\e/ment la même series que moi. Mais c'est ce qu' j'appris tard. Hic Leibnitius agnoscit se recepisse ab Oldenburgo de essays exempla serierum Newtoni, et in eadem Olde inter hæc exempla erat series Gregorij ut in Commercio videre licet. At Newtonus Wallisius & Gregorius junior et Hugenius hanc seriem a Gregorio ad Collinium ab Collinio Oldenburgo ad Leibnitium missam fuisse, per ea tempora ignorarunt.

Contra fidem epistolarum in Commercio editarum scripsit insuper Leibnitius — videntur

Altamen ut accusationem probaret — — — in Commercio pag. 39.

Cæterum Leibnitius in prima sua ad Abbatem — — — . ostendit

Subinde in prima sua ad

D. Leibnitius autem in proxima — — — — Leibnitius.

Altamen post ejus mortem — — — — referri debet. Et hæc Quæstio est utrum Leibnitius sit inventor Methodi & pro differentijs igitur Leibnitianis Newtonus adhibet semper [ex quo usus est hac methodo] adhibuit fluxiones, quemadmodum Honoratus Fabrius motuum progressus Cavallerianæ methodo substituit.

Ad hanc Quæstionem spectat \quod Algorithmus methodi habiatur in Propositione prima Libri de quadraturis &/ quod D. Wallisius Propositionem primam Libri de Quadraturis illustratam \illam cum/ exemplis inveniendi fluxiones primas et secundas edidit annno 1693 in Volumine secundo operum suorum pag. 393. — id est anno 1671.

Eodem spectat quod Iacobus Gregorius scripsit ad Collinium 5 Sept 1671 — — — — — Propositionis primæ libri de Quadraturis.

Propositionem quintam Libri de Quadraturis — de factis dubitatur.

— si fieri potest. Hoc artificium \anno 1669/ Newtono innotuit|s||se| patet per anno 1669 \uti/ patet ex Analysi per series,[3] immo et annis aliquot antequam Mercatoris Logarithmotechnia prodiret (id est anno 1666 aut antea) \teste Barrouꝰ uti/ p{illeg}|a|tet ex E{p}{is} per testimonium ex Epistola [4] Collini {illeg}|i| ad D. Strode. per testimonium Barrovij Propositio \illa/ quinta pendet a quatuor prioribus; ideo Methodus fluxionus|m| quatenus continetur in Propo{illeg}|s|itionibus quin primis libri Principiorum de Quadraturis Newtono innotuit anno 1666 aut antea.

Newtonus incidit in Theorem\emata/ suam de refractionibus, & coloribus lucis ineunte anno 1666. Sub idem tempus invenit etiam methodum|os| serierum et fluxionum. De his omnibus scripsit \Tractatus/ anno 1671 {illeg}|ut| in lucem im mitterentur. Sed anno proximo subortæ per d cum nonnulla communicasset de natura lucis, subortæ statim per diversorum Epistolas objectionibus alijs refertas, crebræ interpellationes, ipsum prorsus a consilio deterruerunt, et effecerunt ut seipsum argeret imprudentiæ \(ut ipsa olim locutus est)/ quod umbram captando, eatenus perdiderat quietem suam, rem prorsus substantialem. Ab his \omnibus igitur/ edendis abstinuit igitur us ad annum 1704 anno 32, & anno 1704 \us ad annum 1704/ et \interea/ aliqua tantum communicavit privatim cum amicis. Librum vero MS de Quadraturis \literis punctatis refertum/ Halleius noster & Ralphsonus anno 1691 manibus suis tractarunt ut alter testatum reliquit & alter adhuc testatur. Eodem libro Newtonus \annis 1685 & 1686/ co{illeg} inveniendis Principijs Philosophiæ se plurimum usum fuisse profitetur. Et quæ in Epistolis \tribus/ Newtoni anno 1676 scriptis \ex eodem/ citantur, indicant ipsum \eundem/ jdem tum in MS extitisse.

Et his præmissis —

<31r> Sr Isaac <30v> Newton

Bar.

<31r> St Mart <30v> ins Street

{illeg}

<31r> Kill

15x44096a

52415509

+131x41024a

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Dominus Brunkerus qu quadravit Hyperbolam per hasce duas series 11×2+13×4+15×6+17×8+19×10 &c et 12×3+14×5+16×7+18×9 &c. H|E|t hæ series cædam sunt cum seriebus 112+1314+1516+17+18 &c et 1213+1415+16 &c ut colligendo summas binorum terminorum patebit. Impressa est autem Brunkeri Quadrad|t|ura Anno 1668 mense Aprili \id/ in Actis Philosophicis Num. 34. Et paulo post impressa est Mercatoris Logarithmotechnia cum eadem Quad\rat/ura promota. Et mox Gregorius Mercatoris Quadraturam eandem Geometrice demonstravit post{illeg}|it|a hac prima Propositione. Si fuerint quantitates continue proportionales A, B, C D, E, F, &c numero terminorum infinitæ, quarum prima et maxima A; erit A–B ad A ut A ad summam omnium; hoc {s}|e|nim passu demonstratur apud Geometras. Hæc Gregorius. {Et} Per hanc Propositionem Geometricam prodit quadratura Hyperbolæ abs Divisione Arithmetica. Mercator vero Propositionem probavit per Divisionem \Arithmeticam/. Sed methodum generalem. Quadrandi Curvas per hujusmodi series nec D. Brunker nec Mercator nec Gregorius invener|it|unt. {illeg}utere{illeg} |Gregorius hujusmodi methodum diu quæsivit & vix tandem sub finem anni 1670 invenire potuit. Newtonus hujusmodi methodum aliquam primus i{illeg}is omnium prod|t|ulit. &{c}|

Proposuerat Wallisius in Arithmetica sua Q seriem Curvarum cujus ordinatæ sunt 1, axxx, axxx, axxxaxxx, aaxxa2x3+x4 &c et areæ x, *, axx2x33, *, aαx332ax44+x55, {illeg}|&|c, \existente Abscissa x/ Et quòd si hæc series \posterior/ in locis alternis qua{pravi} \interpolari/ possit habebitur area circuli: Invenit Newtonus methodum interpolandi hanc seriem hanc seriem. Et eadem methodo interpolavit seriem potestatum binomij 1. a+x. aa+2ax+xx. a3+3a2x+3ax2+x3 &c. Et ponendo \Ponatur uti/ literam aliquam \puta n/ pro indice binomij, \et per Methodum Newtoni/ {illeg}t /prodibit\ {illeg}x{+} \hujusmodi seriem|s|/ a+xn=an+an1nx+n×n1×an2x2+n×n1×n2×an3×x3+&c. Et per {illeg} \{hujusmodi}/ seriem invenit Regula \inde/ pervenit ad methodum generalem |ubi n potest esse namerus integer, vel fractus vel surdus affirmativus vel negativus, et a et x nomina quæcun designant. Et hæc series eadem est cum Regula generali quam Newtonus in Principio Epistolæ suæ primæ cum Leibnitio communicavit. Sic Newtonus pervenit ad methodum generalem| quadrandi Curvas quarum ordit{illeg}|n|atæ sunt binomiorum potestate dignitates quæcun, sive nomina qu sint quantitates simplices vel \sive/ compositæ, sive et indices dignitatum sint numeri inti{illeg}|eg|ri vel {illeg}|f|racti vel surdi et affirmativi vel negativi, ut ex epistola|i|s ejus ad {D} Oldenburgum cum {illeg} Leibnitio communicandis intelligo. Deinde animadvertit idem per divisiones et extractiones radicum fieri & methodum promovit ad radices æquationum affectarum sive æquationes illæ sint affectæ solas quantitates \fluentes/ involvant sive etiam fluxiones, |Et methodum etiam \primus invenit/ assumendi terminos serierum et eosdem per collationem terminorum homogeniorum determinandi. {illeg} Hæc {illeg} invenerat antequam| ut ex ijsdem epistolis et alijs ejus scriptis patet.

Slusius {illeg} methodum ducendi tangentes ab his \ex tribus/ Lemmatibus conse/qu{i}\\qui/ derixesse dixit, & Lemmata impressa sunt in Actis Philosophicis. At quomodo methodus ab istis Lemmatibus derivetur \consequatur/ nondum s{illeg}d{illeg} \constat./ Annon Slusius Anglis i{illeg}iserit methodum illam aliunde habuerit hau{ser} habuerit.

Leibnitius vero ne unam quidem seriem earum quas sibi arrogorare conatus est primus invenit: {ala} Newtonus Methodum perveniendi ad has Series anno 1676 a Newtono accepit, acceptæ nihil unquam addit|d|it. Newtonus methodum et primus invenit et perfec|i|tam reddidit.

Quinetiam Regula jam descripta methodum fluxionum quam Leibnitius differentialem vocat in se involvit. |[|Si \terminus primus binomij sit quantitas fluens &/ terminus secundus Binomij sit mo|mo|mentum termini primi, terminus \primus/ seriei erit momentum dignitas {illeg}{um} primi seu quantitas \quantitatis/ fluens|t|is, terminus secundus erit momentum \primum/ dignitatis, tertius quartus quintus & reliqui {illeg} datas habebunt rationes ad ter momentorum secundum tertium quartum & reliqua in infinitum.|]| Si momentum dignitatis quantitatis fluentis desideretur s] Siquidem Seriei cujuscun terminus secundus sit momentum termini primi et tertius quartus quintus et reliqui sint ad momenta termini primi in datis rationibus, si modo Binomij nomen secundum sit momentum primi nominis primi. Verbi gratia sit o momentum fluentis x et quæratur momentum dignitatis xn, id est quæratur differentia inter xn & x+on <32v> et resolvendo x+on in seriem xn+noxn1+&c, secundus seriei terminus |noxn1| erit differentia illa quæsita. {Pr} Sit jam p momentum quantitatis fluentis y et quæratur mom{illeg}|e|ntum quantitatis fluentis xmyn {illeg} et resolve id est quæratur differentia inter xmyn et x+omy+pn et resolvendo binomia in series et multiplicando series in se mutuo prodibit series cujus secundus terminus est {illeg} diff moxm1×npy11 est differentia quæsita. Et hæc est methodi momentorum et fluxionum quam Leibnitius differentialem vocat Demonstratio omnium brevissima & maxime naturalis. Communicavit igitur Newtonus cum Leibnitio \per Epistolam suam primam/ fundamentum \verissimum \verum// methodi differentialis a quo methodus illa sponte fluit et \per quod/ brevissime et optime demonstratur. [Sed et in Epistola|i|s su{a} secunda \alijs/ methodum illam tantum non demonstra \se habre {sic} dixit &/ verbis disertis tantum non descripsit: Leibnitius \autem/ methodum illam nondum demonstravit neq \nunquam/ melius demonstrare potest. Sed et Newtonus methodum {intram} serierum & methodum fluxionum s|o|b maximam affirmitatem \semper/ inter se s|c|onjuxit et simul tractavit. Et Leibnitius affirmitatem illam agnovit \in Act Lips. Anno 1693 mense Apr./ ubi series infinitas a methodo differentiali derivate cot|n|atus est. Scribit ibi Leibnitius in hæc verba. Cum antea series infinitæ fuerint quæsitæ cum primo inventore Nicolao Mercatore Holsato per divisiones et cum summo Geometra Isaaco Newtono per extractiones; visum mihi fuit posse easad eas perveniri per commodius et universalius per suppositionem ipsius seriei quæsitæ tanquam inventæ ita ut terminorum coefficientes ex successu definirentur. Rectius dixisset seriem infinitam continue proportionalium ejus summam veteribus innotuisse, D. Brunkerū p esse primum inventorem Quadraturæ per seriem infinitam. Mercatorem propositionem veterum per sum de summa seriei infinitæ continue proportionalium demonstrasse per divisionem et inde derivasse & ampliasse Quadraturam Hyperbolæ inventam a{illeg} Brun per seriem infinitam a Brunkero inventam. Newtonum regulam invenisse generalem reducendi binomia & binomialia omnia ad series infinitas & per hanc Regulam & extractiones radicum affectarum method{illeg}|u|m generalem tractandi curvas trancendentes Analytice & quadrandi curv{illeg}s|ilin||eas| omnes & similia peragendi primum \omnium/ invenisse. Rectius \Nullibi/ agnovis|t|se Leibnit{u}s|iu|s \{illeg}/ in Actis Lipsiensibus se series qua series \aliquot/ infinitas ab Oldenburgo primum accepi Anno 1675|3| accepisse & Regulam Nuetoni reducendi binomia in series anno proximo a Newtow {acce}pisse didicisse eas præsertim quæ ad circulum spectant. Nullibi agnovit se Regulam Newtoni accepisse reducendi binomia in series infinitas < insertion from above the line > quæ prim{illeg} fuit methodum generalem aperiat quadrandi curvilineas & simi <33r> lia peragendi < text from f 32v resumes > . Nullibi agnovit Se{illeg} se vidisse quasdam Newtoni epistolas ex quibus dided|ix|it Newtonum vel Methodum differentialem vel huic methodo simillimam primum invenisse, Nullibi agn et Sententia aliqua literis transpositis designata celasse. Nullibi agnovit Newtonum in Epistola 24 Octob. 1676 data signifi{illeg}|c|asse Inversa Problemat{illeg} de Tangentibus {Pro} Problemata esse in potestate alia illis difficiliora: ad quæ solvenda se usum esse duplici methodo una concinniori alteræ universaliori. et utram sententia literis transpositis designata celasse. Sed his silentio traditis Leibnitius L|C|e jam visum esse jam scribit \quod/ visum sibi esse fuit posse series Newtonianas perveniri commodius et universalius per suppositionem ipsius seriei quæsitæ tanquam inventæ ita ut terminorum cofficientes {sic} ex successu definiantur.

Quinetiam sub finem epistolæ secundæ sub finem 24 Octob 1676 datæ Newtonus {Le} inversa de tangentibus Problemat{illeg}|a| esse in potestate alia illis difficiliora ad quæ solvenda duplici usus est methodo et {illeg}|u|na concininniore altera generalione {sic} & methodum utram tentatijs deprimit hisce designavit sententijs. Vna methodus consistit in extractione fluentis quantitatis ex æquatione simul in <33r> vente {sic} fluxionem ejus. Altera tantuum in assumptione seriei pro quantitate qualibet incognita ex qua cætera commode derivari possunt; et in collatione terminorum homologorum æquationis resultantis ad eruendos terminos assumptæ seriei.

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Hæc Regula verbis alijs ita sonat. Ex Binomij F dignitate Fluentem e{illeg}re

Hanc seriem anno 1669 Newtono innotuisse patet ex Analysi supra impressa pag 19 lin 19, 20

1 Methodus tam fluxionum quam serierum {hanc} infirmitarum fundatur in operationibus quatuor vel quin \generab|l|libus ex Analysi supra impressa pag 19 lin 19, 20/ quarum hæc est prima. Et per hanc operationem Fluens ex æquatione quacun non affecta extrahitur s eruitur.

2 Operatio secunda genere|a|lis qua fluens ex æquatione non affecta extrahitur.

|p. 636. l. ult.| Id est, Data æquatione fluent{illeg} quo{illeg}|t|cun fluentes \quantitates/ involvente invenire fluxiones et e{illeg}t{illeg} vice versa. Solvitur vero sumendo secundos ter{illeg} terminos serierum \pro momentis primorum./ B Sit æquatio {illeg} xn=y. [Fluat x uniformiter & sit ejus momentum x.o \fluat etiam y et sit ejus momentum y.o/. Resolvatur binomium ax+ax.on{illeg} in seriem et series axn+anx.oxn1+&c. Et secundas seriei t{illeg} =y+y.o et {illeg}.] Solvitur vero per operationem primam in Epistola superiore descriptam \sumendo secundos serie{illeg}rum terminos pro flu{illeg} momentis primorum/. Sit æquatio o{illeg} xn=y. Flua\n/t x \et y/ uniformiter & sit ejus fluxio \earum/ momentum|ans| ox. & ipsius y momentum oy.. Res{illeg}lvatur binomium in serie{illeg} \et fluendi velocitates. x. et y./ Et erit x+ox.n=y+oy.. Resolvatur binomium in seriem et xn+nox.xn1+&c=y+oy. et ablatis æqualibus xn et y manebunt æqualia nox.xn1+&c=y+oy. et ablatis æqualibus xn et y manebunt æqualia nox.xn1 et{illeg}{ij} et oy., quibus per o divisis fit nx.xn1=y.. Est igitur nx.xn1       Et similiter Sit æquatio xmzn=y. et simili operatione prodibit mxxm1z.zn1=y.. Et idem fit in singulis terminu|is|{illeg} æquationum compositarum. Et hoc et|s|t fundamentum verum methodi fluxionum, Newtonus inven{illeg} et {d}{illeg} fundamentum verum et demonstratio optima brevissima et maxime generalis et Newtono ab initio inotuit ut ex ejus Analysi per æquationes infinitas (pag 3 Reg. 1. & pag 19) manifestum est. Newtonus \communicavit/ invenit methodum serier|s|um \infinita|s|{illeg}/ Leibnitius invenit secundos terminos serierum Newtonus communicavit cum Leibnitio methodum suam perveniendi ad series infinitas, Leibnitius secundos serierum terminos invenit.

p {illeg}|6|34 a Tempus hy{illeg}|b|erno inter annos 1664 et 1665

p. 634 \l. 11/ a Regula prima.

l. 30. b Regula secunda.

p. 636 l. 19 Analysis per æquationes infinitas supra impressa

l 45. Ad verba: Div{illeg}|e|rsa ratione in eam incidimus, nota: [Imo Slusius per Lemmata suæ quæ in Epistola quæ in Actis Philosophicis ut fundamentum methodi suæ \hujus/ impressa sunt in eam incidere non potuit, sed methodum aliunde habuit.] Slusius i{illeg} pr{illeg}bus methodum Riccio sibi minime arrogavit sed Riccio cu{e}|j|dam tr{illeg}|{i}|buit & \{illeg} methodum a se abjudicaret/ Lemmata posuit \ponendo/ a quibus methodus derivari non potest. Qu{illeg} Extant Lemmata in Actis Philosophicis /Newtonus methodum primus communicavit & verum ejus fundamentum solus posuit. Qui aliter sentit doceat quomodo Leibnitius methodus a Lemmatibus illis derivari possit.\

p. 635 l. 1. Exemplum \generale/ quadraturæ curvarum per methodum fluxionum. {illeg}

p 635 l. 1 Exemplum generale quadrandi curvas per methodum fluxionem & series infinitas conjunctim. Vid. pag. 18. lin 31.

p. 639. Pag 639 l. 1. Ex his patit{illeg} Series Newtoni{illeg}|a||na| exeorum quantitatem indefinitam (id est fluentem) unam vel plures in se semper involv{illeg}|unt|, a|i|deo ad methodum fluxionum perinent.

Ib. lin. 20. Ex his p{illeg}|a|tet \Propositiones de Newtoni de/ Quadraturam Curvarum ante annum 1676 inventas fuisse.

P. 640. l. 7. \NB/ D. Brunker Hyperbolam per hanc seriem minus {illeg} \12+112+130+156+&c id est \seu/ per hanc/ 112+1314+15 (conjunctis binis terminis) primus quadravit. \Mercator quadraturam hanc ampliavit./ Gregorius circulum per hanc seriem 113+1517 &c quadravit. Leibnitius hanc Quadraturā sibi ab Oldenburgo accepit|.| & sibi arrogavit. Newtonus quadravit Circulum per hanc seriem 1+131517+19+111&c quadravit seu 1+115163+1143 &c quadravit

P. 644. l. 17. Id est, Vna methodus ...... assumptæ seriei. Prior methodus est Operatio tertia vel Regula tertia generalis qua methodus \Analysis per/ serier|s|um \infinitas/ et fluxionē|e|s s{illeg} perficitur. Posteri{illeg}|o|r est Regula quarta et ultima. \Duæ/ Primæ Regulæ in principia \epistola/ priora epistol{illeg} {f}{illeg}itæ f{illeg} \{illeg} traduntur/ et \prima quidem/ dat quantitatem fluentes|m| ex equationibus non affectis, secunda dat Fluentes|m| ex æquationibus affectis \fluxionem ejus non involventibus/, tertia dat fluentes|m| ex \æqu./ affectis fluxionem ejus involventibus. Quarta dat fluentes ex omnibus. Hi{illeg}|a|sce quatuor operationi|e|bus|s| pervenitur|d|i ad fluentes Newtonus ante annum 1676 invenerat. Ab eo tempore his nihil additum est. Leibnitius ex tempore de his cogitare cœpit Et Newtonum esse harum omnium \Regularum/ inventorem primum nemo dubitat. Et in Regulis hisce quatuor methodus tota comprehenditur \moment{illeg} fluentium et momentorum/ tam in Æquationibus infinitis quam in finitis comprehenditur, cum inventio fluxibus ex momen per Reg. 1 \cum momenta fluentium/ facile inveniantur <33r> \per {R}eg 1/ ut Supra expositum est.

In Leibnitij Epistolam secundam.

Pag. 648. lin 20. E{illeg} {illeg}|H|is verbis patet Leibnitium jam primum calculum differentialem cum amicus \jam primum/ communicare cæpisse et methodum de d differentias didicisse ex secundis termi potes ponendo secund fluentem cum ejus momento pro binomio habuisse secundos terminos dignitatum binomij pro momentis dig{illeg} (vel (ut ipse loquitur) differentijs) dignitatum, perinde ut Newtonus antea fecerat. Vide pag 19.

Inveniri possunt plures hujusmodi series assumendo series|m| arearum pro lubitu, {illeg} \et/ inv|d|eniendo computando series|m| Ordinatarum & inter methodo Newtoniana sub initio hujus Epistolæ exposita interpolando seriem utram; vel assumendo seriem quamlibet ordinatarum ad Curvas quæ per finitas \æquationes/ quadrari possunt et interpolando seriem arearum. Et

Methodus prior est \tertia in his Epistolis tradita posita/ Regula tertia generalis \(in his Epistolis tradita)/ extrahendi quantitates \indeterminatas &/ fluentes & et posterior est Regula quarta. \Quantitas fluens {illeg}{st}{illeg}bilis/ Per Regulam primam fluent|s|es \et equs{illeg} momentum/ ex æquationibus non affectis, per secundam ex æquationibus affectis \fluxionem non involventibus/, per quartam ex tertiam ex æquationibus \affectis/ {illeg} fluxionem simul involventibus, per quartam ex conditionibus Problematis eructur et extrahitur. Et momentum fluentis \invenitur {illeg}/ per Regulam primam invenitur ut supra, [{illeg} vel etiam dicendo quod si fluens sit ut area curva momentum ejus et fluxu erit ut Ordinata] \vel etiam per Ordinatam Curvæ cujus area cujus Abscissa uniformiter {illeg} est ut fluens?/ Et |Et| sic Newtonus \{illeg}/ Regulis hisce quatuor totum flu Analysi \suam/ totam per fluentes & earum momenta \id/ {illeg} æquatio{n} et \Analysin id/ in æquationibus tam infinitis quam finitis ha{illeg}t in Epistolis suis Epistolis suis complexus Est cum Leibnitio communicandis \jam/ complexus \fuit/ est. & methodum fluxionum tantum Newtonum \Et eum/ esse harum quatuor Regularum inventorem primum nemo dubitat. Et [Analysin \eandem/ his Regulis complexam nemo ampliorem {illeg}d{illeg}d reddidit alij aliter exponsu explicuerunt, nemo ampliorem reddidit, Leibnitius ex literis jam primum \communicabat/ ded{illeg}t{illeg} anno sequente \suis verbis/ cum amicis ca{illeg} Leibnitius anno sequente \1677 sequente/ proferre cœpit \&/ nondum totam protulit, Newtonus Anno 1669 cum Collin Collinio \Collinius deinceps cum amicis/ communicabat ut supra.

p. 64{illeg}|5| lin. 25|9|. Ad verba a aliter se habere solet. a Id est, ad s{illeg}|o|lutionem Problematis methodus generalis jam descriptæ|a| sæpe requiritur.

p. 648 lin 19 Ad verba a in posterum. a Cœpit agitur Leibnitius methodum suam differentialem jam primum cum amicis communicare

p 649 lin 24. Ad verba celare voluit Pluribus argumentis Leibnitius se jam methodum differentialem Methodum

p 648 lin 24|8|. I|A|d verba. Idem est de cæteris potentijs. Posita serie potentiarum binomij Leib Ex secundis terminis potentiarum binomij Leibnitius didicit hic colligit differentias. suas. Newtonus {illeg}|qu|ando ex secundis terminis potentiarum quand{illeg}|| ex secundo termino seriei \{g}{illeg}/ potentias omnes involventis momenta sua colligeb|r|at. Eadem est utrius computandi ratio ut conferenti computationem Leibnitianā hic positam cum computatione Newtonim|a|na s|i|n Analysi sua pag. superius impressa pag 19, statim patebit.

p 649 \lin 24/ Ad verba celare voluit notetur. Leibnitius Multis argument{illeg}s \docet Leibnitius/ se in methodum incidisse quæ cum Newtoniana con per omnia congruit.

Analysin per fluentes et earum momenta Newtonus in æquationibus tam infinitis quam finitis Newtonus in his Epistolis ad Regulas quatuor reduxit. \P{illeg}r/ prima|m| est trac|h|tio\hitur/ fluent|s|is \& ejus momenta {illeg}/ ex Binomi{o}|j||s|ū {sic} at adeo ex æquationibum|s| quibuscun non affectis \et momentum fluentis. simul prodit/. Per secundam extrahitur fluens ex æquationibus affectis fluxionem non in{illeg}|v|olventibus, Per tertiam extrahitur fluens ex æquationibus affectis fluxionem simul involventibus. Per quartam extrahit fluens ex conditionibus Problematis. Regulæ duæ primæ in principo|i|o Epistolæ superioris {illeg} duæ {illeg} \anno 1665 inventæ sunt p{illeg}s{tis} {illeg}gruentis/ apertæ|è| tradantur \tradunt{illeg}|u|r & anno 1665 inventæ sunt (pag/: duæ ultimæ in fine hujus celabantur \hic/ occult{illeg}|a||ntur| tradebantur. Harum Regularum Newtonum esse primum inventorem nemo dubitat. Analysin eandem alij aliter explicuerunt, nemo ampliorem reddidit. Collinius anno \1669/ a D Barro accepit

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In the same Letter of 27 Aug. 1676 after Mr Leibnitz had done with had described his Quadrature of the circle & Hyperbola equilateral Hyperbola, he added: Vicissim ex seriebus Regressuum pro Hyperba {sic} hanc inveni — — — — — quæ in Newtoni Epistola expressa est; scilicet erit n=l1+l21×2+l31×2×3+l41×2×3×4+&c. .... Quod regressum ex arcubus attinet incideram ego directe in Regulam, quæ ex dato arcu{illeg} Sinum complementi exhibet. Nempe sinus Complementi =1a21×3+a41×2×3×4 &c. Sed postea quo deprehendi ex ea illam nobis communicatam pro inveniendo Sinu recto qui est a1a31×2×3+a51×2×3×4×5 &c posse demonstrari. |And yet in the same Letter he desired Mr Newton to explain further to him the extraction of affected roots & the method of regressiō by wch alone these series were to be found.| [By this one would think that Mr Leibnitz had found these four series or at least the three first of them by the inverse method of series or method of Regressions, \sometime/ before he received that method in Mr Newtons Letter, \& that he now understood that method very well, & yet/ [& yet he wanted both the invers & direct method of series when he wrote his Letter of 12 May 1676 desiring Mr Oldenburg to procure him the Demonstration of the direct & invers series expressing the relation between the Arc & the Sine, & by the Demonstration meaning the direct & inverse methods of finding those series And \when at his request/ Mr Newton in his Letter of 13 Iune 1676 had sent him those methos|d|s, he did not understand those methods but w{illeg} in his one would think that in point of candour he should not have been so forward in turning them against the Author, as if the Inventor of the method did not know how to make use of it. And much more would one think that he understood the method of regressions by which{illeg} he pretended to have found the inverse method of series the three first of those four series. For when had \And yet/ in the same Letter of 27 Aug 1676 aft{e} [when he had put in his claim to that Method the three first of those series as found by that method, he forgot himself & after a few lines] he desired Mr Newton to explain it \further/ to him.] His words are. Sed desderaverim {sic} ut {illeg} Newtonus Clarissimus Newtonus nonnulla quo amplius explicet: ut Originem Theorematis quod initio posuit,|:| Item modum quo quantitates p, q, r in suis operationibus invenit: Ac deni quomodo in Methodo Regressuum se gerat ut cum ex Logarithmo quærit numerum \Ne enim explicat quomodo id ex methodo sua derivetur. He pretended to two series for the/ |Two of the four series wch he pretended to were for finding the Nūber from ye Log. & yet in the same Letter he desired Mr N. to tell him ye method of finding them.|

When Mr Newton \had/ received this Letter, he wrote back that all the said four Series had been communicated to Mr by him to Mr Leibnitz, the two first being one & the same series in different circumstance, & the third being the excess above \of/ the Radius above the versed sine \which was communicated/. Whereupon Mr Leibnitz \has/ desisted from his claim.

And|He| w|W|hen Mr Newton \in the same Letter/ had explained what Mr Leibnitz desired he added two series for faciliating the method of Regressions And Mr Leibnitz in his Answer dated 21 Iunij 1677 desired that Mr Newton would send him in the continuation of those two series against him {illeg} But a month \three weeks/ after in a Letter dated 12th Iuly 1677 he added: Relectis Newtoni literis video id facile non tantum ex ejus extractionibus derivari sed et altera illa methodo sub finem literarum ejus exposita inveniri qua me quo aliquando usum in veteribus meis schedis reperi{illeg}o. Sed cum in exemplo quod forte in manus meas inciderat sumpseram, nihil prodijsset elegans solita impatientia eam porro adhibere neglexisse. If That is, had he had found the method of Series so long ago, that before the year 1676 he had forgot the inverse method <34v> before the year 1676 when the two series shewed him by Mohr would have made him understand the use of it it had then remembred it & before the year 1675 when the several \eight/ series sent him by Mr conteined many instances of the use of it if he had then remembred it & before the year 1674 when the series \Theorem/ for finding the arc by the sin whose sine given would give afforded him an instance of the usefulness of it if he had then remembred it. And before the year 1673 when the series for finding the Arc whose tangent is given would have afforded him an instance of the usefulness of it if he had then remembred it. [He had \therefore/ invented the method of series so early that he had forgot one half of it before he left L (the method of Regression) before he left London.] He could not find the inverse method before he had the direct method. Mr Newton {illeg}|a|t his request had sent him both methods. As soon as he had them & understood them, he replied that he had found them so long ago as to have forgot that he had \ever/ found the inverse method. In the year 1668 Mr O In the year 1676 Mr Oldenburg \Mohr/ had given him an elegant Instance of this method of Regressions \as above/. In the year before that Mr Oldenburg had sent him three of or elegant instances of it. In the year before that he \pretended to have/ had a Theoreme for finding the Arc whose sine was given & wanted a Theoreme for finding the sine whose Arc was given wch would have been \an/ elegant instance. In ye year 1668 Vicount Brounker & the Mr Mercator published a Theoreme for finding the Logarithm whose Number was given, Mr M{illeg} Leibnitz & the \inverse/ Theorem for finding the Number from the Logarithm given would have been an elegant instance. \This Theoreme he wanted & yet he threw away the method method of finding it/ He wanted it his Theorem so much as to write three lines to Mr Oldenburg for the method of finding such Theoremes \the method of finding this & such like Theorem/, & the last time & the last desired expresly that Mr Newton would explain to him quomodo in methodo Regressuum se gerat ut cum ex Logarithmo quærit Numerum. But as soon as he understood it \the method/, it was his own: for he {illeg} used it long ago \then/ found in his old papers that he had used it long ago, but had neglected it for want of an elegant instance. And if he had found the inverse method of series so long ago as to have forgot that he had found it, much more had he found the direct method long ago, A man may forget things & find them again in his old papers, but he {illeg}t to in cases of right such pretences are not to be regarded wthout proof. Mr Newton deserved to have been treated wth more candour & gratitude.

In the Acta Eruditorum Mensis Ianuarij 1689 pag 37 {illeg} Mr Leibnitz making mention of the method of Series, wch Mercator represents that Mercator found them by division & Newton enlarged the method by extractions of roots both pure & affected & then adds. A me ut obiter hic dicam, methodo serierum promovendæ, præter transformationem figurarum irrationalium linearum in rations|a|les symmetras (voco autem rationales quarum Ordinatæ semper ex abscissis haberi possunt in numeris rationalibus) excogitata est ratio pro curvis transcendenter datis, ubi ne extractio quidem locum habet. Assumo enim seriem arbitrariam, eam ex legibus problematis tractando obtineo ejus coefficientes. This Transformation of Figures is no part of the method of series. It's only a Lemma for \towards/ doing that \sometimes/ by the division of Wallis, (not always but in a very few cases,) wch might may be always \always/ done more readily by the extraction of roots \without it/ The \other/ method of assuming an arbitrary series is Mr Newton's. In his Letter of 1676 he set it down in this sentence. A{tl} Altera [methodus consistit] tantum in assumptione seriei pro quantitate qualibet incognita ex qua cætera commode derivari possunt et in collatione terminorum seriei resultantis homologorum æquationis resultantis ad eruendos terminos assumptæ seriei. So then Mr Leibnits has no right to the invention of any part of the method of Series.

Yet there is a sort of series the invention of wch is due to him, & those he mentions in ye end of his Letter dated 3 Feb. 1673. Modum habeo, saith he, summam inveniendi seriei fractionum in infinitum decrescentium, quarum Numerator unitas, nominatores vero numeri Triangulares, aut Pyramidales, aut Triangulo-triangulares &c. These are found in the following manner {illeg} <35r> +1+12+13+14+15 1213141516 +12+16112+120+130+&c=1. +11+12+13+14+15 2223245526 +13+14+15+16+17 +13+112130+160+&c=12 And these are found in the following manner.

De serie \From the series/ 1+12+13+14+15+16 &c aufer \{os}/ terminos omnes post primum et manebit \take all the terms but the first & there will remain/ 1=12+16+112+120+130+142+&c. De hac serie aufer omnes terminos post primum & manebit \From this series take all the terms but the first & there will remain/ 12=412+672+10600+121280+&c seu =13+112+130+160+1105 & sic deinceps \so on/. And in generall, from even \any/ regular series by subducting all the terms but the first or two first or three or four first will give a new series equal to ye first or two first or three or four first terms.

This method seems to consist in subducting all the terms of \from/ any regular series exce all the terms except the first or two first, or three or four first. From the series 11+12+13+14+15, &c subduct all the terms but the first & there will remain 1=11,2+12,3+13,4+14,5, +&c \=1112+13/ And from this series take all the terms but the first & there will remain 12=21,2,3+22,3,4+23,4,5+24,5,6, &c. And from the first series take all ye terms but the two first & there will remain 32=21,3+22,4+23,5+24,6 &c And from this series 11+13+15+17+19, &c take all the terms but the first & there will remain 1=21,3+23,5+25,7+27,9, &c.

<35v>

He pretended to two series for finding the number whose Logarithm was given, & yet wāted the method of finding those series. And when \Mr/ Newton {illeg}|h|ad further explained it {illeg} he still desired him t|a|gain to explain it further & t|a|t length when he understood it he wrote back that he had it long ago as he found in his old Papers, but had neglected it for want of an elegant example.

<36r>

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1745.11541.0∟66132 0104701.∟66132 010701.∟66132 087251.6∟132 019751.6∟132 023001.∟132 017451.∟132 05551.∟132 10700001. 10470001. 230001. 174501. 55501. 52321. 3181. 841471005=sinq00 0∟022329100=sinq 0∟0178632800=sinq 8931640=sinq 223291=sinq 89316=sinq 15631=sinq 223=sinq 1=sinq 0∟0187892902=sinq 0∟0375785806=sinq 1878929 1867390 1154 1744

1649896200 329900 38988 1950 520 1650267558 15790000 12632000 1263200 110530 6316 14012046 13521 10766 1538 2∟5825 403062.730(40000 06976000(4 0324000(4 0149600(4 0139520(4 010080(4 08720(4 01360(4 01395(4 2274.1073000(4718556 09096000 01634000 01591800 042200 019460 018190 01270 01140 0130 42656870 42670882 4465820 170683528 17068353 2560253 213354 34136 853 190560478 9043807.000744 744.000 744.00 1488.0 4464. 9044644744. 2∟314186 330598 2∟644784 0∟061300 62,565 61,352 1,213

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28∟647890 7360 90,6676200 58880 6620 295 14 906742100 2270(54846000. 12450(5484600. 11350(5484600. 1100(5484600. 908(5484600. 19200. 1816(548460. 104(548460. 91(548460. 13(548460. 7595.(54846 1,73205080 8931640 1,8213672.)0,0893164(0,049038100 072854688(0,0490381 016461712(0,0490381 016392305(0,0490381 069407(0,0490381 054641(0,0490381 014766(0,0490381 014571(0,0490381 0195(0,0490381 9067421000 49039200 3626968400 816067890 270226 81607 1813 4443389936 2∟546714 174400(6714 11710(67140 10464(671401246(67140 1221(67140 25(67140 76(6714 1.0∟0446582tang.61,35211

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<36v>

By his \In the year 168|7|5 when he wrote the letter {sic}/ letter to Mr Collins printed by Dr Wallis {illeg} I gather that he had \did/ not then \use/ the differential method as he would have done had he then known it.

It does not appear that he used {illeg} discovered his knowleding any thing of it before the receipt of Sr Is. Newtons two Letters from Mr Oldenburg A.C. 1676

Sr Isaac then

In those letters letters Sr Isaac discovered that he knew it & had written a treatise of it five years before. He represented that it was a method wch did not stick at fractions & surds, wch extended to the Problemes of Quadratures direct & inverse t{illeg}|a|ngēts & others more difficult & gave an instance of its great extent in the problemes of Quadratures setting \down/ a general series which ran in infinitum & gave the quadrature in an infinite series when it was not expressible by a finite æquation but when it was expressible by a finite equation, brake off & gave that equation & w{illeg} wrote in the same letter. that th{illeg} he other ser that this was the first of Theoreme of those wch he there spake of \& therefore he had at that time other Theoremes of a higher kind derived from that method./ This Theoreme is the fift in his book of Quadratures & thence it is certain that the is for squaring the sixt is of the same kind for & |d|oth{er} the same thing in trinonomials {sic} wch the fift doth in binomials & the third & fourth are introductory to the fift & sixt & therefore these four Propositions were then known to him as the result of the method of fluxions: & so were the s{illeg}d ninth & tenth with the Tables of quadratures set down in a|t|he Scholium of the 10th. For he tells in the second of the two letters above mentioned he \did/ set{illeg} down the Ordinates of these curved|s| & t{illeg}s gave \saith said/ that he had \tables of all/ their Quadratures: at wch Tables could not have been computed wthout the knowledg of the 9th & 10th Propositions. In the same letters he sets down ænigmatically this Probleme Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates in\vol/vente invenire fluxiones & contra vice versa. And the first part of this Probleme is the first Problem in the book of quadratures & the second Probleme is a very easy \& obvious/ corollary of the first Probleme or rather it is nothing else then the first pro Probleme applied to the case of Quadratures & therefor it must be allowed that Sr I. N. had before {illeg} the Propositions in the book of Quadratures were known to Sr Isaac before the writing of the said two letters to Mr Oldenburg & by consequence that he had \then/ not only invented the method of fluxions but also carried it to a higher pitch then Mr Leibnitz was able to carry \it under the name of/ the differential method during the 30 years wch followed before ye publishing of the book of Quadratures notwithstanding the light wch Mr Newton gave him into it \this method/ |it| by those two letters. And by all these considerations it is manifest that Mr Newton was the first inventor of the method. And the same thing is further manifest by his little Tract de Analysi per series numero terminorum infinitas \written in the year 1669 \/ < insertion from the left margin > ✝ & mentioned in the \Mr Newtons/ second Letter of Mr L to Mr Oldenburg & lately published by Mr Iones. < text from f 36v resumes > & by the letters of Dr Barrow & others/ found amongs the papers of Mr Colling|s| & p{illeg} published wth that book \Tract/ by Mr Iones.

Sr Isaac was therefore the first inventor of this method, & the next question is whether Mr Leibnit & how far Mr Leibnit{illeg}|s| was a collateral inventor, or had it from Sr Isaac. And that he might have it from Sr Isaac is {illeg} [And if he had it not from Sr Isaac by means of the lett correspondence wch he kept with Mr Collins yet he before the writing of the \Mr Newtons/ two letters above mentioned to Mr C receipt of Mr Newton's two letters above mentioned yet a man of his parts might easily have it from those two letters.] For the infinite series described in those letters are nothin{illeg}|g| else then the method {illeg} the summ of the indefinite or fluent quantity & all its {illeg}|d|ifferences. The first term or {illeg}g is the fluent quantity, the second is the first difference, the {f}|t|hird is the second difference, & so on in infinitum. [Let x {illeg} be a fluent quantity of {illeg} & dx {illeg} & let o be its difference & the binomium quantity x+omn being by Mr Newton's rule \set down in these let first of/ resolved into \those two letters resolved into/ an infinite series, becomes xmn+mnoxmnn+ m−n &c, where xmn is the first term xmn is a the fluent quantity & mnoxmnn the second term mnoxmnn is the \its/ first difference. Now instead of o if wth Mr Leibnits you put the symbol dx the series becomes xmn+mndxxmnn+&c wch mndxxmnn is the in the language of Mr Leibnitz is the difference of the quantity xmn. A] Let the binom{illeg} |For| By the rule set down in Mr Newtons first Letter Letter the binomium x+dxmn is resolved into this infinite series xmn+mnxmnndx+mm2mnnnxm2nnddx+&c where the first term xmn being the fluent the second term mnxmnndx is the \its/ first difference & the third term mm2mnnnxm2nnddx is its second difference & so on in infinitum. And wherein I pray does Mr Leibnitz his differential method consist but in the invention of these differences

<37r>

And in maintainging it declined to give any reasons for his claim, insisted upon his own candor as if it were jnjust to question it, pressed that Mr Newton should declare his opinion as the only Man now alive who sufficiently understood this matter, refused to contend with any man but Mr Newton as if {illeg} younger men were novices & uncapable of understanding the ancient Letters & Papers wch remained upon this subject & under the person of a nameless Mathematician & two other pretended nameless correspondents, set on foot a triple Libel against Mr Newton full of \indecent/ railing & injurious {illeg}|a|ccusations without any proof. Whether that Libel was writ by himself or his correspondents is not material. If by his correspondents, they were imployed by him & he is answerable for what they have writ untill he produces their names. And if he refuses to produce their names he will deserve to be reputed the Author.

As for the symbols used in his method

4 As for the symbols used by him \Mr Leibnitz/ they are of a later date \then Mr Newtons/. He has no symbols for fluxions: Mr Newtons are the oldest \& the only symbols/ of that kind. His \The differ/ symbols \of differences/ ax & dy are later by eight or ten years then the rectangles under the fluxions & the moment{illeg} o used by Mr Newton in the same sense. And thes symbols \of summs/ x, {f} y are later by 16 or 20 years then MrNewtons of including the Ordinate or Fluxion in a square to signify the Area or fluent.

5 And if the Methods be compared, Mr Newtons is \the/ more eleg{illeg}|a|nt because he uses but one infinitely or indefinitely small quantity signified by the letter o. It is \the/ more Natural & Geometrical because founded upon the rationes primæ quantitatum nascentium wch have a being in Geometry, whilst indivisibles \infini/ & quantitates \minimæ or/ primæ nascentes upon wch the method differential method is founded have no being. \There are rationes primæ \quantitatum/ nascentium but not \differentq|ia|uantitates/ prima nascentes./ Nature generates quantities by continual flux or increase & the ancient Geometers admitted such a generation of areas & solids where they drew one line into another by motion to generate an area & the area into a line to generate a solid. But the summing up of indivisibles to generate an area or solid was never yet admitted into Geometry. Mr Newton's method is \also of greater extent being/ adapted either for finding out a Proposition or for demonstrating it: Mr Leip|b|nitzes is only for finding it out. When the work succeeds not in finite equations Mr Newtons method has recours to converging series & thereby his method becomes incomparably more universal then that of Mr Leibnitz wch is confined to finite equations. And where the law of the fluxions is not known F but the fluxions are had only in a few particular cases Mr Newton finds that Law quam proxime by drawing a Curve line through any number of given points & thence deduces the fluents & solves \solution of/ the Probleme; & on this Account also his method is more universal then that of Mr Leibnitz. [So then the Differential method is only a part \branch/ of Mr Newtons general method, & if Mr Leibnitz would have that part to be his own, it lies upon him to prove that he had it before the year 1677. All other arguments are in vain.|]| Mr Leibnitz indeed pretends to a share in the method of series The method of M. Fermat de maximis & minimis Mr Newton \in M. yo/ retained & made universal without usining {sic} any more symbols then one for infini indefinitely small quantities. Dr Barrow began to use more symbols then one for infinitely small quantities \drawing of Tangents/ & {illeg} Mr Leibnitz changed the Symbols of Dr Barrow into dx & into dx & dy & {illeg} from this Notation gave the method a new name without ever acknowledging \himself/ obliged to the Doctor. And Mr Newton made the method general in the years 1665 & 1666, Mr Leibnitz in th{e y}ear 1677. And if he \Mr Leinits/ pretends to have done \found/ it early|i|er, it lies upon him to prov{e} {illeg} & to give the world a{n} \fair/ account when & by what means he found it.

<37v>

Mr Newton {illeg} publishin|ed|g his Treatise of Quadratures in the year 167\0/4. This Treatise had lain by him many years & that it might not be taken for a new piece \was written long before/ many things being cited out of it in his Letter of 24 Octob 171 1676. That it might not be taken for a new piece Mr Newton repeated what Dr Wallis had published nine years before without being \then/ contradicted \when/ by the Editors of the Acta Lipsiensia or by Mr Leibnitz himself, Mr namely that he found \the found/ the method of fluxions \was invengr|te|aduallyd by degrees/ {illeg}p {in} in the years 1665 & 1666. \Herupon/ the Editors of those Acta who composed {(} \in Ianuary 1705/ in the style of Mr Leibnitz (who in those days made extracts of books for the) represēd that Mr Leibnitz was the first inventor of the method & yt Mr Newton |had| substituted fluxions for differences \which was all one as to tax him with falshod & plagiary./. this was in Ianuary 16|7|05 And Mr Keil in an Epistle published in the Philosophical Transactions for May & Iune 1708 replied: \retorted the accusation, saying:/ {illeg} Fluxionum Arithmeticam sine omni dubio primus invenit New D. Newtonus ut cuilibet ejus Epistolas a Wallisio editas legenti facile constabit. Eadem tamen Arithmetica postea mutatis Nomine & Notationis modo, a Domino Leibnitio in Actis Eruditorum edita est. And this was the beginning of the prsent controversy.

Mr Leibnitz in a Letter to Dr Sloan dated 4 Martij st. n. 1711 appeald to Mr Newton & \gave his reasons agt MrKeill/ \&/ desired that the R. Society would make \cause/ Mr Keil to make a publick recantation. Mr Keill \shewed |shewed the Acta Lipsiensia to Mr| Mr Newton t|w|he|o| Acta Lipsiensia {illeg} had not seen then {sic}/ chose rather to explain & defend what MrKe he had affirmed \then to rit{tr}act/. And Mr Leibnitz in a second Letter to Dr Sloan dated 29 Decem 1711 insisted upon his own candor as if it would be injustice to exprest that he should defend it \instead of making good his accusation insisted only upon his own candor, as if it would be unjust to question it &/ \against MrKeil;/, [justified what had been published in the Acta Lipsiensia, & yet \[& yet/ allowed that Mr Newton had found the method of fluxions by himself, \apart though though not so early;/] called Mr Keil a novice unacquanted with things past & \one that/ acted g without h{i} author{y} {illeg}frō Mr Newton, & a clamorous man, \& sd yt ye Acta Lips. had given every mā his due/ & appealed to the judgment of Mr Newton himself as the only man (now Barrow, Gregory, Oldenburg, Collins & Wallis were dead) who understood those matters rembred \who last/ knew what had been done formerly. But Mr Newton had given his opinion before in the Introduction to his Book of Quadratures & Mr Leibnitz had a mind that he should retract it \desired that Mr Newton himself would give his opinion/ in this matter. He knew yt Mr Newton had already given his opinion in the Introduction to his Analysis \book of Quadratures/: but Mr Newton must retract that opinion \retract that opinion/ & allow that he had substituted fluxions for ye differences of Mr Leibnitz \was/ the first Inventor, & then Mr Leibnitz would allow him to be \that Mr Newton was/ the second Inventor & sufer{illeg} him to be quiet. \or not be quiet./

The R. Society therefore {illeg}|h|aving as much authority over Mr Leibnitz as over Mr Keil & being now twice pressed by Mr Leibnitz to interpose & seeing no reason to condemn Mr Keill wthout inquiring into ye matter \& that Mr Leibnitz declined to make good his accusation/ {illeg}dered \appointed/ Committee & that neither Mr Newton nor Mr Lebnitz \(the only persons alive who remeembred what had passed in these matters 40 years ago)/ could be witnesses for or against Mr Keil, \& that Mr Leibnits instead of making good his accusation declined to make good his accusation/ appointe{illeg} & that there were no others alive who remembred what had passed in these matters 40 years ago, appointed a Committee to search old Letters & Papers & report their opinion thereupon, And ordered the Letters & Papers to be published together with the opinion of their Committee, by wch opinion {illeg}|M|r Newton was the oldest inventor had the method [above five years before] the year the writing of his Letter dated 13 Iune 1676 & sometime] before the writing of his Letters dated 10 Decem 1672 & th{illeg} above five years before the writing of his Letter dated 13 Iune 1676 & \even/ before the {illeg} writing of his Analysis communicated by Dr Barrow to Mr Collins in Iuly 1669; & so was the first inventor in the year 1669 or before & it appeared not that Mr Leibnitz had it before the year 1677.

Its objected that Mr {illeg} the R. Society heard have not heard Mr Leibnitz reasons, & therefore their judgment is void. But this is a sophistical Objection this is a sophistical objection. They

If it be pretended that Mr Leibnitz has not yet produced his reasons for himself: \I answer that/ in all the Letters wch passed between him & Mr Dr Wallis about these matters he was no [wherein he defended himself {sic} \wherein he defended himself as well as/ as well as he was able], he was not a produced not \an{e}|y|/ one reason to prove \either/ that he had the differential method before the year 1677 or that Mr Newton had it not be above ten years before, as Dr Wallis |had| affirmed. \that time./ He produced not \any/ one argument against Mr Fatio to prove that Mr Newton was the oldest inventor by many years. \He did not then deny that Mr Newton was the first inventor/ In his first Letter agt Mr Keill he produced what \his/ reasons against what Mr Keill had said. But|And| after Mr Keil had explained himself & answered those reasons: he produced no more reasons but in his next Letters for want of reason{s} <37r> cried out. Quæ D. Ioannes Keillius nuper ad Te scripsit, candorem meum apertius quam ante oppugnant: quem ut ego hac ætate, post tot documenta vitæ, Apologia defendam, & cum homine docto sed novo, & parum perito rerum anteactarum cognitore, nec mandatum habente ab eo cujus inter{illeg}|s|t, tanquam {p}ro Tribunali litigam nemo prudens æquus probabit. That is, he told the R. S{ociety} that they would be unjust unless they would allow him to be judge \a witness/ in his own {cas}e.

<38r>

And am not I as good a witness that I invented the methods of series & fluxions in the year 1665 & improved them in the year 167|6|6, & that I still have in my custody several mathematical papers some of written in the years 167|6|4, 1665 & 1666 some of wch happen to have been dated & that in one of them dated 13 Novem 1665 the direct method of fluxions is \illustrated with Examples & demonstrated, & that down in this it is/ set down in these Problem|posit|e{illeg} /words\: An Equation being given expressing the Relation of two or more lines x, y, & z & described in the same time by two or more moving bodies A, B, C &c, to find the relation of their velocities p, q, r &c. And \that/ the {illeg} resolution of this Problem is there set down in these words Set all the terms — — — — — relation of p, q, r &c \& that this Resolution is there illustrated with examples & demonstrate{d}/ And that in a\no/ther Paper dated 16 May 1666 a general method of resolving Equations is Problems by motion is set down in seven Propositions the last of which — — — — quantitatum inter se. And that in confirmation of all this I am ready to produce the original papers at this time I had made my Analysis composed of the methods of series & fluxions together so universal as to reach to all almost all sorts of Problemes as I mentioned in my Letter dated 13 Iune 1676. These \things/ {t}|d|o not rely meerely upon my own testimony, but \the/ ancient papers \Manuscripts/ themselves are ready to be produced. {illeg}

— And that \in this Tract/ when any of the \the/ area {illeg}|a|rising from any of the terms {illeg}|i|n the Valor of the Ordinate cannot be expressed by Vulgar Analysis I represent it by prefixing the symbol ▯ to ye term. As if the Abscissa be x & the Ordinate axb+bbb+x, the area will bee 12axxbx+bbb+x. And that in this This \the same/ Tract I sometimes used a Letter with one prick for f quantities involving first fluxions & the same Letter with two pricks for quantities involving second fluxions. And that {illeg} the larger Tract wch I wrote in the year 1671 was founded upon this smaller & Tract & began with the Reduction of finite quantities to converging Series & with these \the solution of/ two Prop|b|lems \& the s set down in these words/. 1. Relatione quantitum fluentium inter se data fluxionum relationem determinare. 2. Exposita Æquatione fluxiones quantitatum involvente invenire relationem quantitatum inter se. The original Manuscripts \are still extant to/ {illeg}|h|ave {sic} \justify what is here represented & have been seen/ been seen {sic} by Mathematicians many years ago. {illeg} Mr Fatio mentions|e||d| them in|a|t his the end of his book of \abo entituled/ Fruit walls improved, & \which book was/ published in the year 1699. And in \my/ Letter wh{illeg} of 24 Octob 1676 I mentioned the last of these Tracts s|a|s written five years before that{illeg} Letter & about the method of series & another method which was founded in this sentence Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente invenire fluxiones & vice versa. And in the end of that Letter I added that I had a method of extracting fluents out of equations involving their fluxions: which implies that I then knew how to reduce Problems to fluxional equations. And by my Letters of 10 Decem. 1672 & 13 Iune 1676 it appears that I had then made my Analysis composed of the methods of Series & fluxions together so universal as to reach to all|m|ost all sorts of Problems. But Mr Leibnitz has {no} acknowledged that in Feb 1673 he knew & for some months after, he knew little or nothing of the higher Geometry but \at length/ learnt it afterwards of Mr Hu{illeg}|y|gens at Paris, [& pretends only \not/ that he found the Differential Method in \before/ the year 1676 but \nor/ brings not so much as one argumt to prove that he found it before the year 1677, except that wch I am \still/ going to answer at the wch is drawn from his solving the Problem of Beaune the pretence that he solved the Probleme of Beaune by his method had s \unles/ certa Anslysis in his Letter of 27 Aug. 1676 {illeg}is \{illeg}y \{must}/ signifies/ the differential Analysis] & that he had not the differential method till after the year 1675

<38v>

The first of these \shews what was the opinion of/ was writ before Mr Leibnitz \before he/ knew any thing more of my method then what he had from my Letters \& Pap/ writ in or before my the year 1676 & from the Principia use yt {illeg} use that I made of this Principia Philosophiæ the second s mathematica,|.| & the f{illeg} The second shews was the notion of the English Mathematicians \tradition in England/ before they \we/ heard that this Method began to be celebrated in Holland as invented by Mr Leibnitz. And|m|ong the said Letters & Papers were also several papers written by my self in the years 1664, 165|6|5 & 1666 some of which happen to be dated

Et {illeg} \Me/ Commerci{illeg}\um/ Epistolic{illeg} oblivione minime respondet\um olivioni {sic} tradere conæretur tanquam nimis longo/ prolixo cui responderet, nec t{e}|a|men satis prolixūm {sic} ob Epistolas qui ob {illeg}b epistolas t{illeg}.

Commercio Epistolico tanquam {illeg} respondere recusaret, & convitijs uteretur

1Cum D. Leibnitius 5Epistolas præcedentes prius mitteret in Galliam quam earum tertia in Angliam veniret, 2Commercio Epistolico {illeg} respondere \aperte/ recusaret nulla pro se argumenta \licet provocatur|s|/ afferret, & convitijs utere verbose ser & convitijs uteretur jus s{illeg} 3causam suam probare licet provocatur|s| minime aggrederetur, & a4verbose scriberet, et 4convitijs uteretur \&/: 6Newtonus minime rescripsit, sed Observationes quasdam sequentes in tertiam illam scriptas cum amicis solummodo communica{illeg}

Cum D. Leibnitius \convitijs uteretur et/ add{u}\e/ non posset ut vel Commercio Epistolico responderet vel argumenta pro se afferret; {illeg}s{illeg} a convitijs \nam/ abstineret, et \cum nec cum præcedentes/ Epistolas præcedentes \is in Galliam prius/ {illeg}|p|rius {sic} mitteret in Galliam quam earum tertia in Angliam veniret & prætenderet se hoc facere ut testes haberet \et alias etiam pro & alijs utetur convitijs argumentis contumelas adhiberet/: Newtonus minime rescripsit sed Observationes sequentes in tertiam illam \Epistolam/ scriptas cum amicis solum{illeg}|m|odo communicavit.

Observatione|s|s
in Epistolam præcede \upon the preceding Epistle./

<39r>

P. S.

When the Committee of the R. S. published the Commercium Epistolicum the Papers in my custody were not produced, \& it will be more usefull to read the progress by which the method was invented./ Among my papers written in the years 1664, 1665 & 1666 some happen to be dated: amongst wch is that which follows

13 Novem. 1665
Probleme.

An Equation being given &c



In a little Tract written in the

In a paper dated 16 May 1666 my method of resolving Problems by my motion is set down in 7 Propositions the last of which is the same with that conteined in the Paper of 13 Novem 1666|5| tho exprest in other words.

In a little Tract written in October 1666 the same method is set downin the same seven Propositions \but the seventh is enlarged/ & an eighth is added to them. That which is added to the seventh is in these words

Note that if there happen to be in any equation either a fract or surd quantity or a mechanical one (i.e. wch cannot be Geometrically computed but is expressed either by the area or lengh {sic} or gravity or content of some curve line or solid &c) to find in what proportion the unknown quantities increase or decrease do thus. Take two ........ required

Exempl. 1. To find p & q the motions of x & y whose relation is yy=xaaxx ........ wch was required

Examle {sic} 2. If x3ayy+bb3a+yxxay+xx=0 is the relation is the relation sought.

Example 3. If x=AB upon the {illeg} x.=AB+BC=axxx, [that is if BC=ax to the line AB=x the line BC\=axxx/ be ordinately applied.] \& the superficies be called z/ Suppose that zz+axzy4=0 is the relati{illeg}|o|n between x y z

Example 3. If to ye line AB=x, the Ordinate BC=axxx be appl ordinately applied at right angles, & y be put for any indeterminate line BE Figure & the area superficies ABC be called z: Suppose that zz+axzy4=0 is the {op} relation between the lines x y & z whose motions are p, q, & r, & that p & q are desired. And The Equation zz+axzy4=0 gives (by Prop. 7) 2rz+rax+paz4qy3=0. Now erecting the perpendicular AD=1 & completing the parallelogram {illeg} ABHD I consider that the superficies ABHD=AB×BH=x×1=x, that is, 1. ax 1. axxxp.r. Or r=axxx. Which valor of r being substituted into the equation 2rx+rax+paz4qy3=0, gives 2pz+2px×axxx+paz4qy3=0, wch was required.

The eighth Proposition was this. If two bodies A & B with their velocities p & q describe the lines x & y, & an equation be given expressing the relation between one of the lines x & the ratio pq qp wch or the ratio of their motions q & p: to find the other line y. And the resolution of this <39v> Proposition is here set down by \in/ these steps Rules.

1 If the valor of qp

1. Get the valor of qp & if it be rational & its denominator consists but of one term, multiply that valor by x & divide each term of it by the logarithm of x in that term [that is by the index of its dignity] the Quote shall be the valor of y. As if axmn=qp then is nan+mxn+mn=y.

2 But if the denominator of the valor of qp consist of more terms then one, it may \[usually]/ be reduced to such a form that the denominator of each part of it shall have but one term so that y may be then found by the precedent Rule Which Reduction is thus performed. 1. If \If all the terms of the Denominator be not multiplied by x or xx or x3 &c/ Increase or diminish x untill the last term of the Denominator vanish. 2. And when all the terms of the Denominator are multiplied by x, xx or x3 &c divide the numerator by the Denominator (as in decimal numbers) untill the Quotient untill the Quotient {sic} consist of such parts none of whose Denominators are so multiplied by x, xx x3 &c, & begin the division in those terms in wch x is of the \its/ fewest dimensions: unless the If then the terms in the valor of qp be such as was before required the valor of y may be found by the first Rule only it must be so much incre diminished or increased as it was before diminished or increase <38r> d <39v> by increasing or diminishing x. But if the denominator of any term of more ter <38r> ms <39v> then one, find those \the/ parts of y's valor wch correspond to severally.

Example 1. If xxax+b=qp, {illeg} then by division is xabaa+bba3x+aab=xxax+b= <38r> qp <39v> (as may appear by multiplication) Therefore (by the first Rule) xx2abxaa+bba3x+aab=y.

Examp. 2. If x3aaxx=qp. I suppose x=za, or z33azz+3aaza32azzz= <38r> qp

<39v>

And by division aazzz+a+aa4az2=qp, as may appear by multiplication.

And substituting x+a into the place of z, you have xaa2x+2a+aa2a2x=qp= <38r> x3xaxx

<39v>

And therefore by the first Rule, xx2+aa2x+2a+aa2a2x=y.

<40r>

He saith that he formerly beleived me & on that account acknowledged that I had found the {illeg} method of fluxions apart, but now \{illeg}/ \now M./ Bernoulli has given him reason to suspect {illeg} me, he is at liberty to retract. But his Letter of to Mr N. dated 717 Mar. 1693 \& herunto annexed/ was written before he had any other notice of my method then from Mr Oldenburgh Mr. Collins & the Principia Philosophiæ, & therefore he is not at liberty to retract.

He questions my credit in what I say about Dr Wallis & therefore I have subjoyned the Paragraph in the \his/ Preface of Dr Wallis together with the|i|s Doctors Letters relating to it. The Dr there plainly tells him that he had the Meth that Mr N. in the year 1676 \I/ explained to him the Method of fluxions invented \by me/ ten years before \those days/ or above. Dr Keil has not affirmed so much Mr L. beleiv did not think fit to contradict M Dr Wallis in those days but is now very angry angry at Dr Keill.

P. S.

When the Committee of the Royal Society published the Commercium Epistolicum, the {illeg} Letters & Papers in my c|C|ustody were not produced. Among them the were \was/ the following Letter of Mr Leibnitz, \& a{illeg} Letter of Dr Wallis, dated/ \both/ s{aid} which upon {sic} \both wch upon/ a fresh occasion have been produced & in more \left/ in the Archives of the R. Society,|.| Among them were also several papers written by my self in the years 1664, 1665 & 1666 some of wch happen to be dated. And one of them writ in the year \november/ 16{illeg}|6|5 {v} {sic} hereunto subjoyned.

Illustri v|V|iro
ISAAC NEWTON
Goth{illeg} Godefridus Gulielmus Leibnitius S.P.D.

Quantum tibi . . . . . . Vale. Dabam Hanoveræ 717 Martij 1693.

13 Novem. 1665
Probleme

An Equation being given &c

In another Paper dated 16 May 1666 my method of resolving Problems by motion is set down in seven Propositions the last of wch is the same with that conteined in this paper of Nov 13 Nov. 166{6}|5| {illeg} And in a third paper da \small treatise written/ in November 1666, the same seven Propositions are set down again & the seventh is improved by shewing how to proceed without sticking at fractions or surds or such quantities as are now called transcendent. And an eighth Proposition is added conteining the inverse method of fluxions so far as I had then attained it, namely \by the methods of Quadratures & particularly/ by the three Rules upon wch the Analysis per æquationes numero terminorum infinitas is founded & by \most of/ the Propositions \Theorems/ set down in the Scholum {sic} to the tenth Proposition of the Book of Quadratures, [most of which are {illeg} \here/ set down in this Paper.] {I} And in the Tract which I wrote in the year 1671 the two first Propositions are {sic} And \that/ in this Paper I sometimes used a letter with one prick for quantities involving {f}{illeg} first fluxions & the same letter with two pricks for quantities involving fi{illeg} second fluxions. And \that/ in the Tract which I wrote in the year 1671 the two first Propositions were these. {illeg} \1/ Relatione quantitatum fluentium inter se data fluxionum relationem determinare. 2 Exposita æquatione fluxiones quantitatum involventes, invenire relationem quantitatum inter se. |All wch are to be compared with my Letters of 10. Decem. 1672, 13 Iune 1676 & 24 Octob. 1676. published in the Commercium Epistolicum & with the Scholium to the second Lemma of the second Book of Mathematical Priciples {sic} of Philosophy.| And in my Letter of 24 Octob. 1676 I represented that I had written a Tra Dr sent to Mr Collins a Tra compendium of the method of series about

that time that Mercator published his Logarithmotechnia & this Compendium is the Analysis per Series now extant. I mentioned also that t{ok}en five years before the writing that Letter that I had is in the year 1671 I had written a Tract concerning the method of series & another method together, & that the other method was founded in this sentence Data æquationes flentes {sic} quotcun quantitates involvente fluxiones invere {sic} & vice versa.

<40v>

I suppose he means be{illeg} that \because/ he finds no prickt letters there. And by the same way of arguing he may say \& Mr Bernoulli may pretend/ that they find nothing of that Analysis in the method of fluxions in the Introduction to the Book of Quadratures, tho nothing else be there described that whole Introduction be {illeg} \entirely/ taken up in describing that \this/ Method & illustrating it with Examples [& my saying there that I found this Method in the years 1665 & 1666 gave occasion to this controversy]. I there \In that Introduction I/ say that I invented (not prickt letters, but) the method of fluxions in those years \the years 1665 & 1666/, & describe it in that Introduction \there/ without {illeg}|t|he use of prickt letters, as {illeg}|I| did long \about thirty years \twe &// /long\ before in my Analysis above mentioned. Let the world judge whether the method described in this Introduction & said here to be invented by me in the years 1665 & 1666 \gradually in those years/ be not one & the same method with \that/ described in the said Analysis \wch was \&/ communicated by Dr Barrow to Mr Collins/ 47 years ago & in my Letters of 10 Dec 1672 & 24 Octob 1676 & by me{illeg} concerning which I say in my Letter of 13 Iune 1676 that \Analysis by/ my method of series \thereby/ extends to almost all sorts of Problems (except perhaps some numeral one{illeg}|s| like those of Diophantus) but becomes not \altogether/ universal without the assistance of this other method |it| the help of some further methods, wch in next Letter \dated 24 Oc{illeg}|t|ob 1676 I describe to be the direct & invers methods of fluxions the method/ I explain to be the direct & invers method describe by these sentences Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente fluxiones invenire, et \vice/ versa of extracting fluents out of equations involving their fluxions, & the method of assum \{illeg}|a|ssuming/ arbitrary series. Although I said \in that Letter/ that the foundation of the method of wch I wrote a Tract in the year 1671 was founded in this sentence Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates inolvente fluxiones invenire & vice versa

— & Dr Wallis (Vol 2 Opper. pag 393 lin. 32) {will} has told him that th{illeg}|a|t this method needs no further explication then that wch I gave of it in my Letter of 24 Oct. 1676.

That of D|M|r Leibnitz shew that he understood that I had such a gener{a} Methodus similis as he {illeg} men before he knew any thing more of it then what he had from my Letters in the year 1676 & from the Principia Philosophiæ: that of Dr Wallis that the tradition in England \news tradition/ that I invented the method describ [mentioned there by the Dr] was \much/ older \in England/ then the tradidtion \newes/ that Mr Leibnitz invented it the first beginning in the year 1676 as old \in england/ as the year 1676, at wch time copies of my Letters were sent to him by Mr Oldenburg.

Cum D. Leibnitius Epistolas præcedentes in Galliam prius mitteret quam Responsem ejus in Angliam veniret et Responsum illud scurriliter scriptum esset |convilijs sentiret l{illeg} abundaret & A Autho|; Newtonus minime rescripsit, sed Observationes sequentes in Responsum illud \{illeg}|{a}| se scripsit|ta|s {et}/ cum amicis \tantum/ communicavit.

& {illeg} convilijs abundaret, et {illeg} Author Commer antiq Commercio Epistolico minime responderetur; Newtonus non rescripsit, ne monumenta antiqua sed seq. Observationes se in Responsum illud a{illeg} a se compositas cum amicis tantum communicavit.

Cum D. Leibnitias {sic} Epistolas præcedentes in Galliam prius misisset \mitteret/ quam Re{s c} earum tertia in Angliam veniret, & Newtonus minime rescripsit sed sed {sic} Observationes sequ suas \sequentes/ in tertiam illam scriptas cum amicis tantum \tantum/ communicavit.

Observationes in Epistolam præcedentem.

And that in \or before/ Se       1665 I invented the first Proposi

That in the year 1665 I invented the firs method|s| of \series &/ fluxions & still have in my custody a paper dated 13 Novem. 1665 in which the first Proposition of the Book of Quadratures is propounded & Resolved illustr\a/ted with examples & Demonstrated Geometrically, the letters p, q, r being here put for the fluxions of the fluents x, y, z. \And/ That in the year 1666 I improved this method \(extended it to second fluxions & |& extended it to second fluxions|/ & before the end of the year \{&}/ sometimes \{sic}/ used \sometimes letters without pricks & sometimes letter without pricks/ letters with one or two pricks for for firs quantities involving first or second fluxions & \before the end of the year/ wrote a small Tract on this subject which was the ground of that larger Tract which I wrote in the year {illeg}|1|67{illeg}|1|, both which

<41r>

to be added \the/ to complete the series (for he has no where said t said in all that book that he uses the word \phrases second & third/ differences in the sence of Mr Leibnitz) the Scholium will be true wth\out/ any correction.] & the Objection will vanish.

This account of the Com

{C}{illeg}

The credit \force & evidence/ of the Commercium Epistolicum {illeg} an & of the account here given of that matter stands upon the authority of the ancient Letters & papers \there partly by Dr Wallis & partly/ by order of the R. Society \the originals of those published by order of the Society are still preserved./ If Mr Leibnits or his those \ancient/ Letters & Papers are \altogether/ against Mr Leibnitz it is his own fault. If the Notes upon them for enabling the reader to compare them & understand them at one reading, have in any thing misrepresented them, Mr & h Leibnitz & his friends are at liberty to set shew wherein they are misrepresented & to set the matter right set right the representation. [If they only tell a contrary story \If in any thing they make for him they are at liberty to explain it. But/ Mr without proving what they affirm, Mr       Leibnitz can be no witness in his own cause & his friends at in Germany know nothing \of the matter/ but what they have from Mr Leibnitz or from the Records themselves.] The friends of Mr Leibnitz in Germany know nothing \more/ of what passed between him & Mr Oldenburg when he was in England or France {illeg}d then what he tells them or what they find in the Letters wch \then/ passed between them. He cannot be a witness in his own cause, & therefore what \stories/ they affirm \tell/ in his favour concerning those things, {illeg}|i|s not to be regarded unless they prove their affirmations by t any further then the truth thereof appears out of ancient records] But they are not at liberty to tell stories without at discretion without proving what they say. Mr Leibnitz |c|is|a||n| not to be ad \be/ an evidence in his own cause & his friends know nothing of the matter \his correspondence with the English 40 years ago in his/ but what they \travells 40 years ago but what they have {sic}/ have from him or from the ancient {illeg} Letters & Papers records. the Letters & papers then written & still preserved.

<41v>

It has been said that Mr Newton in the Scholium at the end of his Book of Quadratures has put the third fourth & fift terms of a converging Series respectively equall to the 2d 3d {illeg}|&| 4th differences of ye first Term, & therefore did not understand the method of second third & fourth differences. But in the first Proposition of that Book he shewed how to find the first second third & following fluxions & therefore did in infinitum & therefore when he wrote that Book, wch was before the year 1676, he did understand the method of all the fluxions \& by consequence of all the Differences/. And if he did not understand it when he added that Scholium to the \end of the/ book, wch was in the year 1704, it was \must have been/ because he had \then/ forgot it. And so the Question is only whether Mr Newton had forgot the method of second differences before the year 1704.

In the tenth Proposition of the second Book of the \his/ Principia Philosophiæ in describing \some of/ the uses of the terms of a converging series for the solving of Problemes |he| tells us that if the first term of {illeg}|th|e series represent the Ordinate Figure BC of any Curve \line/ ACG, & DG be another Ordinate infinitely neare to the former. CBDI be a parallelogram infinitely narrow whose side DI cuts the Curve in G & the its tangent CF in F: the second term of the series will represent the line IF, & the third term the line FG. Now the line FG is but half the second difference of the Ordinate And therefore Mr Newton when he wrote his Principia, did put the third term of the series equall to half the second difference of the first term & by consequence had not then forgotten the method of second differences. [5]

Nor is it likely that when he added the Scholium to then end of his book of quadratures he had the meaning of the fi \forgot the/ first Proposition of the Book. \*/[6] If the word [ut,] which has been {illeg} in that Scholium has been accidentally omitted between the words [erit] and [ejus] be restored; that Scholium will agree with the rest of his writings, & the objection will vanish.

[He that knows how to find the first fluxion of any line & to expose that fluxion by a \another/ line, knows how to find the fluxion of that line & to expose it by a third line & \to/ find the fluxion of this line & expose it by a fourth line & so on perpetually, that is, he knows how to find the second third & fourth fluxions of the first line The method is one & the same in all the fluxions. The method is ye And there is the same reason of the method of moments or differentias: so that \And/ he who understands it in the first differences understands it in all ye rest.]

In the year 1692 when at the request of Dr Wallis, he sent to him |a copy of| the solution of /explication /explication\ of\ the Proposition, Data æquatione flu{illeg}entes quotcun quantitates invenire, he extended it to \gave examples af thereof in first/ second & third fluxions as you may see in the second Volume of the Doctors works pag 391, 392, & 393 & 396. And therefore he had not then forgotten the method of second fluxions. & {illeg} differences.

Nor is it likely that \in the year 1704/ when he added the aforesaid Scholium to the end of the book of Quadratures, he had forgotten \both/ the first Proposition of ye book \& the last upon wch that Scholium was written./ If ye word [ut] wch in that Scholium has bee may have been accidentally omitted between the words [erit] & [ejus] be restored; that scholium will agree with the rest of his writings, [supposing that he used the language of second third & fourth differences in the language \sence/ of Mr Leibnitz. But if he used that \language/ in some other sense of his own, suppose to signify the \second third & fourth/ differences wch rem

<41r>

To Sr Isaac Newton

Sr

I beg you will not think mee impertinent in troubling \you/ with this. it is upon ye account of ye Medall

Proceribus populis concentientibus

I think it will be better thus

Senatu Populo sancientibus

Proceres is but a Metaphor {&} is properly Off ye Off Beams in buildings, and expresses rather cheif Officers than Noblemen

Populos is {rea}d in ye plurall number but I think ofter in ye singular sancire leges in Tully's word

I am yor most obedient Serv

S: Garth

<42r>

pag. 4. l. 7, add.

It has been said that Mr Newton in the Scholium upon {illeg} ye      Proposition of ye 2 book of his Principles put the third term of a converging series equal to the secon the second difference whereas it is equa of the first term whereas it{illeg} is but half that difference, & therefore Mr Newton did not then understand the method of second differences. But the Objector is mistaken himself {illeg} it may \with as much reason be retorted/ be retorted that the Objector is in an error \{an} charging Mr Newton wth an error is in an error himself/ & therefore did not understand the method of second differences himself: \And Mr Newton was/ For Mr Newton in that Scholium puts the third term of the series equall to but half the second difference of the first term|.| thereof.

It has been said that Mr Newton in the Scholium at the end of {illeg}|t|his book of Quadratures did has put the terms {a} second third fourth & fift terms of a series converging series \respectively/ equall to the 2d 3d & 4th differences of the first term, respectively, & therefore when he wrote that Scholium that is, in the year 16 1704 \he/ did not understand the method of second third & fourth differences. |That Scholium was added to ye book in ye year 1704 but the book \of Quad/ except that Scholium & the Introduction was {illeg}| But Mr Newton in the first Propositiō of the Book wch \it self/ was writt before the year 1676 explained how to find & in the first Proposition thereof \he has/ shewed b{e}|y| an \a/ generall Rule how to find the first second third & following fluxions in infinitum & therefore did then understand the method of all the fluxions. He that knows how to find the first fluxion of a \any/ line & to expose that fluxion by another line knows how to find that that other line the fluxion of that other line {illeg} wch is the second fluxion of that other \the first/ line. {O}{illeg} on perpetually the second fluxion of the second line is the third fluxion of the first line, & so on perpetually And if this fluxion be exposed by a third line the fluxion of this line will b{e} the third fluxion of the first line & so on perpetually. And therefore he that understands the method of first fluxions understands the method of all the rest. And there is the same reason of differences.

Mr Newton in the tenth Proposition of the second book of his Principia Philosophiæ, in describing the use that may be made of the severall terms of a converging series tells us that if the first term of the Series represent the Ordinate of a Curve BC the second will represent the line {illeg} IF, \&/ the third the line FG. & {illeg} Now the line FG is but half the diffe the second difference of the A Ordinate, & therefore Mr Newton \in applying |in applying these| series to the solution of Problems did then/ puts the third term equal to half the second difference, [& by consequence t to reconcile this with the scholium at the end of the Book of Quadratures the word [ut] wch has been \twice/ accidentally omitted is to be restored in the line 11 & between the words erit and ejus is to be restored :|[|unless you say that Mr Newton when he wrote his Principia understood the method of second differences, but did not u did not understand it when he wrote the Scholium.] \as it really is./

Mr Newton therefore when he wrote thi|e|s Principia Philosophiæ & {illeg}s book \{sic} long before that, when he wrote/ the first Proposition of his book of Quadratures understood the method of second differences. And if he did not understand it \ten years ago/ when he wrote the Scholium, it was \which was but tenn years ago, it must be/ because he has forgot it. But there is no need of saying that he had forgot it: for \in that Scholium/ if the word [ut] wch has been \twice/ accidentally omitted between the words [erit] & [ejus] \in that scholium/ be restored, that Scholium will agree with the rest of his writings.

It has been represented that the R. Society have passed sentence without hearing both parties & therefore their sentence is voyd. B{u} And indeed Mr Leibnitz pressed them to condemn Mr Keil without hearing both parties; But a|A|nd told them that his own candour could not be questioned without injustice: Which is the same thing as to tell them that they would be unjust if they did not \allow Mr Leibnitz to be a witness in his own cause &/ condemn Mr Keil without hearing both parties. But the R. Society do not take upon th act as a Court of Iustice Iudicature, nor have they been desired to give their opinion in this matter unless by Mr Leibnitz against Mr <42v> Keill.

\And |Some months|/ After the Commercium Epistolicum was published Mr Leibnitz pretendin|ed|g that he had was not at \had/ not seen it nor was at leasure to answer \consider/ it, & that he had \therefore/ desired an able & impartial Mathematian {sic} to examin the matter, & had received his answer dated 7 Iune 1713. {illeg} And this answer was published in Germany with additions. \It is full of affirmations without any proof./ The able Mathematician & the author of the additions are not named & so the whole stands upon the credit of Mr Leibnitz, & even the style is re{uo}{illeg}ed to be his reputed his We h As his Letters were full of inflexions against Mr Keill so this paper is full of reflexions against Mr Newton. And M That you may compare it with the Acct above written we have here subjoyned it

Several accounts of this Commercium having been published abroad all of them very imperfect: its has been thought fit to publish the Account wch follows.

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It has been represented \in Germany/ that Mr Leibnitz first found out the differential Calculus in numbers, & then by inventing the Analysis of infinitesimals translated this Calculus to Geometry. [And indeed Mr Leibnitz \in the year 1673/ pretended to the calculus differentialis of Mouton in numbers & was reprehended for {illeg} by Dr Pell for intruding into other mens inventions & wrote an Apology for himself wch is printed in the Commercium Epistolicum. And In this Apology he represented that he had found out several things apart without knowing what Mouton had done before, & had added some things of his own, but unluckily instanced in a property of numbers [natural triangular pyramidal tria\n/gulo, triangular] observed before by Monsr Paschal whose book he had seen, He re & yet represented that Monsr Paschal had not observed it. He tells us also that from given numbers multiplied after a certain manner he could produce very {illeg}y the numbers of very many series proceeding in infinitum, & that he could solve many Problemes in Progressions by adding subducting multiplying & \or/ dividing the Progressions, as by dividing an unit by a series of natural, triangular, Pyramidal, or triangulo-triangular numbers; & \principally/ that he could find the summ of a series of fractions so produced. See the mystery. From the series 11+12+13+14+15 &c subduct all terms but the first ter & the first term 11 will remain 12=21×2×3+22×3×4+23×4×5+24×5×6+&c And from the first series take all the terms but the two first & there will remain 32=21×3+22×4+23×5+24×6+&c {illeg} When one of Mr Newtons se From the series 11+13+15+17+&c subduct all the terms but the first & there will remain 1=21×3+23×5+25×7+&c. And by subducting this series from the last but one there will remain 12=22×4+24×6+26×8+&c that is 1=11×2+12×3+13×4+&c as above. And these were the \great/ inventions of Mr Leibnitz about Numbers in those days wch Mr Leibnitz pretended to in those days.] But this is to tell us that he first found out the differential calculus of Mouton & then by inventing the Analysis of infinitess|i|mals translated the \Moutons/ calculus to Geometry. The invent{i} His pretending to The invention of Moutons method is nothing to the purpose. It lies upon him to prove that he invented the Analysis of infinitesimals before the year 1677. In a letter to Dr Wallis dated 28 May 1697 he tells us that the consideration of differences & summs in series of numbers gave him the first light by observing that Differences answered to tangents & summs to quadratures: that is, it put him upon considering Dr Wallis's summatory method of Tangents Quadratures & Dr Barrow's differential method of Tangents|.| & beginning where Dr Barrow left off, as the Marquess de L'Hospital has observed. But this consideration alone could not give him light into the method of drawing Tangents without sticking at surds & into the universal extent of this method for solving all sorts of Problems. That light he had by his correspondence wth Mr Oldenburg as is in the years 1676 & 1 as is manifest by what has been said above.

It has been pretended \suggested/ by Mr Leibnitz \himself/, that the Committee of R. Society published only those papers wch made against him & suppressed those that made for him. B

the symbol o, t|T|he proportion of the fluxions (wch are finite quantities) giving \all {sic}/ all the other moments. It is more natural & geometrical

And whereas Mr Leibnitz has represented that the use of the letter o is vulgar & destroys the advantages of the Differential Method

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The reason of his inconsistency in this matter was his computing by a wonderfull unphilosophical errour, the quantity of impulsive force from the quantity of matter acquired by a falling body from the quantity of its matter & \of/ the space de{l}|s|cribed by it in falling; recconing the force acquired to be in a compound ratio of the matter & \the/ space \together/ described \by it/. Now \matter is as the weight thereof &/ the space described is as the square of the line of \its/ falling, & therefore according to Mr Leibnitz the force acquired in falling is as the in a compound ratio of the matter falling & in a falling body weight of the falling body & the square of the time of its falling. And by consequence, where the weight remains the same, the force acquired in falling will be as the square of the time So that if the time \of falling/ be divided into equal parts, & in the first part of ye time four degrees of force will be acquired, in the three first parts of time nine degrees of force will be acquired, & so on perpe in the four first parts of time sixteen degrees of force will be acquired, & so on b{illeg} if in th And therefore if in the first part of the time one degree of force impulsive force be acquired in the second part of the time three degrees of force will in the third will be acquired, in the third part of the time five degrees of force will be acquired in the fourth part of time seven degrees of force will be acquired, & so on. And if \so/ the \weight or/ gravity of the body which is supposed to be uniform & by wh by its action impresses these impulsive forces upon the body, acts with three times more force in the second parts of \the/ time then in the first & with five times more force in the third part of the time then in the first & with seven times more force in the fourth part of the time then in the first, & so on. Which is as much as to say that the th falling falling body grows heavier & heavier as it falls, & becomes three times heave|i|er in the \midle of the/ second part of the time then in the \middle of the/ first & five times heavier in the \middle of the/ third part of the time then in the first middle of the first, & so on. Or that the weight of the body is proportional to the time of its falling: And by consequence that in the beginning of the first part of the time the body would hath|ve| no weight at all. Which is contrary to the Hypothesis of uniform gravity & to experience it self.

The Theory of Projectiles invented by Galilæo is founded upon the Hypothesis of uniform gravity, {illeg} & is generally approved by Mathematicians. Now uniform gravity is that which acts with an uniform force & in equal times {illeg} equally \{illeg}/ upon it & by acting {in}{illeg} by acting equall \by acting with equal forces upon {illeg}|th|e body/ communicates equal forces to it. If in the first part of time it communicates one degree of force & gives one degree of velocity \to the falling body/; in the second part of time by acting as much as in the first, it will communicate another degree of force & give another degree of velocity to the falling body; & in the third part of time it will generate a third part of force & a third degree of velocity & so on perpetually: & therefore the time of falling \the time of falling/, the force imprest, & the velocity of descent will be always proportional to one \another/ one another into the time of falling & to one another. But the space described by the falling body arises partly from the time of descent & partly from the velocity of the falling body & therefore will be in a compound ratio of them both or as the s{illeg}|q|uare of either of <44v> them, & by consequence as the square of the force.

And so if two equal bodies be thrown directly upwards tho one with double \a/ velocity to {illeg} double to that of ye other, the swifter body will {illeg}rise four times higher then the other in four \three/ time twice the time & in that time the action of gravity upon it \for taking away the force by wch it ascends/ will be double to the action of gravity upon the other body, & therefore the force by wch it ascended & wch is taken away by that action is only double to the force by wch the other body ascended.

A body therefore of one pound weight is not (as Mr Leibnitz supposes in the Acta Eruditorum ad Annum 1686 pag. 162) throw in Vacuo four {f}{illeg}t times as high but sixteen times as high by the same quantity of impulsive force wherewith a body of four pound weight is thrown one foot high. The ground of his error is that he confounds [Acta Erudit: ad Ann. 1686 pag. 162; & ad Ann. 1690 pag. 234; & ad Ann. 1691 pag. 439; & an|d| Ann. 1695 pag. 155] the spaces described \in unequal times/ by bodies falling downwards or thrown upwards with the spaces described in equal times by bodies rising & falling in equal times at the ends of the unequal arms of a ballance. Whereas in the first case the spaces \described/ are as the time & the velocity together, that is, as the square of the velocity: in the second case the times being equal the spaces \described/ are only as the velocity|i|es.

And because tis true that in an horizontal place, where gravity neither adds to nor takes from the Velocity, a body of four pound weight will at the same be carried one foot by the same force \imprest at once/ whereby a body of one pound weight will at \in/ ye same time be carried on four feet: therefore he supposes [A{n}|c|ta Erudit: ad Ann. 1686 pag 162,] that in a perpendicular plane wherein the force is not imprest at once but Gravity continually augments or diminishes the force impr velocity in proportion to the time of its acting; a body of four pounds weight will be thrown upwards one foot by the same force imprest at once whereby a body of four \one/ pound weight will be thrown upwards \carried up/ four foot; or that a body of One pound weight will in falling four foot, will acquire the same impulsive velocity force as a body i{illeg}|of| four pounds weight in falling one foot. Then wch nothing can be more contrary to experience both to reason & experience.

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Figure BD=AB=a. BC=x. BDEC=y. Cc=o. Bc=x+o. CEec=oxaaa+x+o=y.o. e+fx+gxx+hyho+mx+ny=z. Or z=e+fxm+hxpyq. 109{d}{illeg}t.17gr+41.8=151.33

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p. 38 l. 14. The Principle upon wch he founded his Dynami is erroneous The forces of equal bodies are not as the spaces by them in unequal times but as the spaces described by them in equal times

P. 44. l. 1. For fluxions write moments. For fluxions are not differences.

P. 46. l. 15 3. Mr Newton in 1704 in the Introduction to his book of Quadratures published that he found the Method of Fluxions gradually in the years 1665 & 1666, the next year in giving an account of this book in the Acta Lips. for this was called in question & Mr Newton was accused of Plagiary. Mr Keill in 1711 defended him.

p. 49. l 10. In the Acta Eruditorum. for

P 49. l. 10 This was \written by Mr Leibnitz himself/ in pursuit of the charge of Plagiary published in the Acta Lips 1705 as above & conteined a letter of Mr Bernoulli \to Mr Leibnitz/ dated 7 Iulij 171 Iune 173|1|3 written to the same purpose. Mr Leibnitz was then at Vienna & the Copies of the Commercium were sent to him thither by several hands \from England/. And{illeg} thereupon he wrote to Mr Bernoulli to examin the Commercius|m| {illeg} \{to}/ \appealed from the judgmt of the Committee/ \to/ that of Mr Bernoulli, desiring him to examin the Book Book, & inserted Mr Bernoulli's Answer into & pretending that he had not yet seen it himself; & Mr Bernoulli's answer dated 7 Iune 1713 he inserted into anoth a Paper of his own dated 29 Iulij 1713 & caused them to be published without their names, as if written by other persons unconcerned. And Dr Keill answered this Paper in the Iournal Literair.

P. 49. l. 19. The pretence that Mr Leibnitz wo intended to write a Commercium is a sham. The



P. 52. l. 7. Hoc factum est anno 1673 ad finem vergente.

P. 53. l. 6. Hæc \Newtoniana Leibnitiu{ss}/ non didit|c|it \vidit/ ante annum 1676.

P. 53. l penult. Mr Newton {illeg} scripsit Lemma II Lib. II Princip. & Scholium subjunctum, non ut methodum Leibnitio concederet sed ut eandem sibi vindicaret.

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before his Lectures came abroad, {illeg} — — — — — because {they} did many more things of this kind. [He has not produced the least proof that he knew the method before the year 1677, but on the contrary in his Letter of 27 Aug. 1676 he questi declared his disbeleif that my methods were so general t|a|s I had described & said that many Problems, & among others the inverse Problems of Tangents, could not be reduced to æquations or quadratures; & placed the perfection of Analysis in Analytical Tables of Tangents & the Combinatory Art, saying of the first, Nihil est quod novim in tota|TOTA| Analysi momenti majoris; & of the second, Ea vero nihil differt ab ANALYSI ILLA SVPREMA ad cujus intima Cartesius non pervenit: est enim ad eam cont|s|tituendam opus Alphabeto cogitationum humanarum. And in a Letter from Amsterdam to Mr Oldenburg 2{illeg}|8| Novem. 1676 he was thinking to perfect the improve the Method of Tangents of Slusius by such a Table of Tangents.] In that Letter he placed the perfection of Analysis in other methods then the differential, & represented it improbable that my methods should be so general as I had affirmed

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6. Post verba [Metaphysica in Idæis, Idææ et Philosophia omnis vera in Phænomenis fundantur, & incepit Newtonus a Phænomenis: Momortus ab idæis (clausis oculis) incipiendum esse & {illeg}e \clausis oculis & ab hujusmodi somnijs/ ad phænomena per{illeg}|g|endum \esse/ contendit.] adde: Sed cum audiamus quid Leibnitius ipse quam cui Author noster cum Bernoullijs \cum Bernoullijs/ duobus tantopere favet, he de de Metaphysicæ sanæ notionibus olim scripsit|.| in In charta enim quam [in Actis Leipsicis anno 1694 mense {sic} Martio {illeg}] De Primæ Philosophiæ Emendatione & de Notione Substantiæ scripsit quæ in Actis Eruditorum Lipsicis anno 1694 mense Martio impressa fuit hæc habet. Video pleros qui Mathematicis doctrinis delectantur — — — — hoc commodo caremus. Hactenus Leibnitius.

11. Post verba [rimari philosorum {sic} est.] adde. In Principiorum editione nova Newtonus \secunda sub finem,/ Newtonus scripsit se rationem proprietatum gravitatis ex phænomenis deducere nondum potuisse & Hypotheses se non fingere. Et postquam descriptionem Systematis manda{ni} motus Planetarum Cometarum \Æquinoxionem/ & maris nostri a vi gravitatis per phænomena et mathematicas demonstrationes derivasset subjungit motus particularum corporum a spiritu quadam s electri{illeg}|c|a \quodam quo attractio electrica perficetur/ quam maxime pendere, sed hæc paucis exponi non posse. Et Editores Actorum Lipsiensium (Anno 16 1714 mense

6. {A} \In/ Metaphysicæ sanæ notionibus.] Metaphysicam sanam intelligit Cartesianam \qua uti ab ideis inmatis ad existentiam veru{g}|m| pergitur/. Audiamus igitur \autem quid/ Cartesius Leibnitius de h{æ}c Metaphysicæ d{illeg} sanæ notionibus olim scripsit. Is enim in t|d|isseratione {sic} de Metaphysica sanæ notionibus De Primæ Philosophiæ emendatione & de Notione substantiæ in Actis Lipsicis anno 1694 mense Martio impressa, hæc habet. Video, ait, pleros qui Mathematicis doctrinis delectantur .......... hoc commodo caremus. Hactenus Leibnitius. Metaphysica uti in Idæis, Ideæ & Philosophia omnis vera in Phænomenis fundat|n|tur, et incipit Newtonus a Phænomenis: Momortus ab Idæis \Idæas/ [ Idæas non a Phænomenis deducendas \esse/ sed clausis oculis formandas, esse [& ab h{illeg} \hujusmodi/ somnijs] ab Idæis ad phænome pergendum esse contenditur deinde oculos \deinceps/ apperiendos esse ut phænome|na| beneficio Idæarum {illeg}l{illeg} videamus idæarum clare & distincte videamus.

qu{a} uti Ideæ non deducuntur a phænomenis sed innatæ esse finguntur, non \pergitur \disputatur// a Phænomenis a de existentiam r{eu}m \sed/ sed ab innatis Idæis existentia Dei res {illeg}ato{ri} spatium \extensionem/ esse corpus & res non extensis existere probatur ab Idæarum in{na}tarū figmentis.

— materiam in forma quacun positam, ope legum naturæ formas omnes quarem est capax successive induere assumere tandem ad illam quæ est hujus mundi devenire; philosophiam omnem naturalem &c

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Vires attrahentes, tanquam qualitates occultas a Newtono introductas, Leibnitius in Tractatu de Bonitate Dei explod alibi \hostilite {illeg} animo/ explodit. Idem hic facit Momortus {illeg} [quasi vires in Gallia damnat{æ|a|}{illeg} essent {illeg} Newtonus induceret a] id fraudulanter \quasi vires \attrahentes/ in Gallia damnatas: attrahentes a Newtono essent quas Newtonus induceret/ At \Q{ua}tates occultas &/ Vires attrahentes in Gallia damnatus Newtonus non int{illeg} inducit — — — per fractonem excitatis.

Memorial of the Master & Workr of the Mint about the Forms of new money.

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2B. Demonstratum Vacuum se dedisse.] Media|o||num| maxime fluid{a}|o|ꝝ qualia sunt Aer Aqua et Argentum vivum, resistentiam prope omnem a vi intertiæ partium fluidi oriri {&} & hujusmodi resis vim inertiæ proportionalem esse densitati fluidi Newto adeo resistentiam fluidorum Med{illeg}|i|orum summe fluidorum proportionalem esse densitati \eorundem/ Mediorum quamproxime Newtonus {et} ratione {illeg} experimentis ostendit, et legem resistentiæ \in talibus fluidis/ exposuit multis experimentis confirmavit. Spatia autem cœlestia cum \In/ Vacuo Boyliano confe{illeg}{illeg}|ri|t, in quo resistentia {illeg} corporum minime sentitur \cadentium/ longe minor epe \reperitur/ quam in aere & {illeg} si forte aliqua sit, sentiri tamen non potest In spatijs cœlestibus quæ supra Atmosphæram \sunt/ & aere omni magis \sunt/ vacua, sunt resistentiam min{illeg} adhuc minorem esse statuit, Et \et ad Philosophiam cœlorum sufficere/ quod spatia illa medijs resistentibus vacua sint|.|, Newtonum ad Philosophiam cœlorum sufficiter credit, ad {illeg} Quod \Cœlo/ Med{illeg}|i|o prope omni corporeo vacua sint \esse/ Newtonus credit sed credit sed {illeg} Philosophiam cœlorum in hac sententia non fundat {} {sic} Sufficit quod m|M|edio omni resistente prope destituuntur. Ad Medio corporeo non resistente plena sint, Quæstio est ad Philosophiam cœlorum minime spectan{t}|s|{illeg} s|S|ed ejusmodi \tamen/, medium corporeum dari Newtonus tamen non credit nisi forte duo sint corporum genera alterum cujus partes vi|m| inertio habent inertiæ, alterum cujus partes vim talem non habent.

5B. A In experientia universali nixa] Quanam experientia memb constat motus omnes animalium et hominis ipsius mere mechanicas esse {illeg} & ab actione voluntatis minime oriri nisi quatenus omnes cogitandi et volendi actione|i|s a \quibus oriuntur{s} motus isti oriuntur, in/ motu corporum consistet|ar|e?

6. In metaphysicæ san{illeg}|æ| notionibus] Metaphysicam sanam intelligit Cartesianam: Qua uti . . . . . . devenire statuit. Sed \{illeg} nec/ Ideas substantiarum nos habere aut \Sed neq|c| Cartesit|u|s alicubi probavit/, facultatem cogitandi rem cogitantem esse |at corpus omne quiescere quod in corpore ambiente quiescit aut vim et {sic}| aut \ne aut/ rem omnes extensam extensionem esse, aut \nec{illeg}/ motum corporū in sola translatione relativa causis tere sine vi inertia consistere, aut \ne/ \aut/ rem|s| cogitantes null{illeg}spatio præse{illeg} adesse, aut Deus non esse omnipræsentem per substantiam suam Cartesius alicubi probab|v|it. Hæc omnia sunt meræ Hypotheses. \spatio non adesse, seu nullibi esse, ne|aut| Ideas \nobis/ innatas non posse \esse aut nos/ aut \nos/ ideas substantiarum nos habere./ Hæc omnia sunt Hypotheses. Metaphysica in Ideis abstractis fundatur, Philosophia vera in Phænomenis. In Philosophia vera oculis apertis disputamus, In Metaphysica clausis oculis disputamus, in Philosophia vera videmus et a rebus visis phænomenis veritatis deducimus. Metaphysica a Th Theogonia Gentium antiquarum originem habui habuit qua uti Mundum totum animas mortuorum aut partes esse Dei aut ejus potentias esse disputarunt \somniando/ statuerunt seu \finxerunt id est/ Deum esse rerum \omnium/ naturam: Physica de rebus cognitis et earum causis tantum tracta [causas rerum visarum et cognitarum a{illeg} per argumenta certa \missis religionibus/ deducit] \missis genti{l}|u|m religionibus/ incipit a rebus visis et cognitis et earum \rationes &/ causas investigat, id per argumenta si fieri potest mathematica.

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be found by the same method, & then subjoyns: Nec quic{k}|q|uam hujusmodi scio ad n|q|uod hæc methodus id varijs modis sese non extendit. Imo tangentes ad Curvas Mechanicas (siquando id non alias fiat) hujus ope d{illeg}|u|cuntur. Et quicquid vulgaris Analysis per æquationes ex finito terminorum numero constantes (quando id sit possibile) perficit, hæc per æquationes infinitas semper perficit: Ut nihil dubitaverim etiam nomen Analysis etiam huic tribuere.

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Tempus uti per quantitatem quamcun uniformiter fluentem, fluxionem ejus per unitatem, et momentum per literam o Newtonus designat. Aliarum quantitatum fluentes \fluxiones/ designat is per alia symbola, et momenta earum per symbola illa ducta in momentum o, et areas curvarum per ordinatas quadrato inclusas. D. Leibnitius pro fluxionibus nulla habet symbola, pro momentis literam d præfigit symbolis fluentium, et pro areis præ fig literam \/ præfigit symbolis Ordinatarum. Newtonus calculo suo usus est in Analysi quam Barrovius cum Collinio mense Iulio anni 1669 communicavit; et hanc methodum tum in Octob. 1676 valde generalem esse significavit, & verbis partim apertis differentialem vocat, anno 1676 minime invenerat. Scripsit enim ad Oldenburgum eo anno, Augusti 27, in hæc verba multa esse adeo mira et implexa ut ne ab æquationibus pendeant ne a Quadraturis: qualia sunt (ex multis alijs) problemata methodi Tangentium inversæ, quæ etiam Cartesius in potestate \non/ esse fassus est. At acceptis Newtoni literis, anno sequente in Literis ad Oldenburgum 21 Iunij datis, methodum differentialem ut olim a se inventam communicare cœpit his verbis. Clarissimi Slusij methodum tangentium nondum esse absolutam celeberrimo Newtono assentior: et jam a multo tempore rem tangentium longe generalius tractavi scilicet per differentias Ordinatarum. — Hinc in posterum nominando dy differentiam duarum proimarum y &c. Quod methodum hanc a multo tempore invenerat probandum est. Nam D. Leibnitius pro se testis esse non potest. Iniquissi\mus/ esset Iudex qui \in rebus controversis/ hominem quemvis pro seipso testem admitteret.

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GEORGI\VS/ LVD. D. G. MA{illeg}. BRIT. FRAN. ET HIB. REX. FIDEI DEFENSOR.

Ecclesia tuta.

And such Letters were writ in Council the name of the Elders & people; \together/ the people being present at the writing of them, & giving their assent \(Act xv. 12 6, 12, 22, 23:)/ for the Elders were \did/ not to \act as/ Lords {in} /{did} \were not to act as take the oversight of the flock \of God/ as Lords |over Gods heritage but, as ensamples to the flock.| The Presiden{t}/\ was to act {illeg} by the advice & with the consent of the Council & the {illeg} President & Council were to ad{illeg}vise wth the peo{p} acquainte the people therewith & to advise the & teach them & procure their assent for avoiding ill will discord \faction/ & schism.

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Fluxionum ei cognov{illeg} serierum infinitarum incidisse.

In the winter between the years 1664 & 1665 upon reading Dr Wallis's Arithmetica Infinitorum & trying to interpole his series \progressions/ for squaring the circle, I found out first an infinite series for squaring the circle & then another infinite series for squaring the Hyperbola \& soon after/. This latter series was the same with that published by Mr Mercator between \about/ 3 or 4 years after .|[|We found out this series by different methods & \Who found out this series first I do not {em} know But And/ two years before he published it I \had/ found out the \general/ method of finding squaring curves by such series by the help of division & extraction of roots.] & two years before he published it I had a {sic} general method of squaring curves by such series by the help of division & extraction of roots.

pag tertia, et {illeg} specimen ejus methodi cum Gre Specimen Sed et specimen ejus methodi Collinius cum Gregorio communicavit. {illeg} Et Anno 1676 \Newtonus/ eandem in Epistola quadam quoad series infinitas in epistola|i|s quadam ad celeberrimum virum G. G. L D. Leibnitium literis \duabus/ duabus ad D. Oldenburgum datis et ad D. Leibnitium missis, quoad series infinitas fuse explicuit, quoad Fluxiones vero {f}{illeg} subobscuri|e|{illeg} insinuavit. Scripsit enim se tunc compotem fuisse in epistolarum secunda Die 24 Octobris data, se tunc compotem fuisse — Et ibidem subnectit Theorema subnectit pro Binomijs quod quadraturam ad finita exhibet æquatione ubi fieri potest, ad infinita verò ubi qua{illeg}|d|ratura per finitam æquationem exhiberi \exhiberi/ nequit. Quo exemplo satis ostendit methodum utram et fluxionum, et \illar/ serierum infinitarū una et e{illeg}|a|ndem esse qu{illeg}t{illeg}d quod|a|d fundamentum, sed illam fluxionum generaliorem esse & {illeg}t{illeg} {illeg}lla ad illam {illeg} serierum infinitarum se habere ut genus ad speciem vel totum ad partem |fluxionum abs methodo serierum infinitarum perfici non posse| Hoc Theorema primum vocat hoc est primum Seriei Theorematum — patebit. Scripsit vero Newtonus methodum ex dictis haud difficile colligi, se vero \impræsentia/ ne fuse exponere cogeretur, eandem his literis transpositis celare (6accdæ13eff7i3l9n404qrr4st12vx. Quæ quidem ordinatæ hanc conficiunt sententiam Data æquatione Fluentes, quotcun quantitates involventes invenire Fluxiones et vice versa. Et hisce autem \Literis/ anno 1677 acceptis Leibnitius respondit se in parilem methodum incidisse uti Princip Phil. Natur. Math. pag 253 &c videre licet: cujus tamen explicationem (in cæteris suis inventis publicandis non raro nimis præ properus, uti in Act. Erudit. plus semel conspici queat) ad Annum us 1684 distulerit.

D. Iaco{illeg}|b|us Gregorius ex serie aliqua \unica/ Newtoni \serie/ quam a Collinio acceperit, {illeg} methodum ipsam serierum infinitarum collegit. D. Leibnitius circa annum 1675 Londini fuit, & postea cum Collinio commercium Epistolicum habuit ac|et| t{um} dem \subinde/ epistolas Newtoni ab Oldenburgo accepit; & tum demum rescripsit se methodūm {sic} Newtonianæ non dissimilem habere. Qua ratione \{illeg}/ in hanc methodum inciderit, ipse {illeg}p{illeg} novit: nobis sufficit quod Newtonus sit primus ejus inventor. Ipse Leibni \Is/ inventionem terminorum serierum infinitarum primus docuit, et secundus seriei cujus terminus est quantitas illa quam Leibnitius differentiam vocat primi termini & cujus \adeo/ inventionem \ipse/ sibi arrogat

Sed et Newtonus hanc methodum longius provexit quam alius {illeg} Ipsam enim ad quadraturam Curvarum per series <76v> infinitas quæ in {illeg} æquationes finitas vertuntur \ante {annum} 1676/ applicuit. I{illeg}

Ipsam etiam ad æquationes fluxionales — nequeunt. Et methodum generalem tradi{illeg}t \jam invenerat/ extrahendi fluxiones ex æquationibus fluxionalibus{illeg}.

Methodos insuper universaliores ad comparationes Curvarum quæ geometrice quadrari non possunt eodem tempore tradiderat — subministraverit.

Et has methodos \insuper/ ad enodanda naturæ phænomena in Principijs suis mathematicis p{illeg} adeo feliciter applicuit ut ejus inventis cultores methodi differentialis vix aliquid addiderint. Motus autem Planetarum in Ellipsibus \Tandem verò/ per gravitatem versus {illeg} umbilicum Planetas autem in Ellipsibus per gravitatem versus Solem revolvi & ar Planetas autem in se mutuo graves esse & maxime in solem, & gravitate ab \sua/ versus \circum/ solem re{illeg} in Ellipsibus revolvi ac radijs ad solem ductis areas describere temporibus proportionales, Newtonus ante annum 1677 demonstravit\re didicit/, & demonstrationem cum Societate Regia anno 1684 communicavit. Produe|ijt|runt hæc \demonstratio/ in lucem anno 1687, et Leibnitius {illeg} anno 1689 Theorema a Newtonianum, \sed/ \in Actis etiam seipsicis descripti{illeg} /differentiali \sed/ errante,\/ calculo suo differentiali ad incudem revocavit semel \aliqua{illeg}{ts} {illeg}/ at iterum {e}rravit nec tamen \non/ dubitavit asserere sit \quo/ propro mart{a} i{illeg} idem Theorema incidisse Theorema idem invenisse ut suum faceret. Asseruit enim se Theorema illud invenisse, sed c{illeg} in calculo aliquoties erravit, Nondum enim ideo nihil invenit. Sed nec methodum jam di{c}ice satis didicerat qua Newtonus Principia sua sua mathematica inven|st|it|g||avit|, Calcul Operari quidem in differentijs primis jam ante didicerat sed mentem Newtoni {q} modum operandi in differentijs secunds {sic} nondum ut ex erroribus ullos \ejus/ manifestum est. At ex eo tempore Leibnitius et alij hanc methodum ad Problemata difficiliora {illeg} applicare ceperunt et methodum differentialem|is| in quæstionibus difficilioribus a Leibnitio et Bernoulli enodandis e{nc}ol{eri} cœpit, facto \e{illeg}t/ initia a |re|solutione Problematum de resistenti{illeg}|j|{illeg}s mediorum & motibus Planetarum corporum cœlestium, quæ Newtonus antea \in Princip/ tractaverat per methodos \{illeg}/ fluxionum antea tractaverat enodat{illeg} antea confecerat & tractaverat, {illeg} in lucem ed ut ex ejus Principijs Mathematicis manifestum est Methodus igitur fluxionum quam Leibnitius differentialem vocat, non prius apud exteros excoli et celebrari cœpit, quàm Newtonus eandem {illeg} apud nos ad summum fastigium ex|v|exerat. {et}

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Iustitia hic reddenda est {d} Newtono (cui Geometria Optica et Astronomia multum debent) qui etiam propria Marte aliquid hic [sc. Methodo differentiali] simile habuit quem{illeg} uti postea didici \[videlicet ex Algeb{ra} Wallisij Anno 1693 impressa]/. Verum est quod alijs utitur symbolis: sed quemadmodum ipsa characteristica, ut it dicam, magna pars est artis invenienti \inventoris/, credo quod notra \[symbola]/ plus luminis præbent. Hæc Leibnitius in the Iournal des Sçavans 23 August 1694.

D. Barrowus \in ejus Lect 10 anno 1669 impressa/ methodum tangentium longe generalius tractav{illeg}quam tractaverat quam Slusius id per differentias linearum Ordinatarum et aliarum linearum.

Gregorius in Prop. 7 Geometriæ universalis anno 1668 impressæ et Barrovius in in {sic} ejus Lect 10 anno 1669 impressa rem tangentium tractaverant per differentias ordinatarū. Idem f{illeg}|ac|ere potuisset Leibnitius jam a multo tempore. Cum vero a Newtono didicisset Clarissimi Slusij methodum \Tangentium/ nondum esse absolutam Methodus Slusij c|C|orollarium est meth{a}|o|di Tangentium per differentias Ordinatarum. Nam prim{illeg} dignitates in primo ejus Lemmate {c} \Etenim in primo ejus Lemmate/ differentia dignitatum duarum ejusdem gradus applicata ad differentiam laterum, est differentia infinite parva ordinata|rum| duarum applicata ad differentiam infinite parvam {C} Abssarum Abscissarum. Cum autem \igitur/ Newtonus dixisset Methodum Slusi Tangentium Slusij Cor esse unum particulare vel Corollarium potius methodi generalis quæ extenderet se citra molestum ullum calculum . . . . \et exemplum dedisset hujus methodi in Serie generali pro quadraturis {illeg}/ cœpit Leibnitius methodum Tangentium per differentias Ordinatarum ab alijs traditam jam longe generalius tractare quam antea, et novo nomine novis symbolis ut s{illeg}|u|am ord|n|are. Et ut eandem ad se raper ne eandem a Newtono didicisse videretur scribit in hæc verba. Clarissimi Slusij methodum Tangentium nondum esse absolutam Newtono assentior. Et jam a multo tempore rem Tangentium longe generalius tractavi scilicet per differentias Ordinatarum. Et cum hanc Methodum mense Septembri \Octobri/ Anni 1684 edere cœpisset, scripsit postea se inventum plusquam nonum in annum pressisse. Vnde Quod perinde est ac si dixisset se invenisse|tum| \habuisse/ ante mensem Novem Octobrem anni 1675. Cum tamen Et postea cœlatis Ne postea methodum solo suo nomine edidit cœlatis Newtoni literis donec a |D.| Wallisio ederentur. D. {illeg} Deinde ne parum candidus fuisse \Et ne parum candi{des} egisse/ videretur, prætendit se nihil omnino ex his literis didicisse nisi quod Newtonus habuerit methodum tangentium cum Elementa calculi sui edidit anno 1684, nihil \aliud/ de Inventis Newtoni in hoc genere ipsi innotuisse quam quod ipse olim signif\ic/averat in literis, posse se Tangentes invenire non sublatis Irrationalibus|.| sed cum Cum tamen ex literis hic impressis constet [D. Leibnitium {illeg} Anno 1676 mense Maio ubi Demonstrationem quadruræ circuli poliba poliebat, & mense Augusto finiente ubi scriebat multa us mira et implexa esse ut ne ab Æquationibus pendeant ne a Quadraturis qualia sunt (ex multis alijs) Problemata methodi Tangentium inversæ, methodum suam differentialem minime invenisse: sed acc method \et/ hanc methodum \in/ epistolis \tribus/ Newtoni ad ipsū hoc anno et initio jam missis abunde satis delineatam fuisse & D. Leibnitium ex ijs jam tam didicisse Methodum Newtono jam tum innotuisse {illeg}|D|ifferentiali similem qua et hanc \{illeg}/ methodū Newtoni \in utrā methodo/ quadraturas per Æquationes quas Leibnitus differentiales vocat faciliores reddi.] methodum Differentialem anno 1676 Leibnitio minime innotuisse, anno vero 1677 Leibnitium {illeg} didicississe \cognovisse/ quod Newtonus methodum|s| Leibnitianæ \Differentiali/ similem|is| haberet Newtono innotesceret Nam et anno 1684 \mense Octobri/ ubi principia \elementa/ methodi differentialis e{illeg}|d|idit {illeg} subjunxit sub hoc titulo: Principia Nova methodus pro maximis & minimis item tangentibus quæ nec fractas nec irrationales quantitates moratur; & subjuxit: Et hæc quidem initia sunt tantum Geometriæ cujusdam multo sublimi{illeg}|c|oris difficillima & pulcherrima quæ etiam mistæ Matheseos pertingentis quæ sine calculo nostro differentiali, aut SIMILI, non temere quisquam pari facilitate tractabit. \Quid Leibnitius per methodum similem his intelligat sentie{s}/ Conferatur|{ando}| ha{illeg}c|n|c methodi \differentialis/ descriptionem cum \simillime/ descriptione methodi in epistolis \tribus/ Newtoni ut method{u}|o|rum similit{u}dinem videas

<78v>

Ind|t|roduction

Pag 7. Instead of necessary to salvation should it not be necessary to commumunion {sic}

P. 17. should it not be. Put this note in.

P. 21. lin 2, 3. Let the note φ come at ye end of the sentence without a parenthesis.

<79r>

Mint Office. 13 Apr. 1714

Sr

I have considered the inclosed Estimate made upon a Proposal offered to the Lords Commissioners for Trade & Plantations for coyning 1500 Tonns of Copper into half pence & farthings in three \five/ years time

Problems solved wthout prickt letters in ye Introduction to the book of Quadratures \After minusculis a et b designat {illeg}dd{illeg}/ He might have{d} added further [that in [one & the same book, the book of Quadratures, [Mr Newton sometimes uses letters with pricks sometimes not. For{illeg}] in the Introduction to {that} book \of {illeg}/ \to the book of Qu{illeg} of Quadrature/ some Problemes are solved by the method of fluxions wthout the use of such \such/ Letters wth pricks \with pricks/ In the first Proposition of the book letters with pricks are made use o th{illeg} \&/ in the body of the book letters wth pricks are made use of: And yet the method is one & the same. Mr Leibnitz confines his method &c

In A little after \before/, vizt In the second Lemma of ye 2d Section of ye book Mr Newton demonstrated \synthetically/ the Elements of the method of fluxions & added this Scholium. In literis — Vtrius continetur in hoc Lemmate. This Scholium referrs to t{illeg} Mr Newtons Letter dated 24 Octob. 1676 Where he distinguishes between the method of series & the method of fluxions & readily gives ye method of Tangents of Slusius & th represents that ye method of series gives t{illeg} fluxions readily gives the \fluxions/ proceeds in surd quantities as well as rationals & ready|i|ly gives the Method of Tangents of Slusius &c And in his Letter dated 10 Decemb. 1672 he represents that the method whereof the method of {illeg} Tangents of Slusius was but a Corolly|a|ry or branch & wch proceeded in æquations affected wth surd quantities, was very general & reached to <79v> the abstruser sorts of Problems, & particularly to Problemes about the curvature of Curves. Now \in solving/ such Problems \by the method of fluxions/ depend upon the second fluxions \come under consideration/ & therefore Mr Newton understood \had extended his method to/ the second fluxions in those days \or before/ the yeare before the 1672, that is, before Mr Leibnitz endeavoured to make the initial method. But \whereas/ |it| doth not appear that Mr Leibnitz understood the second differences before the year 1684.

1197000000 23940000 143680000 287∟37100(5.4.9 12.24000 2000 4000 4950 119700000 23940000 14365.0005.5.7∟441 287311005.4.7∟441 275000000 012∟311000 24622000 4924400 29546400 27500000 2046400 409∟2800 3850000 242800 11971dwt 2394dwt 14365oz 287311dwt 0 5dw.5gr.712mi 55000)2873110gr(5dwt00000 27500000gr 0123110gr0 246220 147732gr0 )295464gr(537207dwt 275000gr0 0204600gr7g44000dwt 165000gr0 039640gr0 3850gr00 1140gr0 400gr

022car 088gr.112 0176 1056.13

0287311 1723866 6895464( 1379092,8 0125∟372,07grWt 005.5.7∟441

125∟3720700 376116210 1629∟8369100(1∟543406 57380000(125372070 52800000123∟828664gr sta wt. 45830000 44240000 3596000 3168000 428900 422400 6510 120gr=1li314d4+7d6571=1li.6d56 or 67 7d8125+6∟8446=61214110

1li.0s.667d034.946

And therefore their standard wt is 5dwt. 3gr. 1612 miles. And their value {illeg}|1|li. 0s. 656d {sn}         246∟818706=1li.0s.56d.

65128d=247d6571280.00320×3.314:003840.13. 1h.0s.7∟657128d=742971384.0 3840)3219∟542664.(0.838422 030720000000 01475400000 01152000000 0323400000 0307200000 016226000 015360000

247∟657128 00∟838422 246∟818706

8660 7680 980

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was a copy of Mr Iames Gregories Letter of 15 Feb. 16701 wherein \was/ the above mentioned series for finding the arc whose tangent was given There was also a copy of Mr Newtons Letter above mentioned dated 10 Decem 1672.

|24 12 11. 13.| When Mr Leibnitz wrote to Mr Oldenburg for the Demonstration of the series for ye arc of a circle whose sine was given, Mr Oldenburgh & Mr Collins des wrote to \deire{illeg}/ Mr Newton to describe his own method of finding it. And thereupon Mr Newton wrote his Letter of 167{6} 13 Iune 1676: wch is printed at large in the Collection of Mr Iones \wch conteined his method of Series & was sent to Paris Iune 26./ [& neare the end of it when he had described his method of Series wch he calls infinite equations, he adds|e|d that by Analysis by the assistance of there equations extends to almost all equations \Problems/ except some numeral ones like those of Diophantus, but becomes not altogether universal without some further methods of reducing Problems to infinite series & equations & of infinite equations to finite ones when it might be done] |This Letter together with the extracts of Gregonis Letters was sent to Paris 26 Iune 1676|

|25 13| Mr Leibnitz in his Answer dated 1|2|7 Aug 1676 in recompense for Mr Newtons method of Series sent back a Theoreme for transmuting figures into one another, b & thereby Demonstrated ye series of Mr Gregory for finding the arch whose tangent was given. [But this Demonstration was composed wthout the assistance of the Differential method, & therefore Mr Leibnits had not yet found out that method. For in the Acta Eruditorum Mensis Aprilis pag 178 he wrote that in ye year 1675 Iam Anno 1675 compositum habebam opusculum Quadraturæ Arithmeticæ ab amicis ab illo tempore lectum, sed quod materia sub manibus crescente ad limare ad editionem non vacavit postquam aliæ occupationes supervenere; præsertim cum nunc exponere prolixius exponere vulgari more quæ Analysis nostra paucis exhibet, non satis operæ pretium videatur And in his Letter of 12 May 1676 he wrote \to Mr Oldenburg/ that he was then polishing this Demonstration to send it h to him. And in October following he began to left Paris {illeg} being called home by his Prince to be imployed in publick affairs |wherby he was no longer a leasure to file & polish this work for ye the {sic} Press vulgari more.|

|26| In his \said/ Letter of 27 Aug 1676 he added further: Quod dicere videmini pleras difficultates (exceptis Problematibus Diophantæis ad Series infinitas reduci; id mihi non videtur. Sunt enim S{illeg} multa us adeo mira et implexa ut ne ab æquationibus pendeant ne ex quadraturis. Qualia sunt (ex multis alijs) Problemata methodi tangentium inversæ. And this also makes it very certain that he did had not yet found out the differential method.

|27| Mr Newton in his Answer dated 24 Octob. 1676 at the request of Mr Leibnitz gave an A account how before ye plage wch happen \began/ to rage in Summer 1665 he found the method of these series, & upon the coming out of Mercators Logarithmotechnia communicated to Mr Collins by Mr Barrow a Compendium of these series & two (meaning the Analysis above mentioned) & two years after at ye suggestion of Mr Collins wrote a larger Tract on ye same subject, joyning wth it a Method from wch \ye determination of Maxima & minima &/ the method of Tangens of Slusius \& some others/ readily flowed, & wch stuck not at surds, & was founded upon this Proposition: Data æquatione quotcun fluentes quantitates involvente fluxiones invenire; et vice versa. This Proposition he wrote down enigmatically & then added that it faciliated the Quadratures of Curves & afforded him infinite series wch brake off & became finite when the Curve was capable of being squared by a finite equation. And of this he gave an instance by such a Series. By wch circumstance it is manifest that this was one of the methods mentioned in his former Letter of 13 Iune where he said that Analysis by the help of series extended to almost all Problemes but became not universal wthout some other \further/ <80v> methods of finding infinite series & reducing them back to finite equations

|28| In his Letter of Octob 242 1676 he said further that his method extended to ye inverse Problems of Tangents & others more difficult, & that by a double method \which he/ comprehended in this sen{s}|t|ence wch he exprest enigmatically: Vna methodus consistit in extractione fluentis quantitatis ex æquatione simul involvente fluxiones|m| ejus: altera cætera \commode/ derivari possunt, & in collatione terminorum homologorum æquationis resultantis ad cruendos terminos assumptæ seriei.

|29| Mr Leib

At length Mr Leibnitz \after/ in his Letter of 21 Iune 1677 after all this description of Mr Newtons method, {illeg} began to put in for it as coinventor \in these words/. Clarissimi Slusij methodum Tangentium nondum esse absolutā Celeberrimo Newtono assentior. Et jam a multo tempore rem tangentium longe generalius tractavi; scilicet per differentias ordinatarum — positis differentijs Abscissarum, si placet, æqualibus. Hinc nominando in posterum proximarum x, patet dy2 esse 2ydy esse 3y2dy &c. Which is the first Lemma of Slusius. What Dr Barrow 8 years before called a & e Mr Leibnits bega|i|ns now to call dx & dy. Hinc nominando in posterum, saith he. And then by a calculation perfectly like thos|at|e of Mr Gregory & Dr Barrow, he gives an example of drawing Tangents shews how to proceed without sticking at surds, & adds: Arbitror quæ celare voluit Newtonus de Tangentibus ducendis ab his non abludere. Quod addit ex edem fundamento quadraturas quo reddi faciliores me in hac sententia hac confirmant, nimirum semper figuræ illæ sunt quadrabiles quæ sunt ad æquationes differentialem.

About seven years after Mr Leibnits published this method of Tangents in ye differentiall characters {illeg} in the Acta Eruditorum & added mensis Octob. 1684, |under this Title: Nova methodus pro maximis et minimis item tangentibus quæ nec fractas nec irrationales moratur| & added: Et \hæc/ quidem initia sunt tantum Geometriæ cujusdam multo sublimioris ad difficillima quæ & pulcherrima quæ etiam mistæ matheseos Problemata \pertingentis/, quæ sine calculo nostro differentiali aut simili, non temere quisquam pati facilitate tractabit. |Compare this with the description wch Mr Newton gave of his method in his Letter of 10 Decem. 1672 & you will find the methods|d|escriptions very much alike. And hitherto| And hitherto {sic} Mr Leibnitz put prætended only to be coinventor of this general method, as appears by his words, aut simili. {illeg}

Why he used the symbols dx & dy rather then the letters a & e of Dr Barrow, he tell|s|{illeg} us in the Acta Eruditorum mensis Iunij 1686. Malo autem, saith he, dx et similia adhibere quam literas pro illis quia istud dx est modificati{illeg}|o| quædam ipsius x, et ita ope ejus talibus & differentijs calculum ingrediatur & relationes transcendentes inter x et aliud exprimantur. Qua ratione inter \etiam/ lineas transcendentes æquatione explicare licet. Which is as much as to say that he used these might have used letters but to avoyd defining their signification of upon every new occasion he chose rather to use lett these symbols.

And how he began to put in for the method as sole inventor

In the win Autum 1683 Mr Newton sent the Principal Propositions of his Principia Mathematica to London {illeg} where they were communicated to the R. Society & in ye year 1686 he sent up the rest of the book, & two years after an Epitome thereof was printed in the Acta Le E{illeg}|r|uditorum, & ye year following Mr Leibnitz published three papers relating to that book The one was an Epistle de lineis Opticis In What Mr Newton had said about reflexions refractions M & needed nothing more then to apply it to reflexions then to change \put/ ye sines of inc refraction equal to ye sine of incidence & to change its signe: Mr Leibnits applied to reflexions. Another was Schediasma de resistentia Medij et motu Projectilium \in Media resistente/. In

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pricks & secondly because Mr Newton when he wrote his Principia did not understand second differences but gave a instead of f represented the constant difference of x by th not by a prickt letter as he doth at present but by the letter{illeg} o (in a vulgar manner wch destroys the advantages of the differential calculus) but has also given a false Rule about the higher degrees of differences. {illeg}|An|d hether {sic} this Mathematician be Mr Leibnitz himself or any other person is not material. He was imployed by Mr Leibnitz & his p{illeg} Mr Leibnitz \so far/ approved his paper & \as to/ caused it to be published & thereby has made it his own untill he tells the names /of the author, & therefore we shall consider this paper at present as writ by Mr Leibnitz\

As to the first argument it amounts to this that tho Mr Newton when he w{illeg}|ro|te his Letter dated 24 Octob 1676 had a m had a method which \he/ comprehended under these sentences: Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente invenire fluxiones et vice versa: And {illeg}{U}na \Vna/ Methodus \[inversa]/ consistit in extractione fluentis quantitatis ex æquatione fluxionem involvente yet he had not the method of fluxions because he did not in that calculus use letters with pricks. And the answer is But The sophism is evident at the first sight. For Mr Newton doth not \place his method in a certain forms of symbols nor/ confine himself to any particular sort of symbols for fluxions. Where he puts the Areas for fluents \of Curves/ for fluents de denotes puts the Ordinates for {illeg} fluxiones & denotes the fluxions by the symbols of the Ordinates. And where he puts the letters x, y, z fluents, he either puts |denotes their fluxions either by| other letters, {illeg} as p, q, r{illeg}, for fluents {illeg} \for AB, CD, EF,/ or \by/ the same letters in other forms as X, Y, Z, or x., y., z. for fluxions. Mr Leibnitz has no symb This evident by his Book of Qua And this is evident by his b And this he does to this day as is evident by his book of Quadratures, where he uses prickt letters in the first Proposition, the Ordinates of Curves in the last Proposition & other symbols in the {S} Problem solving several Problems in the Ind|t|roduction. When Mr Leibnitz changed the Letters of Dr Barrow into other symbols he did not invent a new method of tangents: he only invented new symbols, & if in the differential method he had used Letters (as he tells us he might have done) the method would have been the same by his own confession: for he tells us the \that/ he might have used Letters. There are no harder Problems yet solved by any man then those found in the Principia Philosophiæ, & Mr Leibnitz himself has told us that the Differential method extends to ye abstruser Problems in Geometry such as cannot be solved without this method or another like it & the Mr|a|rques de L'Hospital has told us that the Principia are full of this calculus. Mr Leibnitz has no fluxions in this method. All Mr Newton's symbols of fluxions are the oldest in that kind. Mr Leibnitz had no symbols of Differences before the year 1677, Mr The nameles Mr Leibnitz represents in the represents \pretends/ that Mr Newton uses the prickt letters instead of dx, ddx, d3x dy, ddy &c, & upon this pretence claims the grownds his cla{illeg} objection & made \used/ the same pretence in the Acta Lipsiensia \of Feb/ A.C. 1705 {illeg} pag. 1{illeg}      But this pretence is a gross mistake \if not a wilfull one/. Mr L Newton does not use prict letters for differences unless the Co with the coefficient o either exprest or understood. H{illeg} Wherever he uses prickt letters they signify differences fluxions & Mr Leibnitz has no fluxions in his method. All Mr Newtons symbols for fluxions are the oldest in the kind. He The differential symbols appear no older then the year 1677. The the rectangles under fluxions & the letter o were used for m by Mr Newton for moments in his books of Analysis & are still used Quadratures & are still used in or before ye year 1669 & are still used by him in the same sense. The symbols for summs x, y, z &c do not appear to have been used by Mr Leibnitz before ye year 1686: {illeg} Mr Newton in ye year 1669 inscribed the Ordinate or Fluxion in a square {illeg} or rectangle to denote the area or fluent. And thus much in answer to the first Objection.

|As to| I|t|n|h|e second Objection, Mr Newton in his Analysis, in his Principles, \&/ in his Treatise of Quadratures & to this day, {illeg} did put the letter o for the constant increase of the fluent x & uses the same notation to this day. He has not changed the letter o into the mark x. as is erroneously suggested nor ever did use the make x. for the letter o,. These symbols represent but quantities <81v> of a different sort. The {illeg} symbol x. represents not {illeg} the velocity of increase the letter o a particle generated by increase: the first is always a finite quantity, the second is a quantity may be supposed \may be usually supposed/ infinitely little The first is an unite when x flows uniformly, the second & must be multiplied by the second \either exprest or understood/ to signify what Mr Leibnits calls dx. But Mr Leibnitz add

But Mr Leibnitz adds that Mr Newton \formerly/ represented the constant increase of x by the letter o in the vulgar manner wch destroys the advantages of the differential method. {illeg} the {illeg} If {illeg} If this be true it proves \either/ that Mr Newton has not yet found out the Method of fluxions because he still uses the letter o in the same sence as formerly, or else that the Method of fluxions wants the advantages of the differential, & is nothing more then a vulgar method known to Mr Fermat {no} above sixty years ago. An the world before Mr Newton pretended to it. If t If this be so then Mr Leibnitz has done nothing but in invented nothing but a new name & a new Notation to make a vulgar method his own. For the Method of fluxions as used by Mr Newton has the advantage of the differential in all respects. It is more elegant, because he uses but one infinitely or indefinitely small quantity signified by the letter o. it is more natural & geometrical because founded upon the rationeis pra|i|mæ quantitatum nascentium \rationes/ wch have a being in Geometry whilst indivisibles upon wch the differential method is founded have no being either in Geometry or in Nature. There are rationes primæ quantitatum nascentium but not quantitates pra|i|mæ nascentes. Nature generates quantities by continual flux or increase & the ancient Geometers admitted such a generation of areas & solids when they drew one line into another by local motion to generate an area & the area into a line to generate a solid. But the summing up of indivisibles to generate an area or solid was never yet admitted into Geometry. Mr Newton's method is also of a greater extent, being adapted either to the \ready/ finding out of a Proposition or to the Demonstrating it: Mr Leibnits's is only for finding \it/ out. When the work succeeds not in finite equations Mr Newton has recourse to infinite converging series & thereby M his method becomes incomparably more universal then that of Mr Leibnits wch is confined to finite equations. And where the law of the fluxions is not known but the fluxions are had only in a few particular cases Mr Newton finds that law quamproxime by drawing a Curve line through any number of given points, & thence deduces the solution of the Problem And to this degree of perfection Mr Newton had brought his method \before the year 1676/ as appears by his Analysis & his Letters of 10 Decem 1672, 13 Iune & 24 Octob. 1676.

Its added that Mr Newton in his Principles of Philosophy gave a false rule about the higher degrees of d|D|ifferences as ha{illeg}|d| been observed sometime ago by {B} an eminent Mathematician.|,| This Mat meaning Mr Iohn Bernoulli who in the Acta Lipsiensia of Febr. 170{illeg} 1713 has published that Mr \Newton in the Scholium to the 10th Prop of the 2d Book of his Princ./ took the terms of \a/ converging series for ye first second third & following differences respectively. But Mr Bernoulli \is/ mistaken. Mr Newton {tell{illeg}} affirms with no such thing \nor meddles with second differences in all that Scholium./{sic} In the Scholium of the last Proposition of his book of Quadratures, the word ut is {illeg} should has by some mistake been omitted. But the mistake (whether a press-fault or a slip of the pen) might have been easily corrected either by the last Proposition of that book where the series of the {illeg} first second & following fluxions is described or by the first Proposition thereof where thereof \of that Book/ which teaches how to find all the differences successively, or even by the Scholium in the Principia wch is found fault with. For there Mr Newton puts the third term of the series equal to half that part of the Tangent wch Ordinate wch lyes between the Arc & the Tangent & by consequence th to half the second difference.

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Mr Leibnitz {illeg} \began/ his last Letter to Dr Sloan secretary to ye R. Society wth these words. Quæ D. Ioa{nn}es Keilius nuper ad Te scripsit, candorem meum apertius defendam, & cum homine docto, sed novo, et parum perito rerum anteactarum cognitore, nec mandatum habente ab eo {illeg} cujus interest, tanquam pro tribunali litigem nemo prudens æquus probabit. This|u|s is als|l|o \one/ as to \{illeg}|M|r Leibnitz/ excused himself from ma{illeg}|k|ing good his charge against Mr Keil & {to} tolled \told/ the R. Society that they would be unjust unless they would allow him to b trusted \if they did not trust/ his candor & allowed him to be a witness in his own cause.

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Mr Leibnitz has since upon pretence in opposition to the Report of the Committee, upon a pretence that he was not at leasure to examin the matter himself & had not seen the Commercium, imployed a|n| nameles \eminent/ Mathematician as he pretends, to examin the matter & give his judgment thereupon & the \Iudgmt Letter of the/ nameles & therefore pretended Mathematician he dated 7 Iuly 1713 he caused to be published. {illeg} And by this judgment Mr Newton had not the method of fluxions in the year till after the writing of his Principia Philosopha|i|æ, & that for these two reasons. First because in all the \Letters publi in/ Commercium Epistolicum from wch the Committee draw their reasons there is not any instance of Mr Newtons letters wth pricks, & secondly

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I consider time as generated flo flowing or increasing by continual flux & other quantities as increasing in time {illeg} continually in time & from yt flowing fluxion of time, I give the name of fluxions to the velocitys wth wch all other quant{illeg}|i|ties increase. Also from the moments of time I give the name of moments to the parts of \any/ other quantities generated in moments of time. I expose time by any quantity flowing uniformly & represent its fluxion by an unit, {illeg} & the fluxions of other quantities \I represent/ by any unit{illeg} other fit proper symbols, & the fluxions of their fluxions by other fit symbols & the{illeg} fluxions of those fluxions by others, & their {illeg} moments generated by those fluxions I represent by the symbols of the fluxions drawn into ye letter o & its powers o2, o3, &c: vizt their first moments by their first fluxions drawn into the letter o, their second moments by their second fluxi|ons| drawn into o2, & so on. And when I am investigating a truth or the solution of a Probleme I use all sorts of approximations & neglect to write down the letter o, but when I am demonstrating a Proposition I always write down the letter o & for proceed exactly by the rules of Geometry without admitting any approximations. And I found the method not upon the summs or|&| differences, bu but upon the solution of this probleme: By knowing the Quantities generated in time to find their fluxions. And this is done by finding \not prima momenta but/ primas momentorum nascent{illeg}|iu|m rationes. And the inverse {illeg} This Probleme determins the Tangents of Curves Geometrically, & the Inverse thereof determins their Areas & this is done without summing up of their Ordinates.

This Method is derived immediately from Nature her self, that of diffe indivisibles not so. For \Leibnitian differences/ or of infinitely small quantities not so. For there{illeg} are no quantitates \primæ/ nascentes or \ultimæ/ evanescentes, there are only rationes primæ quantitatum nascentium or ultimæ evanescentium.

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was with difficulty that I answer{illeg} Mr Leibnitz, \was induced to wri{te} {the l}etters of 26 Feb. 1716./ So I do not {illeg} consequence that I should meddle with this controversy any further part with a quiet life for the sake of it, & therefore I intend to meddle with this controversy no further. / But whatever is done, I do not think this business of such consequence that I should meddle wth it any further.

{illeg} If it be asked why I did not publish this book soo{illeg}|n|er, it was for ye same reason that I did not publish the theory of colours sooner, & I gave the reason in my Letter of 24 Octob. 1676.

— And the testimony of these two ancient, knowing & credible witnesses may suffice to excuse me for saying in the Introduction to the book of Principles that I found the Method by the {illeg}|de|grees in the years 1665 & 1666. In the beginning of the year 1665 I found the Method of approximating series & the ge Rule for reducing any dignity of any Binomial into such a series. The same year in May I found the method of Tangents of \Gregory &/ Slusius, & so before in November had the dire{illeg}|c|t method of fluxions & the next year in Ianuary had the Theory of colours & in May following I had entrance into ye inverse method of fluxions. And the same year I began to think of gravity extending to ye orb of the Moon & having deduced |(having found out how to estimate the force with wch {a} globe revolving within a sp\h/ere presses the surface of the sphere from Keplers Rule| from Keplers rul{illeg} {sic} of the periodical times of the Planets being in a sesquialterate proportion of their distances from the centers of their Orbs. I having \I/ deduced that the \centripet{a}/ forces wch keep the Planets in their Or{bs} tend to are a{illeg} about the centers of \must/ are reciprocally as the square of their distances from the centers about wch they revolve: I on{illeg} \& {illeg} thereby/ compared the force requisite to keep the Moon in her Orb with the force of gravity at the surface of the earth, & found them answer pretty nearly. \All this was in the two plague years of 1665 & 1666/ For in those days I was in the prime of my age for invention & minded Philos \Mathematicks & Philosophy/ more then at any time since. \What Mr Hugens has published since about centripet|fug|al forces I suppose he had before me/ At|n|d so {illeg} year in the winter between the years 166|7|6 & 1677 I found the Keplers \length/ Proposition that by a centrifugal force the reciprocally as the sequare of the distance a Planet must revolve o|i|n an Ellipsis & {illeg} about the center of the fl|o|rce placed in the lower umbilicus of the Ellipsis & with a {illeg}|{r}|adius drawn to that center describe equal areas proportional to the times. And in the winter between the years 1683 & 1684 this Proposition wth the Demonstration was entered in the Register book of the R. Society. And this is the first instance upon record of any Proposition in the higher Geometry solved \found out/ by the Method in dispute. In the year 1689 Mr Leibnitz \endeavouring to rival me/ published a Demonstration of the same Proposition upon another supposition but his Demonstration was \proved/ erroneous, & there{fy} it was discovered that he was for want of skill in the Method.

And Mr Collins in a Letter to Mr Bertet of Feb 21 167071 said that \about four years before that time/ I found a general Analysis about four years before for squaring of figures \all cirvilinear spaces & doing what ever depended upon Quadratures/. And in his Letter to Mr Strode

Pag. 219. lin. 22. dele: [Obtinet hæc ratio quamproxime ubi co{illeg} in Medijs rigore aliquo præditis tardissime moventur.] et scribe [In M{illeg} quæ rigore omni vacant, & quorum vis resistendi oritur a sola vi inertiæ partium, resistentiæ corporum sunt in duplicata ratione velocitatum &c]

Pag. 252. lin. 14. Adde Scholium sequens.

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{In my} Letter of 2

It has been said that in the \old {illeg} &/ papers published in the Commer: Epist there are no prickt letters. In {illeg} And indeed where I {illeg} But the Marques de l'Hospital acknowledge that the Book of Principles was f And indeed I seldom used prickt letters when I considered {illeg}|o|nly first fluxions as in the Introduction to the Book of Quadratures but when I considered also second third & fourth fluxions, as in the body f the book I distinguished them by the number of pricks. The first \In the year 1692/ At the request of Dr Wallis I sent him the first Proposition of the Book of Quadratures copied \with/ {illeg}th its solution & examples printed that ye \in first & second fluxions/ copied almost verbatim from the Bo{ok} & the Dr printed them the same year in the second Volume of his works {illeg}|A|nd {illeg} wch came abroad the next year. And thence it may be understood that the Book \of Quadratures/ was then in Manuscript. [In my Letter of 24 Octob 1676 I set down the first Proposition of this Book verbatim in an Enigma \& \copied also/ the Ordinates of the Curves in the {o}ther \second/ table at the end of the 10th Prop/ & upon the 7th 8th 9th & 10th Propositions wrote \to Mr Collins/ my Letter of 8 Novem 1676 printed by Mr Iones. & And from all this it may be understood that this book was then in Manuscript. And the Notation by prickt letters \& sometimes by the letter o used in this Book/ as it is the oldest so it is the most expedite best]. In my Letter of 24 Octob 1676 I sent down the first Proposition of this Book verbatim in an Ænigma, & said that it conteined \was/ the foundation of the method, & that this foundatio \there mentioned & concealed &/ gave me general Theorems for squaring of figures by \{illeg}/ series wch sometimes brake of & became finite & & how it gave me such Series is explained in the first six Propositions of this Book|.| of Quadratures. \I know no other way of finding them/ I copied also In the same Letter the I copied also \many Ordinates of Curves/ from a Table in the end of the 10th Proposition the \many/ Ordinates of Curves, wch \I had/ may be compared with the Conic Sections ther & upon the 7th 8th 9th & 10th Propositions {illeg} I wrote to Mr Collins my Letter of 8 Nov. 1676 printed by Mr Iones. And from all this it may be understood that this Book was then in manuscript. And as the notation used in this book is the oldest so it is the best.

The Commercium Epistolicum being plain \unanswerable/ matter of fact Mr Leibnitz \constantly/ Endeavoured to avoyd it & \/ run the dispute about into a squable about a Vacuum & Atoms & universal gravity & occult qualities & Miracles & the Sensorium of God & the absolute perfection \& {illeg} & everlastingness/ of the world & the definitions of time & space & the solving of Problems & the Question whethe he did not find the Met differential Method proprio Marte: all which are nothing to the purpose × < insertion from the bottom of the page > × Mr Iames Gregory after a years study found the method of converging series proprio Marte but did not claim \it/ because before he found he had notice of it from England \before he searched for it/ & by that notice knew that he was not the first inventor. Gregorius autem, said Collins, Newtonum primum ejus inventorem anticipare haud integrum ducit. There is but one proper Question & that is: Who was the first Inventor? Let it be prov{e}d \I {illeg}/ that Mr Leibnitz had the Method before he had any notice of it from England & then let it {b} \let it be further proved/ that he had it before the date of my Letter of 10 Decem 1672 \& by consequence before he learnt the hith{illeg}/. In the mean while {illeg} < text from f 85v resumes > . |If he could have made a good objection he might have done in a short letter without writing another book as big.| There is but one p{illeg}teria proper Question & that is: Wi|h|o was the first Inventor? All other Questions are {illeg} prevarications. \& t{en} to cloud this question/. And untill the Book is answered fairly \directly &/ without prevaricatiions\ng/, I see no need of setting pen to paper any more about this matter. \/ If Mr Leibnitz could have answered the made a good objection against the book \Commercium Epist/ he might have done it in a short Letter without settin writing another book as big. But this Book being unanswerable matter of fact \& unanswerable he treated it with opprobious language & indoustrious avoided {illeg}|A|nswering it & for/ he {illeg}tant by endeavoured to \indoustriously/ avoided \answering it by several excuses & [endeavoured to rund the dispute into a/ it & for that end] endeavoured to \Pay it a{si}de by/ runing the dispute into a

The Committee of the R. S. said that I had this method above 15 years before Mr Leibnitz began to publish it: [that is, {illeg}|w|hen \{he}/ I wrote the Analysis per æquati{illeg}|o|nes numero terminorum infinitas] And Mr Collins in his Letter to Mr Strode of 26 Iuly 1672 affirmed by the testimony of Dr Barrow {illeg}t by papers communicated \before/ |that by the Analysis per æquationes numero terminorum infinitas & other papers communicated before| to the Doctor \Barrow/ it appeared that I had the method & applied it generally some years before the Doctor sent th{illeg}y|at| Analysis \per æquationes/ to Mr Collins, that is, some years before Iuly 1669. And I see no reason why the testimony of Dr Barrow should be questioned in this matter.

The Marquess de l'Hospital had not then seen the recommended the Differential Notation, but had

And \especially since i|I|t was with difficulty that I was drawn to write & \answer Mr Leibnitz. He is dead &// The method it self is not of such consequence that I should meddle with this \controversy/ {illeg} any further.

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|1| In the Introduction to the following Book I said that I invented the Method of fluxions gradually in the years 1665 & 1666. The first Proposition thereof at the request of Dr Wallis I sent{illeg} to him in            1692 & he it was printed that year in the second Volume of his works, & came abrod|a|d in Spring following, & this was the first time that any Rule for finding {f} second third & fourth fluxions & moments came abroad. \/ In the Preface to the first & second Volume of the works {illeg} Wallis /Dr Wallis\ \of Dr Wallis he/ affirmed that in my Letters of 13 Iune & 24 Octob. \1676/ I explained to |Mr| L. the Method of fluxions found by me ten yeas {sic} before that time or above. In the Letter of second {illeg} a Lemma By this Method I invented the greatest part of the Book of Principles in the year the Demonstration of Keplers Proposition in the year 1679 & {illeg} {illeg}|a|lmost all the rest of the Difficulter Propositions of the Book of Principles in the years 1684, 1685 [& the beginning \part of/ of {sic}of the year 1686] I in \/ The MS of the Book of Quadratures Mr Rap\h/son & Dr Halley had in their hands in the year 1691. In the year 1676 {illeg} in the Summer I composed this book out of former writings as the one as one of them has left attested publickly & the other still attests. 4 And in the second Lemma of the second Book of Principles I demonstrated the {illeg} set down & demonstrated the Elements of this Method & added |mentioned the correspondence between me & Mr L. ten years before about these things to put {illeg}|him| {illeg} in mind of \making/ such an acknowledgement the thereof publickly as he had made privately in his Letter of 21 Iune 1677 wherein he sent me a specimen of his improvemt of Dr B.s method of Tangts.| a Scholium wherein I declared that in the year 1676 I wrote of this Method to Mr L. & set dow in one of those Letters set down the foundation of it in this sentence, Data æquatione fluentes quotcun æquationes quantitates involvente, fluxiones invenire; et vers|ice| versa.: the first part of wch sentence is the very first Proposition of the book of Quadratures And in the Demonstrating the XIVth Prop. of the second Book of Principles I argued in made use of second moments calling them \by the name of/ differential|a| momentorū & momenta|u|m differentiæ. In the year 1676 in summer I composed the Book of Quadratures & then in my Letters of Octob. 24, 1676 men & Novem 8 1676 {illeg} published by Dr Wallis & Mr Iones, I cited severall things out of it, parti & other Papers from whence I \had/ extracted it: particularly the very words of the first Proposition; the Theorems {illeg} for squaring figures by converging series wch break of & become finite equations when the Curve can be squared by finite \such/ equations; the orb|d|inates of Curves wch can be \I could/ compared with the Conic Sections; & the squaring of all Curves of ex exprest by equations of three terms, or comparing them wth the simplest Curves wch they can be compared: each of wch are a sufficient proof that I had the method of fluxions when I wrote that Letter. And in that Letter I represented that I wrote in {illeg} five years before, that is, in the year 1671 I wrote a Tract of that Method & the method of series together, wth a designe to have published it together with another Tract wch I had written about the nature refractions & colours of light. But finding my self intangled that by what I had already communicated I began to be entangled in disputes, I forbore \to publish them for the sake of quiet/ for the sake of quiet; & as soon as I could get rid of the disputes I was engaged in I forbore to publish any thing about the method of Fluxions \& Quadratures/ & the Theory of refractions & colours till the year 16 1704 wch was above thirty years together.

In From Dr Barrows method of Tangents compared with his own Methods Mr Iames Gregory deduced a method of drawing Tangents without calculation & gave notice of it to Mr Collins by a Letter dated 5 Sept. 1670, & upon notice from Mr Collins that Mr Gregory & Mr Slusius had such Methods I wrote to Mr Collins the following Letter dated 10 Decem 1672.

Ex animo gaudeo D. Barrovij amici nostri reverendi Lectiones Mathematicas exteris adeo placuisse — — — ne grave ducas. Thus far my Letter, in wch the method of fluxions is \wth its large extent/ is sufficiently described, & illustrated wth an example of drawing Tangents. And by s|y|ing|:| that [Hanc methodum <86v> intertexui alteri isti qua Æquatione|u|m e|E|xegesin instituo reducendo eas ad series infinitas.] I refer to the method described in the Tract wch I wrote in the year 1671, in wch I joyned the methods of series & fluxions together as I mentioned in my Letter of 24 Octob. 1676.

In the same Letter I mentioned also that when Mr Mercators Logarithmotechnia came abroad I Dr Barrow communicated to Mr Collins a Compendium of S my method of Series. And this is the Tract entituled Analysis per series numero terminorum infinitas. This Tract together wth some Letters of Dr Barrow rela was sent to Mr Collins in Iul{illeg} The Logarithmotechnia came abroad in September 1668 Mr Collins sent a few months after sent a copy of it to Dr Barrow who replied that the Method of Series was invented & made general by me \about/ two years before \the Logarithmotechnia came abroad publication of Mercators Logarithmotechnia/ & at the same the same time sent back to Mr Collins my Tract the said Tract of Analysis per series. This was in Iuly 1669. In a letter to Mr Bertet dated 21 Feb. 16701 Mr Collins represented that about four years before that time I had invented a general method of Analysis meaning the method described in the Analysis per series. [For by the litle of Analysis I understood that only \merely/ the reduction of quantities into converging series but much more the method of solving all sorts by æquations involving c \of Problems {illeg} working in æquations/ wch involve converging series when they cannot be solved by finite equations: And this is the method of moments.] And in a Letter to Mr Strode dated 26 Iuly 1672 he said that after he had sent a copy of the Logarithmo- to Dr Barrow at Cambridge, the Dr quasdam Newton's chartas extemplo remisit: e quibus et alijs quæ olim \prius/ ab Auctore cum Barrovio \de eadem methodo/ communicata fuerant, patet illam Methodum a dicto Newtono aliquot annis antea excogitatam & modo universali applicatam fuisse: ita ut ejus ope in quavis figura ob{illeg} curvilinea proposita quæ una vel pluribus proprietatibus definitur, Quadratura vel Area dictæ figuræ ACCVRATA si|SI| POSSIBILE sit, sin minus infinite vero propinqua, Evolutio vel longitudo lineæ curvæ, Centrum gravitatis figuræ, Solida ejus rotatione genita, et eorum superficies|,| (sine ulla radicum extractione obtineri queant. T|H|ere the words [ACCVRATA SI POSSIBILE SIT] relate to the words in the Analysis [Cujus [methodi] beneficio Curvarum areæ et longitudines &c (ID MODO FIAT) {illeg} exacte & Geometrice determinentur. Sed ista narrandi non est locus.] How this is done is described in the first six Propositions of the Book of Quadratures. And without the method described in those Propositions it cannot be done. And thus it appears by the testimony of Mr Collins Dr Barrow & Mr Collins grounded upon \this & former/ papers communicated to Dr Barrow that I had the method of moments & fluxions \& made it general/ some years before Iuly 1669 or \that is/ in the year 1666 & or before the end of the year 1666, as Mr Collins mentions in other Letters or (as he \Mr Collins/ explains himself in his aforsaid Letter to Mr David Gregory,) about two years before the publication of Mr Mercators Logarithmotechnia, that is, in the year 1666. And all this |together with the testimony of Dr Wallis mentioned above & that of Mr Fatio published in the year 1699, & the acknowledgemt wch Mr Leibnitz made in his Letters of 7 Iune 1677 & 7 March 16923| may suffice to justify my saying in the Introduction to the book of Quadratures that I found this Method gradually in the years 1665 & 1666 The method of converging series I found \first/ by {illeg} interpolation \& thes|n| by division & extraction of roots/ {illeg}|in| the beginning of {illeg}|the| year 1665 & as \at the request of Mr L./ I described in my Letter to Mr Oldenburg 16 24 Octob. 1676 & the same But Dr Wallis had before that given an instance of reducing fractions into converging series by Division. The same year I got some light into the method of moments & fluctions. And its probable that Dr Barrows Lectures might put me upon considering the generation of figures by motion, tho I not now remember it. In the beginning of the year I 1666 I found out the different refrangibility of the rays of light & the Theory of colours depending upon it as is mentioned in the Philosophical <87r> Transactions for       A.C. 1672.

Mr |N.| Fatio had published A.C. 1699 that he invented the same method of fluxions in the year 1687 without knowing \at that time/ that any body else had the same: but after he saw my Letters &

Mr N. Fatio also in a Tract published A.C. 1699 gave this Testimony Ejus [Methodi] fundamenta universa, ac pleras Regulas, proprio Marte, Anno 1687, circa Mensem Aprilem & sequentes, alijs deinceps a|A|nnis inveni; quo tempore neminem eo calculi genere præter meipsum uti putabam — Newtonum tamen primum ac pluribus annis vetustissimum hujus calculi Inventorem, ipsa rerum evidentia coactus, agnosco{illeg} coactus agnosco And a little after explaining what he means by rerum evidentia he names Newtoni Literæ, alijs|q|ꝫ ejusdem manuscripti codidces.

The direct method is sufficiently perfect. The Inverse Method is not yet perfected nor perhaps ever will be. [The first step therein is equipollent to the {illeg} Quadrature of Curves & this is the subject of the following back.] It may be carried much And I write of it here no further then it is conteined in the following Tract & the methods of converging series & leave the further improvements of it to others who have made or shall make any.

I At the first I s{illeg} usually put the letters a, b, d|c|, d &c for determinate quantities, x, y, z, v for quantities increasing or decreasing according to any Rule, p, q, r, s for the velocities wth wch they increase or decrease, op, oq, or os, for their moments or particles generated in a moment of time, & p q the ordinates of a|ny| Curve included in the area a rectangle \or wth a rectangle prefixed/ for the area of the Curve. And sometimes I used letters wth pricks \or lines/ upon them & \sometimes/ other marks|.| the but seldome But in the following So in the second Lemma of the second Book of Principles I put A, B, C |for| quantities increasing Or decreasing & a, b, c for the velocities of their increase or decrease, & in the [following Tract I put x., y., y. &c for the velocities of the increase or decrease of x, y, z, & ox., oy., oz. for their moments] latter end of the Tract Analysis per series in {illeg}|d|emonstrating the first Rule of that Tract I put x & z for increasing quantities ι & υ for the velocities of their increase & o & oυ for their moments, & in the following Tract I put x., y. z. for the velocities of the increase of x, y & z & ox., oy., oz. for their moments \& x, y, z for increasing quantities whose moments are ox, oy, oz./ And In sending the first Proposition of this Book to Dr Wallis in a Letter dated          1692 I used this notation, & It he published it after he had published it I seldome used any other. And in the same Tract I use x, y, z for the areas of Curves whose ordinates are x, y, z.

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* NB. Hunc Librum in M. S. nostrates Halleius et Ralphsonus in manibus suis hab\tri/u|v|erunt anno 1691, uti Ralphsonus publice testatum reliquit & Halleius adhuc testatur. Propositionem primam exemplis illustratam D. Wallisius in secundo Operum suorum Volumina|e| p{illeg}a {g} \anno 1692 im/primi \Curavit, et/ sub initio anni 1693 \sequentis/ in lucem emisit. Et hæc fuit Regula omnium prima pro fluxionibus secundis, tertijs, et ulterioribus inveniendi quæ lucem vidit, est Regula verissima brevissima et optima. Eande Eandem Propositionem ijsdem verbis, tanquam fundamentum methodi fluxionum, e Libro quem anno 1672 conscripseram desumptum, posui in Epistola mea 24 Octob. 1676 ad Oldenburgum data, et a Wallisio edita. In eadem Epistola posui Ordinatas Curvarum quas per Methodum fluxionum quadraveram \cum Sectionibus conicis contuleram/ et in Calogum Catalogum anno 1672 retuleram, qui Catalogus in hoc Libro de Quadraturis habetur, \et absque methodo momentorum construi non posset./ In eadem Epistola posui Propositionem quintam hujus Libri pro Quadratura Curvilinearum quarum Ordinatæ sunt dignitates binomiorum, eandem exemplis aliquot illustravi, dixi Regulas hujusmodi ad Trinomia et alia magis composita se extendere, et has Quadraturas Regulas Quadraturam accure|a|tam dare quoties fieri potest. Sed et in Analysi per series numero terminorum infinitas mense Iulio anni 1669 a D. Barrovio ad Collinium \missa/, descripsi methodum momentorum & quomodo per Problemata per eandem ad series convergentes deduci possint, et h|q|uod hujus beneficio Curvarum areæ et longitudines &c (id modo fiat) exacte et Gem|o|metrice determinantur. Ideo Propositio quinta Libri {illeg} hujus de Quadraturis tunc mihi{illeg} innotuit. Et propterea etiam methodum fluxionum et momentorum quatenus in Propositionibus quin primis habetur, tunc intellexeram. Nam Propositio quinta a quatuor primis dependet.

Sed et testimonio Collinij et Barrovij et Collinij hæc methodus {mhi} innotuit annis aliquot antea. Nam Collinius in Epistola sua ad Thomam Strode 26 Iulij 1672 data, sic scripsit. Mense Septembri 1668 Mercator Logarithmotechniam edidit suam, quæ specimen edit suam hujus methodi [id est serierum infinitarum] in unica tantum figura, id est nempe Quadraturam Hyperbolæ continet. Haud multo postquam in publicum prodierat liber, exemplar ejus Cl. Wallisio Oxonium mihi — alium Barrovio Cantabrigiam, qui quasdam Newtoni Chartas — extemplo remisit: e quibus et alijs ex alijs quo|æ| olim ab A\u/ctore \cum Barrovio/ communicata fuerant, patet illam Methodum a dicto Newtono aliquot annis antea excogitatam et modo universali applicatam fuisse: ita ut ejus ope in quavis Figura {illeg} curvilinea proposita, quæ una vel pluribus proprietatibus definitur, Quadratura vel area dictæ figuræ ACCVRATA si possibile sit, sin minus infinite vero propinqua; Evolutio vel longitudo Lineæ curvæ; centrum gravitatis Figuræ; solida ejus rotatione genita, & eorum superficies; sine ulla Radicum extractione obtineri queant. Hic verba [a|A|ccurata si possibile sit] relationem habent ad series quæ abrumpuntur & finitæ evadunt & sic dant Quadraturam accuratam si sit possibile; adeo methodus \quadrandi curv{illeg}|a|s/ descripta in Propositione quinta et sexta Libri \huius/ de Quadraturis & propterea etiam methodus fluxionum quateni|u|s in quin vel sex prioris hujus Libri Propositionibus continetur, {illeg}|a|nnis aliquot ann|t|e mensem Iulij 1669, {illeg} testibus Barrovio et Collinio, mihi innotuit|er|e. Methodum igitur habui ante annum 1667. Id quod volui ostender{illeg} Nam et Collinius in Epistola ad D\avidem/ Gregorium Iacobi fratrem 11 Aug. 1676 datam scripsit \quod ✝/ supradictam serierum infinitarū doctrinam a Newtono biennio ante excogitata fuit, quam ederetur Mercatoris Logarithmotechnia, et generalter {sic} omnibus figuris applicata. Methodum igitur habuit generalem applicandi series ante annum 1667. Id q|Q|uod {illeg}{l}{illeg} ostender{e} erat probandum.

The said Doctrine of Infinite series was invented by MrNewton about two years before the publication of Mercators Logarithmotechnia, & generally applie{illeg}|d| to all Curves. Epist. Collin. ad D. Greg.

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{illeg} m|M|ethodum fluxionum anno 1666 aut antea \a me/ inventem fuisse D. Wallisius in Præfatione primi operum suorum Volumine|i|s Anno 1695 in lucem editi|a| testatus est commemoravit. Et librum \hunc M S./ De Quadraturis nostrates Halleius & Ralphsonus Anno 1691 in manibus suis habuerunt an \tractaverat/ uti Ralphsonus publice tes{illeg}|t|atum reliquit, & Halleus adhuc testatur.

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Mr Leibnitz agrees with me that the Method of fluxions was obvious. For he saith in his aforesaid Postscript that it would have been easy to have been for me to have found it out if it had been hinted to me. He allows therefore that it would have been easy for him to have found it out if it had bene hinted to him. I affirm that it was hinted to him very plainly, even so plainly that Dr Wallis in the Preface to the two first Volumes of his works published 21 years ago affirmed that in my two Letters of 1676 I explained to Mr Leibnitz the method method of fluxions found by me ten years before the writing of those Letters or above.

For I told him \that there was a general method of Tan & what was the/ the extent & characters of the method & made

For I made him understand that it was a method of Tangents \that {sic} I had a general M wch gave the method of Tangents of Slusius made general {illeg}/ extended to quadratures \of series/ & other difficulter Problemes set down a series wch it gave me \& gave me the series/ for Quadratures which I there set down. The description

For by \in/ my Letters of 10 Decem 167{illeg}|2|, 13 Iune 1676 & 24 Octob. 1676 I made him understand that repr For

For in my Letters I gav so far described the method as to {illeg} make Dr Wallis in the Preface to the two first Volumes of h{is} works printed above 20 years ago, say that in my two Letters &c

He & his friends pretend now that when I wrote my book of Principles I had not the method of fluxions because I \had/ frequent occasion of using the calculus of fluxions with that book b prickt letters in composing that book & yet nothing thereof appears it. b{illeg} The ancie But this {is} a notorious sophism. The Ancients invented their Propositions by Analysis & Demonstrated them by synthesis, & admitted nothing into Geometry before it was demonstrated synthetically. I followed their example that the Propositions in that book might be admitted into Geometry. For the glory of Geometry is its certainty & nothing is to be {illeg} admitted into Geometry before it be made as certain \plane/ & evident as art can make it.

— by Mr Iames Bernoulli who published a specimen of this calculus in May 16{illeg} the Acta Eruditorum for May 1690 pag. 218. And from that time the this method began to be celebrated more & {mo}re in Germany France & Holland — — in England. And this made Mr Leibnitz in the Acta Eruditorum of May 169 1700 after he had said that no man before me had proved that he had a pub by a specimen made public that he had the method, subjoyn that no man before the two Bernoullis & himself had communicated the method.

His meaning th seems to have been that I was the he & Bernoull {sic} were the first who had published specimens of the \{example} differentiall/ calculus|a||tions| I {illeg} & I was the first who by a public|s||hed| specimen without such calculations had proved that I had the method. For the Propositions in the Book of Principles were invented by the Method of Fluxions {illeg} but composed & published without the calculations that it might be received into into {sic} Geometry. For the Ancients admitted nothing into Geometry till it was demonstrated by composition.

In this state things continued &c.

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In the same Reply I said that the Method of Fluxions gave me \some certain very/ general Theoremes for squared|ing| of Curves & there described the first \of those/ Theorem at large & illustrated it with examples. And this \Theorem/ is the fift Proposition of the book of Quadratures & the & \it/ is founded upon the fir & the second \of those/ Theorems \is of the same kind & it is/ is the six Proposition of that book & these two are founded on the four first Propositions And therefore these six Propositions, & by consequence the method of fluxions conteined in them were most certainly know {sic} to me wh in the year 1676 when I wrote that Reply. And the D seventh & eighth Propositions of that book are some others \two more/ of those general Theorems.

In the same Reply I set down the Ordinates of Curves wch might b I could \had/ compared with the Conick Sections & said that I had long before those days reduced them into a \mad/ a Catalogue o{illeg}|f| them. And This Cataloge was deduced from the 9th & 10th Propositions of the Book of Quadratures & composed the Scholium upon the 10th Proposition of that Book. And {illeg} by these things it is evident that the Book of Quadrature & by consequence the method of fluxions described therein was known to me in the year 1676 when I wrote that \Letter of/ Reply & long before. For I had intermitted these studies five years together before I wrote {illeg} my two Letters of Iune 13th & Octob. 24 1676. And \(by what I noted above)/ it is as certain that Mr Leibnitz {illeg} when he wrote his Letter of 27 Aug. 1676 knew nothing of the method of reducing Problems to fluxional \differential/ Equations.

And \if/ the Manuscript which I wrote in the year 1671 [be compared with the Book of Quadratures it will appear that one & the same method of fluxions is described in them both.] & still held by me, & the Analysis wch Dr Barrow com And ifmunicated to Mr Collins in the year 1669 {illeg} & wch has been lately published by Mr from a copy thereof in the hand writing of Mr Colling by Mr Iones who purchased his Library, it will appear that the method of fluxions f{illeg} described in all thr & with anothers Manuscripts which was|er|e writ before the year 1669 & are still in my keeping, it will be found that one & the same method of fluxions is be compared with the book of Quadratures {i} {sic} it will be found that one & the same method of fluxions is described in them all.

And the Method wch Mr Leibnitz calls the summatory method & claims the invention of \to himself/; is also described in them. For the summatory Quantities wch Mr Leibnits describes by præfixing the Letter ∫, I represent in this manner, x, aa64x, &c I described in my aforesaid Analysis in this manner x, aa64xx &c & in some of my \older/ Manuscripts in this x, aa64xx. & in my Book of Quadratures in this x, {illeg} aa64xx & therefore he is not the first inventor of the \summatory/ Method.

\Knowing therefore that the my method readily gave the Method of tangents of Slusius/ In his journey therefore from London to Hannover he was considering how to make the method of Tangents of Slusius become general {&} extend to all sorts as I find by a letter of his dated from Amsterdam 18 1828 Novem. 1676. And the next year finding that \how to deduce the Method of Slusius from/ the Differential Method of Tangents of Slusius published by Dr Barrow in the year 1670, gave the method of Tangents he wrote ba{w}{illeg}ck in a Letter dated from Hanover 21 Iune 1677

that |is| by examples of the Differential calculation. For I invented the Propositions in the Book of Quadratures \by the Analysis of Fluxions/ but concealed dem p {illeg}|d|emonstrated them by Synthesis /& published by Composition\ Synthetically that they might deserve to be admitted into Geometry according to the Rules of the Ancient Geometers, who to make the science certain demonstrated synthetically what ever they found by the Analysis. And in these synthetical Demonstration the Analysis was so conspicuous that Mr Leibnitz allowed that I had this this Book was a proof that

To Sir Isaac Newton {these}

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calling those things miracles wch create no wonder, & those things occult quali{ties} whose causes are wch are manifest ones whose causes are occult tho the qualities themselves be manifest, & those things the souls of men wch do not animate their bodies. His Harmonia præstabl|i|lita is a \great/ miracl{e}|ous| \Hypothesis/ & contradicts the daily experience of all man kind, every man \constantly {illeg}st/ finding in himself a power of moving his body by his will. He accuses me — — — Epistolicum.

If he acknowledged it before the sentences in cyphers were deciphered, |&| before he knew how by this method the series set down in that Letter for squaring of curves was invented, & \or/ how by the same method the figures whose Ordinates are there, set down were composed with the conick sections, or had seen the Compendium there mentioned wch Dr Barrow th sent to Mr Collins in the year 1669: he ought much more to acknowledge it now.

In his Letter of 27 Aug 1676 he acknowledged that he received a p from Mr Oldenburg a packet conteining my Letter of 13 Iune preceding & \a parcel of/ other \analytical/ papers communicated {to} him by Mr Collins. These other papers conteined Extracts of Gregories Letters & a copy of my Letter of 10 Decem. 1672 \in wch the \extent {illeg} the/ method of flu{illeg}|xion||s|{illeg} was desc{ri}b/. They were \to be/ sent \That Parcel was to be sent/ back to Mr Oldenburg \& accordingly were sent back/ & are \is/ now in the Custody of the R. Society & therefore wer|as|e received \& sent back/. [And I doubt not but he will still acknowledge that he had \did/ received that extract that parcel \parcel &/ packet & therein a copy of my Letter of 10 Decem. 1672 \many \many/ extract of Gregories Letters/ & particularly a copy of Mr Gregories Letter of 15 Feb. 1671 & a copy of my Letter of 10 Decem 1672.] It conteins many extracts of Gregories Letters & particularly his Letter of 15 Feb 1671 & a copy of my Letter of 10 Decem. 1672. And I doubt not but he will still acknowledge that he received this parcel.

L'Abbé Conti

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Sr Isaac Newton at his house in S,t Martins Street Near Leicester feilds London

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Part of a Letter of Dr Wallis to Mr Leibnitz Iuly 30 1697.

Optaverim item ut tibi vacet tuam Calculum Differentialem, et Newtono suam Fluxionum Methodum, justo ordine exponere; ut quid sit utri commune et quid intersit discriminis, et utram distinctius intelligamus.

NB The Doctor here wishes that the common method \common to us both/ & the improvement \thereof/ were stated between us; the first as due to me, & the other as due to Mr Leibnitz. And no Answer was returned to this by Mr Leibnitz; [but under the colour of having improved the Method he went on \amongst his friends/ to call it his own [& \And/ at length, when witnesses were dead, & he thought himself strong enough in disciples; he fell out with Dr Keill for saying nothing more then Dr Wallis had said before without offending him; & in his Letter of 29 Decem 1711 claimed a right to the whole Method; & in order to pick a quarrel with me, pressed that I {illeg}|sh|ould declare my opinion in this matter. [A thing which I could not do without either siding with Doctor Keill \against him/, or retracting what I had published in the beginning of the Introduction to the Book of Quadratures; & what Dr Wallis had said in published \many years before/ in his Preface above mentioned|;| {illeg}, without giving any offence to Mr Leibnitz at that time; & what Mr Leibnitz had then yeilded to me by pretending only that he had improved my infinitesimal method as Cartes had improved the metho Analysis speciosa of Vieta.

In my Letter of 24 Octob 1676 I said that I wrote a Tract five years before concerning the method of Series & another method together, & that the other method readily gave the Method of Tangents of Slusius & extended to questions about maxima & minima & others, & faciliated Quadratures & proceeded without sticking at surds, & gave the Theoreme for Quadratures there set down, & others of like nature, & was founded upon this Proposition: Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente, fluxiones invenire: et vice versa] that is, that I should should declare whom I was for, whether for Mr Leibnitz or for Dr Keill. And so I had this Dilemma put upon me, that I must either \prepare to engage his army of disciples or/ publickly retract what Dr Wallis in his Preface, Mr Fatio in Tract de Solido minimæ resistentiæ, & Dr Wallis I in the Preface to my Book of Quadratures had published to the world & [give back that Method wch \Mr Leibnitz/ hath in his correspondence wth Dr Wallis he had yeilded & declare all those to me &] confess that I had the ancient \Manuscript/ papers wch Mr Fatio \& some others/ saw in my hands twenty years ago were fourged \feigned/, & that when Mr Leibnitz acknowledge in his correspondence with Dr Wallis acknowledged that I was the first inventor, he was deceived by me|.|, or else I must prepare to engage him & his army of disciples {illeg} [& that the sentences \set down in my Letter of Octob. 24 1676/ Data æquationes fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente fluxiones invenire ha{illeg} & vice versa hath no relation to the \doth not infer that in those/ \I knew any thing of the/ direct & inverse methods of fluxions, \now/ called by Mr Libnitz the summatory differential & summatory methods; & that the sentence, Vna methodus consistit in extractione fluentis ex æquationes fluxiones involvente, does not infer that I {illeg} set down in the same Letter, does not imply that I \then/ knew how to reduce Problems to fluxions|a|l Equations: & that the universal Analysis mentioned in my Letter of Iune 13 1676 & co & composed {illeg} \of/ the Method of Series &]; & that the I had the second Lemma of the second book of Philosophical Principles from Mr Leibnitz & yet wrote the Scholium thereupon to assert it to my self. & endeavoured to make it my own by the Lemma \Schoium/ subjoyned to it; & that all the harder part of the Book of Principles of Philosophy was invented either by the Analysis of Mr Leibnitz or \(as some would have it)/ by no Analysis at all, {illeg} by plane words & s but o] Which gave occasion to Mr Fatio {illeg} in his Tract concerning the Solid of least resistance to write: Ne published in the year 1699 to write: Newtonum Quæ\r/et forsan — — — — — himself] But whilst he durst n

But whilst in his Letters to Dr Wallis he found no fault with the Doc him for saying that by my Letters in the year 1676 I explained to Mr Leibnitz the method found by me ten years before or above but yeilded to me so much of the method as was common to us both, & claimed only that he had in the improvements that he had <92v> made to it: he went on amongst his Friends abroad to call the whole method without distinction his own, & thereby gave occasion to Mr Fatio to insert p{illeg} write the following Paragraph.

Newtonus scit unus omnium optime, satis indicavit publice cum sua Mathematica Naturæ Principia publiccaret anno 1687, nova quædam inventa Geometrica quæ ipsi communia mecum fuere, neutrum luci ab altero acceptæ sed meditationibus quem suis debere, et a me decennio ante exposita fuisse.

NB. The Lemma \Scholium/ upon the second Lemma of the second Book of Principles is here referred unto. I wrote that Scholium \Lemma/ in the year 167|8|6,|.| {illeg}|A|nd becas|u|se Mr I had signified to Mr Leibnitz ten \in {illeg}/ /ten\ years before that 1676 \before/ that I had a method of tangent wch determined tangents, maxima & minima & other Problems without sticking at surds \& included the method of Tangents of Slusius/ \& {illeg}{ate}ly {produced} \in {illeg}/ the method of Tangents of Slusius/ & faciliated Quadratures, & gave me the Series for Quadratures \there/ mentioned & that I had wrote a Tract of this method & the Method of Series \together/ in the year 1671 & that the method compounded of \the Analysis composed of/ these two methods together {illeg}{p} it{illeg} \reached to invers Problems of T. \& others more diffrcial {sic} &/ was so general as to/ extend to almost all sorts of Problems except perhaps some numeral ones like those of Diophantus: & Mr Leibnitz wrote back the next year that \the next year/ when Mr Leibnitz the next year sent me the Elements of such a Method, & in the year 1684 published those Elements without making any mention of the correspondence wch had been between us: by means {illeg} I added that scholium to secure the Lemma to my self without saying (whether \that/ Mr Leibnitz had found it apard|t| & {illeg} or had received light into it from me {illeg} ha{illeg} But whether Mr Leibnitz found the Method apart or had {illeg} from me light into {it} from me, is a question I did not there meddle with. Nor was it material, the right thing due to the first inventor. And But Mr Leibnitz proceds. thus

NB Whether Mr Leibnitz found the Method apart or received light into it from me I is a questi cujus specimina quadam \dedit/ in Analysi \sua/ per æquationes numero terminorum infinitas quam Barrovius anno 1669 ad Collinium misit, & in Epistola ad Collin\s/ium 10 Decem 1672 ad Collinium missa. Circa mitium.

NB. In the Letters wch hereupon followed between Mr

NB. Dr Wallis by his Letter of Dec. 1. 1696 gave notice to Mr Leibnitz of this Paragraph. And Mr Leibnitz made only this exception to it that the methods were not so perfectly alike but had some differences wch the Dr should have mentioned if he had known them. [In one of his Letters dated 28 May 1697 he said. Methodum Fluxionum profundissimi Newtoni cognatam esse Methodo meæ t|D|ifferentiali non tantum adnimadverti postquam opus ejus et tuum prodijt sed etiam professus sum in Actis Eruditorum et alias quo monui. Id enim candori meo convenire putavi postquam opus ejus non minus quam ipsius merito Ita communi nomine designare soleo Analyseos infinitesimalis, quæ latius quam Tetragonistica patet. Interim quemadmodum et Vietæa et Cartesiana methodus Analyseos speciosæ nomine venit, discrimina tamen nonnullis. And in his Letter of 29 Mart. 1967 De te autem queri nanquam mihi in mentem venit; quem facile apparet nostra in Actis Lipsiensibus prodita, non satis vidisse. It never came into his mind to complain of the Doctor's Preface, seing \he had not sufficiently seen/ the improvements made to my method.] For as the Analysis speciosa of Vieta & Cartes differed] He did not deny that in the year 1676 I had explained to him the Method found by me ten years before or above but only contended for the m that he had improved the method] See the Letters published in ye third Volume of the Doctors works. Yet he \Mr Leibnitz/ persisted in \amongst his friend to/ calling the method his own amongst h & thereby gave occasion to Mr Fatio to write what follows.

— a celeberrimum Virum Leibnitium literis misit|,| ,|[|quæ tamen per aliam quandam methodum generalis redderetur [& hanc aliam in altera Epistola descripsit ait]] Eodem porro anno — — — fusius patebit. Fundamentum vera |Problema autem in quo fundabatur| hu|æ|jus methodis literis quidem transpositis ad hunc modum celabat — — — et vice versa. Mente Newtoni ex his et alijs acceptis constat percepta, Vir celeberrimus rescripsit anno proximo rescripsit se in parilem methodum incidisse (ut ex ejus Epistola in tertio Operum Wallisij Volumine videre licet) cujus tamen explicationem — — — distulerit.

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Galileo upon a supposition of uniform gravity shewed that if gravity \in/ a falling body produced one part of velocity in one part of tie it would produce another part of velocity in another part of time & a third part of velocity in a third part of time &c. so that the velocity produced would be always equall proportional to the time in which it was produced & by consequence to the force producing it. For if gravity uniform gravity impress one part of force in another \one/ part of time, it will impress two \another/ parts of force in another part of time & a third part of force in a third part of time & so on

NB. Dr Wallis by his Letter of Decem. 1. 1696 gave notice to Mr Leibnitz of this Paragraph to Mr Leibnitz; And who made only th [in his Letters published in ye third Volume of the Doctors Works) made only the exception to its that \altho/ the Methods were were not perfectly alike but had some differences |indeed alike & therefore he called them both by the name of the infinitesimal method yet they differed in some improvements wch he had made to it but Mr L &| wch the Dr should have mentioned if he had known these\m/ \improvements/. See their Letters published in \the/ third Volume of the Doctors works. Yet \After this/ Mr Leibnitz persisted|ing| amongst his friends to call the Method his own & thereby gave occasion to Mr Fatio to write what follows.

Out of the Answer of Mr Leibnitz published in the Acta Eruditorum for May. 1700 p. 202.

Certe cùm Elementa calculi mei edidi anno 1684 ne constabat quidem mihi aliud de inventis ejus in hoc genere quam quod ipse olim significaverat in literis posse se tangentes invenire non sublatis irrationalibus; quod Hugenius quo mihi |se| posse mihi significavit postea etsi cæterorum istius calculi adhuc expers: sed majora multo consecutum Newtonum, viso demum libro Principiorum ejus satis intellexi.

Out of the Letter of Mr Leibnitz to Mr Oldenburg dated 21 Iune 1676.

NB What is here said \acknowledged/ & was further said {illeg} \acknowledged/ in his Letter to Mr Oldenburge dated 21 Iune 1677 concerning the likeness of the Methods admits of no retraction.

In the|i|s {illeg} latter part of this Answer he challend|g|ed Mr Fatio to solve the Proble {sic} of Be Bernoulli a series of Curves cutting another series at right angles. Which makes it probable that the solution of this Problem has been ever since reserved for a challenge.

Mr Fatio returned an Answer but the Editors \of the Acta Lips./ would not print it, & what it was I do not know.

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After he had voluntarily in his Letter of          1693 voluntarily {illeg}k given me the preference speaking of himself as if he also had endeavoured to {illeg} can pass the same thing. {illeg} After \Dr Wallis had said in his Preface — — &/ the Editors of the Acta Eruditorum had complained read the Preface \complained of noting in the complained/ of Dr Wallis for nothing \more/ in that the Preface to the two first Volumes of his works besides the words Quod moneo nequis &c & the Dr had excused his represented that he know nothing more of that Method \then that it was of the same kind with mine/ & the Editors & Mr Leibnitz had acquiesced in that excuse & Mr Leibnitz had represented that {illeg} a{illeg}|c|knowledged the likeness of the Methods & [said that he therefore called them by the common name of the infinitesimal method, but yet as the Analysis of Vieta & Cartes were called by the common name of Analysis Speciosa & yet differed in some things, {illeg} so my method & his might differ in some things &] given me the preference as the earlier inventer pretending] pet pretended to nothing more {th} then that the metho the methods differed in some th] th pretended to nothing more then the improvements that he had made to it: to call the whole method his own

That is whether \For the {illeg} For the two parts of the sentence {illeg} set down in my Letter of/ 24 Octob 1676, vizt Data æqu.—, et vice versa denote

For the sentence ,|[|Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente, invenire fluxiones \et vice versa/, which I inserted into my Letter of 24 Octob 1696 as the foundation of the method of series & flux upon wch & the method of series together, I had written a Tract in the year 1671; a{illeg} relates {illeg} to the direct & inverse methods of fluxions, called by Mr Leibnitz the Differential & the summatory methods|.| & the sentence, Vna methodus consistit in extractione fluentes ex æquatione fluentem involvente, relates {illeg} also to both methods; to the direct method by wch I brought Problemes to fluxional equations, & to the inverse And both these methods, & especially the second, are for enlarging the bounds of Analysis, & extending it to such quantities as Mr Leibnitz calls trans the {illeg} transcend{illeg} the vulgar equations & therefore are by Mr Leibnitz called transcendent; of wch kind are the Ordinates of Curves called by Des Cartes {illeg} Mechanical.

— Wallisij operum volumina primum et secundum prodiere, Hugenius curiositati meæ favens locum inde descriptum ad Newtonum pertinentem mihi mature transmisit.

NB. The first part of this Answer should have been made to Dr Wallis, had it been {illeg} agreed with our Letters of 10 Decem 1672, 24 Octob. 1676 & 21 Iune 1677. The second part admits of no retraction upon a pretence that I had deceived him. The third part seems to relate to the place above mentioned in the Preface to the two first Volumes of the Doctors works, concerning the likeness of the Methods. In the same Answer, he acknowledged that I was the first who had proved by a specimen made publick that I had that part of the infinitesimal calculus by which the solidum rotundum minimæ resistentiæ & the Curva celerrimi descensus &c were invented. Mr Fatio returned an Answer to Mr Leibnitz, but the Editors of the Acta would not print it, & what it was I do not know.

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Mr Newtons method could not be well understood wi

The whole design \plain meaning/ of the place was to tell the world that Mr Leibnitz was the \first/ inventor of the method, & that Mr Newtons method could not be well understood without \first/ understanding the Differential method first \of Mr Leibnitz/ & therefore Mr Newton used|s| \& ever did use/ fluxions for the Leibnitian differences as Fabrius su even as Fabrius substituted motions for the method of Cavallerius. When In the year 166|7|6 he had notice of Mr Newtons method & that Mr Newton had written a Treatise of it five years before & the notice was so plain that he was able the next year {illeg} to compare the method{illeg}s & see the likeness. when he had found the differential method to compare the methods & see the likeness as appears by his Letter of 21 Iune 1677. And in the year 1684 when he published the elements of his method, he acknowledged a \another/ method like his own but tho he did not say whose it was, & of what antiquity as {he} he ought to have done. At that time I was writing my Principia Philosophiæ & the book came out in the year 1687 & was the first instance made publick of applying the Method to the higher sort of Problemes. And the next instances made publick was|er|e that|os|e of Mr Leibnitz De Lineis Opticis {illeg}e de motu projectilium in Medio resistente & de Motuum cœlestium causis, published in the ye year 1689 & wholly \all of them/ taken out of the Book of Principles. And the next year the Differential method began to be taken notice of abroad & in the year 1693 Mr Newton received a Letter from Mr Leibnitz wherein he acknowledged that in publishing the book of Principles I made it appear that my Analysis I h my Analysis recht beyond the vulgar & said that he also by convenient characters had endeavoured to subject the transcendent Geometry to Anslysis. But h And hitherto he gave me the preference. He {illeg}d{illeg} In the beginning of the year 1695 Dr Wallis hearing that the method began to be celebrated in Holland under the name of the Differential method {illeg} inserted into the Preface of th{is}|e| two first Volumes of his works a|t|hat in the Letter wch \in the year 1676 had/ passed between me & Mr Leibnitz I explained to him the method found by me ten years before {illeg}|that| time or above & the next year gave notice to Mr Leibnitz of this passage & in the Letters wch followed between them Mr Leibnitz did not deny it nor find any fault wth what the Doctor had said. In the year 1699 the Dr published those Letters in the third Volume of his works |having received copies of mine from Mr Oldenburg him self & of Mr Leibnitz's from the Library of Mr Collins|, & Mr Fatio published \the same year/ that I was the oldest inventor by many years, I & was not contradicted by Mr Leibnitz the next year Mr Leibnitz returned an answer without contradicting him. Towards the end of the year 16|7|03 Dr Wallis died in October 167 1703 \the last of the old men who knew what passed in the days of Mr Oldenburg/ & hitherto Mr Leibnitz forbore to claim the first invention. {illeg} This claim was first made in the year 1705 by the Passage above mentioned in the Acta Eruditorum for Ianuary 1705. And thereby \therefore/ Mr Leibnitz & his friends are the {illeg}|a|ggressors & out to prove their claim. If he pretends he's in possession I can tell him that he never was in quiet possession, & that I never was out of possession in England, & that what poss{illeg}|ess|ion he has was got by concealing \from his {illeg}|C|ountrimen/ his knowledge of what passed between him & me in the year 1676.

upon which Mr Leibn so much stress is laid \is wrested/ against me; it was written not to give away that Lemma to Mr Leibnitz but \on the contrary/ to assert it to my self. Because Mr Leibnitz in his in publishing the Elements

NB Mr Leibnitz having prepared the way to shew \tell/ the Dr that his \what was/ |his| method was not \fully altoger {sic}/ the same with mine but that \that bef/ he & that he had improved what & that whad|t| he had added but some things had been added by him to what was common to {illeg} us both to the common method he repeats in his next letter what he had said in the Acta Eruditorum of \of        Iune 1706 concerning/ the inven Analytical inventions of Galilæus, Cavallerius, Fermat, Cartes, Gregory a S. Vincent, Huygens, Wallis, Wren Iames Gregory, Isaac Barrow, Mercator & me:

NB The use wch D Mr Leibnitz makes of this in his following Letters is to tell the Dr that [the methods [ differed more then he understood, [that I had made the method of Series universal & that if I would print what \as he understood/ I had further by me (not excluding the method of fluxions) it would open new ways to the improvement of science.] {illeg} And that he had improved it] his method was not \so/ perfectl{illeg}|y| the same with mine but differed from it by the \some/ improvements that \wch/ he had made. He did not complain of the Dr for saying that \by my Letters/ I had {illeg} in ye year 1676 I had impr{illeg} explained to him by my \two/ Letters the method found by me ten years before or above but invited me contented said \only contend{illeg}/ that he had improved it by shewi \teachin how to/ reducing transcendent quantities & mechanical Curves to equations & by adding \the {inver}tion of/ exponential Equations|.|to the method.

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NB. Mr Leibnitz in the Acta Eruditorum for October 1684 published the Elements of the Differential method & there mentioned a Methodus similis without saying whose it \was &/ what he knew of it as he ought to have done in point of candor. Afterwards in the Acta Eruditorum for Iune 1686 he in giving an Acct of what had been done by the Analytical inventions of Galileo Cavallerius Fermat Cartes, Gregory of St Vincent, Huygens, Wallis, Gregory, Barrow, Mercator & me, he mentioned my \general/ method of Series, & \but/ instead of saying \acknowledging/ what he knew of my method \infinitesimal/ Analysis he left invited me to \was silent about it &/ left me to publish it my self \giving {me the} complement that by doing so I/, & in this Letter to Dr Wallis he doth the same. \with this repeats all this instead of doing me justice./ And by the same sort of Candor Dr Wallis if he had been silent|.| & left Mr Leibnitz to publish them himself without pleading ignorance This fault Mr Leibnitz committed against \me/ at the very same that he & the Editors \of the Acta {illeg}/ would not allow the {lik}e in \the like in/ Dr Wallis towards Mr Leibnitz, but made him plead ignorance before of what he had omitted.

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all this he had notice from London the year before & yet

In the year 1684 Mr Leibnitz published Gregorys series as his own without letting the world know & in the year 1684 he published the Elements of the differential method. Both these he published as his own without letting the world know that he had received any {illeg} thing from London concerning them. I was then writing the Principia Philosophiæ & this book came abroad in 1687 & was the first instance \specimen/ made publick of applying the method to the higher sorts of Problems.

In the year 1689 Mr Leibnitz took the published the principal Propositions of this book as his own in three papers called Epistola de lineis Opticis Schediasma de resistentia Medij & motu Projectilium gravium in Medio resistente & Tentamen de motuum cœlestium causis, pretending that he had found them all the ye before htat book came abroad. And to make the \principal/ Proposition [concerning the revolution of the {illeg} Planets \revolving/ in Elliptical Orbs & describing {illeg} with a Radius drawn to the Sun describing equal areas in equal times about the Sun placed in the lower focus of the Orb, described equal areas in equal times he] ada] his own adapted to it an erroneous demonstration. And this was the second specimen made publick of applying the method to the higher Problems.

In the years 167|9|6 & 1691, the Differential method began to be celebrated & in the \beginning of the/ year 1695 Dr Wallis hearing that it began to be {illeg} celebrated in Holland inserted into the Introduction of the two first Volumes of {illeg}|h|is works as Para that in the Letters wch passed between me & Mr Leibnitz in the year 1676 I {illeg} explained to Mr Leibnitz thi|e|s method found by me ten years before or above that is in the {year} 1666 or before, & gave notice \of this/ to Mr Leibnitz in a Letter dated 1 Decem. 1696. And the Editors of the Acta Eruditorum in giving an Account of the two volumes of Dr Wallis took cited some words out of this passage But neither they nor Mr Leibnitz cited {illeg} in the Letters wch followed between him & Dr Wallis denyed the truth there{in}|of|.

In |And in| the year 1696 {illeg} the Marquiss de 1693 I received a Letter from Mr Leibnitz dated in Ian 17 March wch began with these words in wch he acknowledged that by the book of Principles it appeared that I had a method of doing what the vulgar Analys {sic} would not reach & {illeg}|a|dded that he had also by \a/ convenient notation endeavoured to subject the transcendent Geometry to Analysis. But he did not yet begin to give the preference to himself.

In the beginning of the year 1695 Dr Wallis hearing that the Method began to be celebrated in Holland under the name of the Differential method of Mr Leibnitz inserted into the Introduction of the two first Volumes of his works, \a Paragraph importing/ that in the Letters wch passed between me & Mr Leibnitz in the year 1676 I explained to Mr Leibnitz |him| the method found by me ten years before or above, that is, in the year 1666 or before, & gave notise of this Paragraph to Mr Leibnitz in a Letter dated 1 Decem. 1696.

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In the years 1669, 167

In Iuly 1669 Dr Barrow sent to Mr Collins my Analysis per series numero terminorum infintas conteining my method of series with some specimens of my methods of fluxions intermixed. And in the year 1671 I wrote a larger Tract of \on/ those methods together|.| grounded

In the year 1670 Dr Barrow published his method of tangents & Mr Gregory deduced from it the method of Tangents of Slusius & by a letter dated 5 Nov. 1670 gave notice thereof to Mr Collins & in the end of that year fell into my method of series.|,| |& in a Letter dated 15 Feb. 16701 sent him a Series since claimed by Mr Leibnitz & the series wch he had communicated to his received from me & Gregory he freely communicated to his friends at home & abroad.|

In {illeg}|a| Letter dated 10 Decem 1672 I gave no sent the same \my/ method of tangents of Gregory & Slusius to Mr Collins & told him that \I took it to be the same with that of Gregory & Slusius & that/ it was a branch or rather a Corollary of a general method of Analysis wch extended to the abstruser sorts of Problemes concerning the Curvities, areas, lengths centers of gravity of Curves &c & that \proceeded/ without freeing equations from surds & that I had interwoven this method with that other of series, meaning in the tract wch I wrote the year before.

In the beginning of the year 1673 Mr Leibnitz was at London & pretended to the Differential method of Mouton & received notice of Mercators series for the Hyperbola \& might receive notice of some other series without being acquainted {wth it}/ & going from thence to Paris was instructed in the higher Geometry by Mr Huygens |till |& in the mean time| wrote Letters to Mr Oldenburg about other matters dated Mar. 30, Apr. 26, May 24, Iune 8| & the next year in Iuly & October 16 sent notice to Mr Oldenburg that he had found the area {illeg} \area or/ circumference of a circle by a series of numbers, & that by the same method any Arc might be found by the like series whose sine was given tho the proportion to the whol of the Arc to ye whole circumference was not known. If the proportion was known it gave him the circumference. If it was not known yet it gave him the ar{illeg}c.

In April 1675 he received eight series from Mr Oldenburg & amongst which was|ere| the series of Gregory for finding the arc by the tangent \& the tangent by the arc/ & mine for finding the Arc by the sine & the sine by the arc. And by his Letter of 1|2|0 May 1675 |he| acknowledged the receipt thereof & said that he wa could not at pr was not then at leasure to examin them & compare them with his own which he had found some years before \that is, in the year 1673 or before/. His own were therefore different from all these.|,| |& tho he was not at leasure to examin what was sent him yet \he/ was at leasure to compose a demonstration of one of them & communicate the composition to his friends at Paris without letting them know what he had read.|

In his Letter of 12 May 1676 he admired the two series for finding the arc by the sine & the sine by the arc & said that because of their elegance Mr Oldenburg would do him an acceptable f{illeg}|a|vour if he would send him the demonstration thereof, that is, the method of finding them & promised him a recompence & added that Mr Collins could easily satisfy his desire. And all this makes it plane that he had not yet any method of finding these two series.

In my Letter of Iune 13 1676 I sent him my method of series with many {illeg}s examples, & said that Analysis by these series extended to almost all Problemes, but became not \altogether/ universal without some further methods, wch I forbore to explain because {illeg} I began long ago to be weary of these studies, \so as to/ havi|e|ng absteined from them about five years.

At the same time with this Letter

Gregory died in \neare/ the end of the year 1675 & Mr Collins at the request of Mr Leibnitz & some others of the Accademy of Sciences, collected his Letters & \made/ extracts of them \from Gregoris Letters/ & gave the collection to Mr Oldenburg to be lent to Mr Leibnitz to peruse {&} {illeg} \& {M}/ & {illeg} & \to/ return the same. {tal}{illeg} And this extract |is still in| was returned to Mr & in the tit with this title, Extracts a{illeg} from Mr Oldenburgh Gregories Letters {illeg} to be lent Mr Leibnitz to peruse who is desired to return the same to you. And the same was sent to \him/ at the same time with my Letter of |13| Iune 1676 & returned soon \some time/ after \to Mr Oldenburg/ & is still in the hands of {illeg} custody of the R. Society, {illeg} & among the Letters conteins thos|at|e of Gregory dated 5 {De} Novemb. 1670 & 15 Feb. 1671 & that that written by me 10 Decem 1672.

Mr Leibnitz in his answer dated 21 Iuly 1676 thanked Mr Oldenburg \M/ Collins & me for what had been sent him, & in requital sent back his method \of series/ by transmutation of figures into other figures in whose equations the Ordinate ascends only to one to no power & therefore may be reduced to an infinite series by the division of Mercator alone, & or to one or two \or more/ powers & then may be reduced to an infinite series by my <95r> extractions \of roots ②/ & all this method \of transmutation/ he commended to the skies as one of the most valuable inventions in Analysis & illustrated \it/ with a series for finding the arc of a circle whose tangents was given, saying that he had communicated \to his friends/ that expression for the circle above three years before \or above/, /\ & that he would hereafter explain how by this method the roots of Equations howsoever affected may be given in infinite series without any extraction. || But this method \without my extractions of roots/ could not give the ar \help him to/ a series for the arc whose sign sine was given & therefore was {illeg}t not the method which gave him the series for the circle & {illeg} mentioned in his Letter of 26 Octob 1674. And if he began to communicate it at Paris before the above three years befo The series for finding the the Arc for \by/ the tangent was sent to him from London twice, first in Mr Oldenburgs Letter of 15 Apr 1675 & then in a copy of Mr Gregories Letter of 15 Feb 1675 inserted sent to him \in Iune 1676/ amongst the extracts of Gregories Letters. It might give him the series of Gregory, but not above three years before he wrote this Letter of 21 Iuly 1676. At \For at/ that time he was \only/ learning the higher Geometry of Mr Hygens & i|I|f he began to communicate Gregories series {so} early {as} \that series at his first coming/ to Paris he might carry it with him from London. |had it before he invented it.| For when he received it from London in Mr Oldenburgs Letter of 15 Apr: \1675/ he did not know it to be his own. And when he received it again in Gre a Copy of Gregories Letter of 15 Feb 17|6|71 he knew it to be Gregories & concealed his knowledge. extraction of roots,|.| [& that he would hereafter explain how by this method the roots of equations howsoever affected may be given by{illeg} \an/ infinite series without any extractions.] And this method of transmutation he commended to the skies as one of the most valuable \things/ in Analysis, & illustrated it with a \Gregories/ series for finding the arc of a circle whose tangent was given, saying that he had communicated \it/ to his friends [that expression for the circle] three years before or above, that is, before or above 27 Aug. 1673, the [or while he was yet learning the higher Geometry {illeg} frō Mr Hugens. And yet eight months after when he received it from Mr Oldenburg {illeg} 15 Apr 1675 he did not know it be his own & ten months after that, when he received it again in a Copy of Gregories Letter of {illeg} dated 15 Feb 1671, he knew it \to/ be Gregories, never to this day acknowledged & yet \after that he/ published it as his own without acknowledging that Gregory had found it before him & that it had been sent \to/ him tw{o}|i|ce from London.] or soon after his coming to London from Paris from London. In the same Letter he said that he did not beleive that my meth most difficulties (except my method of Infinite series was so general as I had described, because many Problems were so wonderfull & perplexed intricate that they could not be reduced to equations or quadratures, such as were (amongst many others) the inverse problems of tangents. And therefore he had not yet found the methods by of reducing Problems to series either \by the help of {by} differential equations or/ by assuming arbitrary series.

In my answer \next Letter/ dated 24 Octob 1676 I replied that five years before I (vizt anno 1671) I wrote a Tract about series & another method together wch readily gave the method of Tangents of Slusius & stuck not at equations involving surds & extended to quæstions de maximis & minimis & others & Quadratures & s|o|thers & couched it in the following sentence exprest a enigmatically, Data æquatione quotcun fluentes quantitates involvente fluxiones invenire & vice versa. I set down a Theoreme also for squaring of curves wch breaks {&} was \saying that it was/ found by this method & mentioned other Theoremes for comparing them with the Conic sections. H How these Theoremes follow from this method is explained in the book of Quadratures & without this method it was impossible to find them I said also \that/ my methods extended to inverse Problemes of Tangents & others more difficult & that either by extracting the fluent out of an equation involving its fluxion or by assuming a series at pleasure {illeg}. I said also that if the relation between any two sides be defined by any {illeg} of the right anguled triangle conteined under the ordinate Tangent & s|S|ubtangent be defined by any equation, the Probleme may be resolved without my general method but if the Abscissa also entred the vinculum, it used to be otherwise, that is, \for the most part/ to require my general methot|d|, wch method is compose the method of series made general by the methods of fluxions & arbitrary series as I said in my Letter of 13 Iune 1676 \before/. This Letter Mr Leibnitz saw in the hands of Mr Collins when he was in London the first second time, {illeg}|a|s he has lately acknowledged in one of his Letters, & after his arrival at Hannover received a copy of it.

Aft In his answer dated {illeg}|2|1 Iune 1677 he sa sent back the method of Tangents published by Dr Barrow in 1670 & the improvement \with the characteristic changes &/ how this meethod readily gave the method of Slusius as Gre Gregory had notified, & how in his Letter of 5 Novem 1670 & how the method wch did this might be improved so as to proceed wthout in equations involving surds & extended to quadratures as I had notified in my Letters of 10 Decem 1672 & 24 Octob 1676. This is all the Differential method wch he then sent back to me &

complained that it was too long to be answered & yet should have been longer by printing all the Letters entire

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Mr Newton was therefore the first inventor, & whether Mr Leibnitz invented it afterwards w proprio Marte afterwards or not is not a question of no consequence. The first inventor is the inventor |& inventoris jura are due only to him. He has the sole right till another finds it out & then to take right from him & share with another would be an Act of injustice, & a great encouragemt to pretenders.| But however there are great reasons to beleive that Mr Leibnitz did not invent this without receiving some light from Mr Newton.

For it must be considered \observed/ th{illeg}|a|t wherever Mr Newton in his Letters spake of his general method he understood his Meth'd of Series & Fluents {illeg} together {illeg} taken together as two parts of one general method. The series are applie in som In his Analysis the series are applied to the solution of Problemes by the method of fluents for finding \& thereby give/ new series. In the treatise written A.C. 1671 he year 1671 he wrote of both together. The series in his book of Quadratures are derived from the method of fluents & were derived from that method before the year 1676 p. 72. The method of extracting Fluents out of equations involving their Fluxions comprehends both together. The method of involving {illeg} assuming the terms of a series & determing {sic} them by the conditions of the Problem {illeg} is proceeds by means b|o|f the method of fluents. And w|W|hen Mr Newton represented yt his method {illeg} of series infini series extended to the solution of almost all problemes except numeral ones like those of Diophantus, he included in the method of fluents be included the meth included Problems of inverse problems of Tangents & therefore wch \& those problems/ are not tractable wthout the method of fluents. And sometimes series are considered as fluents & their second terms as moments. And Mr Newton \sometimes/ derives this method of fluents from the {illeg} series into wch \the power of/ a binomium is resolved p 19. lin. 19, 20.

In the next place it must be observed that Mr Newton at the request of Mr Leibnitz communicated to him {one} freely & plainly one half of this \general/ method the method of Series. So far as he could do it without writing openly of ye other part. \p. 45, 49./ Mr Gregory by the help of but one series wth notice that it was the result of a general method found out the method in \within/ the space of a year. Mr Leibnitz pretended to have two series in the year 1674 & had eight others sent him by Mr Oldenburg in April 1675 & took a years time to consider them: but this method being altioris indaginis he could not find it out, but at length requested Mr Collin Leibnits \Oldenb./ to procure it from Mr Collins, & at the request of Mr O. & Mr C. Mr N sent it to him. And when he had it he coul understood it with difficulty & {illeg} desired Mr Newton to explain some things further.

And for the other half of the method, Mr Leibnitz had a general description of it in Mr Newton's Letters of 10 Decemb 1672, 13 Iune 1676 & 24 Octob 1676, with an examples of it in drawing of Tangents p 30, another example of |it| in squaring of curves p 72 a third example of it & solving inverse problems of tangents p. 86. [If he had been told nothing more that|en| that Mr Newton had a general method wch extended to inverse Problems|e|s of tangents & others more difficult, it would have been enough to exclude him from the title of in pretense of inventor. But when he was told that it ext] In being told that it extended to Tangents of mechanical curves, \&/ to quadratures, curvities, |&| centers of gravity \of curves in general/ & to inverse problems of Tangents he was \sufficiently/ told that it was founded upon the consideration of the small parti|s|cles of quantity called particles & moments by Mr Newton & indivisibles infinitesimals & Differences by Mr Leibnitz. For there is no other way of considering \any of/ these Problemes but \then/ by these\se/ particles of quanty {sic}. Mr Newton therefore having told Mr Leibnitz one half of his method & made so great a discovery of the other half \are to say |said| that the foundation thereof was obvious (p. 72. l. 1/ & had reason to put it in cyphers to least it should be taken from him|.| & Mr Leibnitz

Now Mr Leibnitz by Mr Newtons example of drawing Tangents, seing his \Mr Newton/ method \of tangents/ the same wth that of Slusius, but more general in not sticking at surds, & extending to Mechanical curves, & that this method was of Tangents was but a Corollary of a \very/ general methods, & was founded upon the consideration of infinitesimals: & set his mind upon improving the method of Slusius \& that/ {illeg} by the differences of the Ordinates {to} (p.         ) &

And now Mr Leibnitz knowing \by Mr Newtons Letters/ that the method of Slusius \|for draw|for|ing| tangents/ was a corollary of Mr Newtons general method \(p 39)/ set him|s| mind mind upon improving it \this method/ & that by the differences of the Ordinates (p {illeg}|8|7, {illeg}|8|8) He considered that as the summs of the Ordinates gave the Area in the method of Cavallerius, so their t|d|ifferences gave the tangents & thence received the first light into the Differential method (p. 104) & presently \having found it he/ saw that this method |it| answered to the description wch Newton had given of his method in <96v> drawing of Tangents & that without sticking at surds, & in rendring quadratures more easy & in bringing of inverse Problemes of Tangents to Equations & Quadratures p 88, 89, 90, 91 93. In his journey home by London & Amsterdam he was upon \another/ designe of improving the \Slusius's/ method of Tangents published by Slusius for \&/ extending \it/ to the solution of all sorts of Problemes & this was by calculating a certain Table of Tangents as the most useful & easy \method/ of what he could then think on (pag 87) This was in Novem. 28 1676 & therefore he had not invented the Differential method at that time. |But the perusal of Mr Newtons Letters had given him a notion that the method of Slusius had given him him a notion that the method of Slusius was capable of being improved into a general method of solving all sort of Problems.| In his last letter against Mr Keil (p. 119) he represets {sic} that his friends how know how he found the Differential method in a very different manner from what Mr Keil surmises & these words imply that he found it after he got home to his friends \after/ & by consequence in the year 1677 & most probably not before the receipt of Mr Newtons second Letter. For the publishing of his \an/ opusculum \upon Mr Greg. series/ was \first/ suspended upon his co by b by his coming into business, & then laid aside upon his finding the Differential method. p. 42.

And now

Having Thus much concerning the invention of the Method. And now it may not be amiss to take some notice of the conduct of Mr Leibnitz in this & such like matters.

Dr Pell reprehended him for pretending to Moutons \differential/ method.

Mr Collins reprehended him for intermedling with a Letter what Mr Gregory & Mr Tschurnhause were e|u|pon, as appears by a Letter not yet published.

When Mr Tschurnhause had fallen upon the method of assuming the terms of {illeg} a series & determining them by the conditions of the Probleme Mr Leibnitz took it from him by pretending \(without proving)/ that he had communicated it to Mr Tschurhause ten years before when they were together at Paris, \&/ that Mr Tsch{illeg}|ur|nhause had forgot the communication. {illeg}

Mr Leibnitz should not have pretended to two series in the year 1674 & afterwards have written to Mr Oldenburg for the method of finding them.

He should not have forgotten the eight series sent him by Mr Oldenburgh & Mr Collins & after he had taken a years time to find it out, hav & the next year have written to Mr O

He should not have taken a years time to consider them upon pretence that he was busy about mechanical things, nor have written to Mr Oldenburg to procure him the method of finding them from Mr Collins wthout M Newtons knowledge the method of finding such series when {he} could not find it himself. For \by his own rule h{illeg} that/ if he had gone \should afterwards have/ forge|o|tten the receipt of the method, Mr Oldenburg & Mr Collins were not to put him in mind of it without authority from Mr Newton.

He should not have s

He should not have publ communicated \to the G{inthent} at Paris/ an opusculum written upon one of the eight series {illeg} sent him without letting them know that hed received it from Mr Oldenburgh & Mr Collins.

He should not have published that series afterwards \in Acta Lipsica/ as his own without L

He should not have promised Mr O. & Mr C. su{illeg} a series of a very different kind from the two wch he had received from the Mohr, & then have sent th in recompence for Mr Newtons meethod & then have sent then when he meant to send them nothing but one of the eight series wch he had received from them the year before.

He should not have published that series as his own in the Acta Lipsica without acknowledging whence he had it & that it was {o}{illeg} Mr Gregories series sent by him to Mr Collins in the year {3}|1|671.

<97r>

He should not have endeavoured to share the method of series wth Mr Newton by sending his transmutation of figures for a general method of finding series when he had newly desired Newtons method for want of a general method of his own, & the transmutation was not be not method not being general till Mr Newton made it so by communicating his extraction of roots, & even then being \tedious &/ of no use.

He should not have laid claim to some of the \reciprocal/ serie sent him by Mr Newton by changing the signes & subducting the versed sine from the Radius when he had no method of finding reciprocal series besides the method sent him by Mr Newton & did not yet understand it.

He should not at the same time have desired Mr Newton to send him his method of reciprocal series & when \after/ he understood it had it & \with difficulty/ understood it have written back that by his old papers he found the he had found it before as he peceived {sic} by his old papers but for want of a good example had laid it aside.

He should

When he sent his differential method to Mr Newton he should have acknowledged that he had but newly found it out. And not have described |it| in such a manner as shows that he|i|s aim was then to make himself the first inventor of the method. For men are not to interrupt one anothers proceedings nor to snatch away one {illeg} anothers inventions.

And when he published an Account of Mr Newton's Differential method the f book of Quadratures & represented that the method of fluxions was from the \first/ beginning thereof substituted to \& used instead of by Mr N. instead of/ the Differential method {illeg} (p       ) he had forgot that the very first proposition of the Book was set down in Mr Newton's Letter of 24 Octob 1676 as the foundation of the method of fluents & fluxions upon wch Mr Newton had written a treatise in the year 1671. And the Mr Keil put him in mind of this, & explained \this/ to him \&/ that all the second Proposition of the book was in the Analysis {written} A.C. 1669 & {illeg} \that/ the {illeg} eight following Propositions (wch are all founded upon the method of fluents) & fl were all of them found before the year 1676 the writings of the said Letter in the year 1676 (pag. 113) yet Mr Leibnitz & by consequence before Mr Leibnitz knew any thing of \understood/ the differential method: yet Mr Leibnitz will \has/ not mend|ed| the account that he has given of that Book of Quadratures but cryes out \represents/ that his candor is questioned, that he is t{illeg} at his age after so many p{illeg} documents of his life it is not to be expected that he should defed {sic} it by an Apology, \& enter into a debate/ against a young man unacquainted with what passed & not authorized by Mr Newton, & refuses to explain how he came by the differential method, & affirms that the affir blames Mr Keil for finding fault wth the account given of Mr said book, saying that it is free from detraction & has given every man his due, that is that the method of infinitesimals is due to Mr Leibnitz & the rest of the book to Mr Cheyne & Mr Craige: & nothing to Mr Newton but drudgery \& dishonesty/ in prosecuting other mens inventions \as his own/.

<97v>

Seriem \Gregorij/ mense Maio superiore \Anni hujus Leibnitius/ ab Oldenburgo acceperat & \eo tempore/ suam esse vel non noverat vel non audebat asserere (p 42 lin 8) De hac ser Hanc seriem Gregorius anno 1671 \Gregorius qu ante quadrennium/ \hanc seriem/ Collinio misserat, & \&/ ante finem anni hujus emortuus est, sub id tempus \& {as}{illeg}/ Leibnitius jam opusculum de hac sere compositum cum Gallis communicare \jam/ cœpit p 42. l. 25. R{illeg} Eandem prius cum Gallis ut suam communicasse non constat.

Le \Communicavit forte sed vix ut suam. Nam/ Quadraturam quam Leibnitius postea Oldergus postea \a Leibnitio/ accepit Leibnitius ut mense Maio Anni hujus ab \ipsissimo/ Oldenburgo acceperat & eo tempore suam esse vel non noverat vel non audebat asserere (p 42 l 8) ideo nondum cœpeat aperte communicare ut suam \ideo nondum cœper{illeg}|a|t aperte/ Gregorius, hoc ante quadrennium communicavit hanc seriem \eandem/ Collinio miserat, & hoc anno mortuus est Sub idem tempus \Et/ Leibnitius opsuculum de hac serie cum amicis Gallis \jam/ communicare cœpit p 42 l 25. Anno 1674 Leibnitius jactabat se hujusmodi series duas habere sed eas a \aliunde/ Collinio accipere potuisset, sed {illeg} sed quænam fuerint & unde habuit non constat.

Vt metho

Communicare potuit sed vix ut suam. Nam quadraturam quam cum Oldenburgo postea communicavit, accepe{illeg}|it|at ab Old ipsissimo mense Maio hujus Anni & eo tempore suam esse tunc non novera

Hanc Quadraturam Leibnitius mese {sic} Maio A.

Quadraturam quam Leibnitius suam esse.

Quadraturam Gregorij Leibnitius h{o} Mense Maio anni hujus ab Oldenburgo accepit|er||at| ut supra, Eandem et \et eo tempore {illeg}/ suam esse tunc \vel/ non nov{illeg}\erat/ vel non ausus fu{it}|er|at asserere. Eandem ab alijs prius accepere Opusculum de eadem \At opusculum de eadem ante finem hujus {ann}/, c|C|um Gregorius ante finem anni hujus \jam/ emortuus esset, cum amicis Geometricis \opusculum de eadem/ in Gallia communicare cœpit. Si ante bi{enno} Eandem Quænam fuerint series duæ quas anno superiore habuit et unde habuit in dubio est. Certe demonstrationem den{illeg} habuit non habuit{illeg} {s|m|ox} d{e}{illeg} anno proximo \utrius/ nondum habuit.

The method of Tangents first communicated by Sr Isaac \Mr/ Newton & afterwards printed by Slusius was grounde

Slusius grounded his method of Tangents upon three Lemmas the two first of wch were these

1 Differentia duarum dignitatum ejusdem gradus applicata ad differentiam laterum, dat partes singulares gradus inferioris ex binomio laterum ut y3x3yx=yy+yx+xx. Quod facile ostenditur.

2 Tot sunt partes singulares ex binomio in gradu quolibet, quot unitates in habet exponens Dignitatis immediate superioris; tres nimirum in Quadrato, quatuor in cubo &c Et hoc vulgo notum. Here Slusius {illeg} When Slusus applies these demonstrates his method by these Theoremes he takes the Difference of two Dignities & the difference of their latera h for infinitely small Differences. If Mr Leibnitz when his mind ran upon improving this method of Tangents \printed by Slusius/ understood the De {illeg} had recourse to these Lemmas & at length understood them, he might {illeg} easily have understan|oo|d that Mr Newtons Theoreme for resolving the dignity of a Binomium into an infinite series was of the same kind with these two Lemmas & w{illeg} but much more general & complete & comprehended them as {illeg} a General comprehends a particular & by consequence he would easily have understood that this Lemma was the foundation of \Theorem had the same relation to Mr/ Mr {sic} Newtons general method \wch as those Lemmas some |h|of|ad| the particular method of Slusius published by Slusius/. And since he gave the name of Differences to the infinitely small parts of quantity, its very probable that he had that name from \the first of/ these Lemmas of Slusius|.| & by consequence understood them

Archimedes began the methods of squaring curves & drawing tangents to them by condering {sic} the infinitesimals of quantity. Cavallerius & Fermat applied this metho{d}\s/|ods| {sic} to Equations \Fermats method was first published by Herigon & Sch{octen}/. {illeg} Wallis, Gregory, Barrow & Slusius improved these {illeg} from Quadratures Tangents & Tangents \then it for Tangents/ Mr Newton \made it general/ extended|ing| this \it/ to the solution of all sorts of \difficulter/ Problems Leibnits by means of the metho \& notice of his having made it general was sent to Collins & by Collin Gregory Slusius & others in the year 1669/ Mr Leibnits having notice thereof & one half of Newtons method \being/ communicated to him wth \some descriptions &/ examples of the other half, fell \{illeg}l{illeg}g of/ into Newtons method the other half of Newtons method, but /A.C. 16767\ \wrote back to Mr newton as if he had known it long before, pretends to be the first inventor/ refuses {illeg} to let the world know plainly the time & manner of his invention & to perswade them that he was the first inventor, {he} was to have the R. S. take his word qu & quarrels Mr Keill for {illeg} questioning it with o{illeg} {illeg}{oring} from Mr Newton & concealing \what he learnt by/ his correspondence wth Oldenburg & Collins, appeals from young men who were not acquainted with it \to be{illeg}ing witnesses {illeg}/ that is \but himself/ to himself \alone/ the other two being long since dead, & Mr Newton not knowing what they writ to him being not witness to their Letters to be \conceals what he learnt by his correspondence with Mr Oldenburg & Mr Collin & will not allow young men to understand the Letters & papers written before their time wh{illeg}o were not privy th|o| that correspondence/ capable of understanding the letters & papers |then| written before their time, & yet appeals to ye judgmt of ye R. Society amongst whom there is not a man \now/ to be found besides himself who was privy to what it.

And tho he desired \had/ the method of series plainly communicated to him at his <97r> own request, yet he cannot forbear putting in for a share in that invention also. In the year 1673 when he was in London the first time, there was not a Mathematician of note in that city who had not heard of the method & seen some of the series & yet soon after his going thence to Paris he could not forbear putting for the first inventor of such a series for the area of the circle. He could not \then/ forbear pretending to two such series one of wch was for finding the arc by the sine {illeg} |both found by the same method one & the same method| tho he wanted the demonstration \of them |or method| of finding them/. For he s{illeg} he said that they {illeg} both found by the same method one of one of them was for finding the arc by the sine, the|i|s cannot be found by his method of Transmutations & he wrote a little after for the demonstration|.| either of this series or When he had received eight such series from Mr O & Mr C. he took time to consider them & compare them with with his own p{illeg} but never produced any other series then those some a what he had received. That After a years consideration he wanted the Demosntration {illeg} or method of finding them if an dropt the receipt of them & found out a pretence to desire the Demonstration of Mr Oldenberg {T}{illeg} & desired Mr O. to procure him the Demonstration \or method/ of Mr Collins without Mr Newtons leave, tho by his own rule, if they had sent him the Method & he had forgot the receipt of it & claimed it as his own, Mr Oldenburg & Collins were not to contradict him without authority from Mr Newton. {illeg} Mr O & Mr C. pressed Mr N to send his own method himself. Mr N sent it &

<97bis(r)>

<97bis(v)> Sr

A copy of yor book entituled Clavis <97bis(r)> Domus Heber was presented to me in yor name some months <97bis(v)> ago & I then desired the person wh <97bis(r)> o brought me the present to return my tha\n/ks & told him that <97bis(v)> I did not understood Hebrew. I ha <97bis(r)> ve looked over it & find the designe very good. The Hebrew tonge <97bis(v)> is said to be narrow, & the \just/ signific <97bis(r)> ation of several words \to be/ almost lost & few books are extant <97bis(v)> written in the ancient Hebrew are e <97bis(r)> xtant, & the s|d|esigne of recovering the \ancient/ signification of the <97bis(v)> words must be \very/ commendable: but fo <97bis(r)> r want of skill in that tongue I {illeg} am unable {illeg} to make a <97bis(v)> |further| judgement of the success in this des <97bis(r)> gne. then I am perswaded that a person of yor abilities has <97bis(v)> not wanted very good success f{illeg} suc <97bis(r)> ceeded wanted the success desired. I am

To Sir Isaac Newton Knt Master & Worker of her Maties Mint.

These.

<98r>

When Mr Newton in his Letter dated 13 Iune 1676 had explained his method of series, he pub added: Ex his videre est quantum fines Analyseos per hujusmodi infinitas æquationes ampliantur: quippe quæ earum beneficio ad omnia pene dixeram problemata (si numeralia Diophanti et similia excipias) sese extendit. Non tamen omnino universalis evadit . . . . . tulerit excogitavi. To this Mr Leibnitz replied {illeg} in his Letter of 27 Aug. 1676 replied \answered/: Quod dicere videmini pleras difficultates {illeg}{e}xceptis problematibus Diophantæis) ad Series Infinitas reduci; id mihi non videtur. Sunt enim multa us adeo mira & implexa ut ne ab æquationibus pendeant ne e{illeg}|x| Quadraturis. Qualia sunt (ex multis alijs) Problemata methodi Tangentius inversæ [By this Answer it is absolutely {illeg}|c|ertain that Mr Leibnitz had not yet found out his Differential equations nor the reduction of problems to Quadrature di \æquations or/ Quadratures by the differential method.] And Mr Newton in his Letter of 24 Octob 1676 returned the following Answer \replied/ Vbi dixi, \omnia pene Problemata &c/ . . . . . . . . ad eruendos terminos assumptæ seriei. By the Answer of Mr Leibnitz it is most certain that he had not then found out the reduction of problems \by the Differential method/ to \differential/ æquations and Quadratures by the Differential method & {th}at {illeg} much {ler} whether by by finite or in{illeg} \{illeg} finite or infinite or to/ & that Mr Newton had then found it out by the Method of fluxions & infinite series the reduction of Problemes to diff fluxional æquations \& Quadratur/ & finite series [& by a{illeg} sequenc to Quadratures their means the Reduction of the difficulter inverse met problemes of th|a|ngents & other more difficult to such equations series & quadratures]

Mr Newton in his Analysis above mentioned wrote in arguing why the method there proposed should be caled Analysis subjoyned: Deni ad Analyticam merito pertinere censeatur, cujus beneficio Curvarum areæ & longitudines &c (id modo |fiat)| exacte & Geometrice determinentur. Sed ista narrandi non est locus. And in his Letter of Iune 13 1676 he touched upon the same subject saying \(as above)/ ne [vacat] ali{illeg}|a| quædam tradere quæ circa Reductionem infinitarum serierum in finitas ubi rei natura tulerit excogitavi. And in his Letter of 24 Octob. 1676, he sai{illeg} that upon by the me explained this method further saying that by the method wch he couched in this sentence Data æquatione \quotcun/ fluentes quantitates involvente fluxiones invenire & vice versa, he had endeavoured to render the speculation of Curv concerning the <97bis(v)> Quadrature of Curves more general simple <98r> & had arrived at some very general Theorems & there set down <97bis(v)> the first of those Theorems & illustrated it several examples. And this is the fir|f|t Theoreme \Proposition/ in his b|B|ook of Quadratures & the second of those Theoremes is the sixt \Proposition/. And these \two/ depend on the four first Propositions And of that book & therefore the six first Propositions thereof were understood by him when he wrote in the year 1669 when Dr Barrow communicated the \said/ Analysis to Mr Collins: wch Propositions comprehend the direct method of fluxions & some part of the Inverse method.

<99r>

Hereupon the Editors of the Acta Lipsiensia the next yeare in Iune \(in the Stile of Mr Leibnitz)/ {illeg} in giving an account of these two first Volumes of Dr Wallis's works, ta|o|\o/ke notice of this clause of the Doctor Preface & complaines|d| not of the Doctors saying that Mr Newton in his two Letters of 1676 explained to Mr Leibnitz the Method of fluxions found by him ten years before or above, but of his only \that while the Doctor/ mentioned the {t}|d|ifferential method, nequis scilicet, ut ipse ait \calculus & said that he did it nequis/ causetur de calculo differentiali nihil ab ipso dictum fuisse, They say that as he did not explain it as tell the Reader that Mr Leibnitz had this method with infinite \calculus/ at that time when the Letters passed between Mr Old him & Mr Newton by means of Mr Oldenburg. And in the \several/ Letters wch followed thereupon between Mr Leibnitz & Dr Wallis, Mr Leibnitz acknowledged that the two methods agreed \concerning this matter Mr Leibnitz/ in the main denyed not what Dr Wallis had written concerning the meth concerning this matter Mr Leibnitz allowed the methods to be the same in substance, denyed not what Dr W what Dr Wallis had witt that Mr Newton had the method 10 years before the writing of those Letters as Dr Wallis had written /affirmed\, \pretended not that he had the diffential {sic} method so early,/ brought no proof that he had the differ \Differential/ method \it/ before the year 1677 no other proof besides the concession of Mr Newton that he had it so early, pretend || represented that tho the method, agreed in the main, yet they might differ in some things & challenged to himself only \those/ things wherein (as he conceived) they might differ, namely {illeg} the Notation dx, d2x {(} ddx or d2x, dddx or d3x, d12x &c. 2ly Differential equations, (tho he had allowed those to Mr Newton in his Letter of 21 \Iune/ 1677) & 3dly exponential Equations.

But after the death of Dr Wallis, Mr Newton repeating what Dr repeating what Dr Wallis had affirmed published \nine years before/ & Mr Leibnitz & the Editor{s} of the Acta L{illeg}ipsiensia had not \then/ contradicted ten \nine/ years before, those Editors in the style of Mr Leibnitz, {illeg} began to \began to/ pretended that Mr Newton had borrowed the Differe deduced the Diffe {illeg} Leibnitz was the first Inventor & Mr Newton had substituted fluxions for the Leibnitian differences, And when Mr Keil defended Mr Newton, Mr Leibnitz refused to argue the matter with him pretending that he was a novice unacquainted wth the mat what had formerly & past|s|ed|,| & \a clamorous fellow &/ had no authority from Mr Newton & appealed to Mr Newton himself, intending thereby \endeavouring/ to pick a quarrel with him, or force him to retract what he \& Dr Wallis/ had published, & \to/ acknowledge himself a lyar & a plagiary.

As for

The Question lies in a little room. Mr Leibnitz has affirmed in the \year 1676 affirmed that the inverse Problems of Tangents were not reducible to equations & was polishing the series of Gregory vulgari more & conjecturing that the method of Slusius {illeg} might be made general by a Table of Tangents & therefore had not then found the differential method calculus. And yet in the/ beginning of his Letter of 21 Iune 1677 he affirmed that he had found this differential calculus jam tum a multo tempore. It lies {up} No man as \He might say this {or} {illeg}al Mr Newton./ It lies upon him to prove it \that he had it before the year 1677/. For no man is a witness in his own cause. He has published the series of Mr Gregory as his own. It lies upon him to prove that he had it before he received it from Mr Oldenburg. He In ye year 1674 he pretended to have Theorem{a} \found a/ series for finding the {illeg}|ar|c by the sine & two years after he {illeg}|d|esired Mr Oldenburg to procure from Mr Collins the Method of finding that \that/ series. It lies upon him to prove that he \had/ found out that {illeg} series \by/ himself in In Mr Newtons Letter of 13 Iun \or before the year 1674./ Mr Newton in his Letter of 13 Iune 1674 sent him several series \with the methods of finding them/ & he pretended to have found some of them before the receipt of that Letter: It lies upon him to prove that he \had methods of finding them & had/ found them out before. Mr Leibn At his own desire he Mr Newton {illeg} sent \to him two/ his inverse methods of series & he understood them with great difficulty, & as soon as he understood them he pretended to have found one of them long before & \to have/ forgot it as he perceived by his old papers. It lies upon him to prove that he had every found it before. {When} A year or two after Mr {New} \A year or two after/ Mr Leibnitz \Newton/ had published his Principia Philosophiæ Mr Leibnitz a year or two after published three papers relating to the principal Propositions in that book, pretending that he had found them before the publishing of that Book: it lies upon him to prove that he had found them before. He pretended that the Propositions concerning the motion of bodies in resisting Mediums were for the most part found out by him twelve years before while he was yet at Paris that is, before he had the Differential method: it lies upon him <99v> to prove it. He pretended that he had demonstrated \to the Proposition/ that the a body revolving in an Ellipsis & wth a radius drawn to the lower focus describing equall Areas in {illeg} equal times, is drawn to \attracted towards/ ye lower focus by a force which is reciprocally as the square of that radius; his demonstration is erroneous & it lies upon him to prove that he did not \some time/ after the publishing of Mr Newtons Principia \try to/ adapt a Demonstration to that Proposition in order to make himself \with a designe/ rival Mr Newton in the {P} invention of the {illeg} Proposition. [To commit an error is a very pardonable fault \incident to humain {illeg} nature:/, but to l{illeg} claim \from another man/ to the invention of a Proposition \from another man/ by an erroneous demonstration adapted to it, is \a fault of another higher/ kind, & Mr Leibnitz is complained \of/ for doing this to make himself a coinventor. His Tentamen de motuum cœlestium causis is full of faults. {illeg} {sic} He is not complained of |not| for those faults but for writing that piece \faulty piece in hast/ before he understood the subject {illeg} \& doing it as a coinventor/ without acknowledging that Mr Newton went before him in those things \matters/ & gave him light into them. He is complained of for making Dr Barrows method of Tangents his own by a {illeg} a new \changing the/ notation & \giving the method/ a new name without ever acknowledging himself beholden to Dr Barrow.

Now that you ma{illeg}|y| know what kind of calculation Mr Newton used when in or before the year 1669 when he he wrote this Compendium of Anlysis

By the same way of working the second Rule may be also demonstrated. Or if any æquation \whatever/ be assumed expressing the relation between the \Abscissa &/ Area of a Curve & the Abscissa Ordinate may be found \as is mentioned in the next words/. And if this new equ Ordinate drawn into an unit be put for the Area of a new Curve the Ordinate may of this \new/ Curve may be found by the same method,|.| And so on perpetually|.| wch \And these/ Ordinates are \repre represent/ the first second third fourth & following fluxions of the first Area. This was Mr Newtons way of working in those days when he wrote the said Compendium of his Analysis; And \by/ the same way of working he demonstrated the two first Propositions in his Book of Quadratures: & the very same way of working is used by him to this day.

Among the examples &c

It is the more Geometrical \& natural/ because there are in Geometry quantitates primæ rati founded upon the rationes primæ quantitatum nascentium wch have a being in Geometry but \whilst/ indivisibles & quantitates primæ nascentes upon wch the Differential method is founded have no being. Nature generates quantities by continual flux or increase & the ancient Geometers admitted such a generation of \{illeg}{sic}/ areas \& solids/ where they generated areas by dra|e|wing one line into another by continual motion, & solids by drawing their bases into their altitudes \to generate an area, & the area into a line/ to generate a solid. But the summing up of indivisibles to generate an area or solid was never yet add|m|itted into Geometry. {illeg} Mr Newtons method is adapted either for finding out a Proposition or \for/ demonstrating it, Mr Leibnitz's |is| only for finding out. Mr When the work succeeds not in finite equations Mr Newtons method has recours to converging series & thereby becomes incomparably more universal then that of Mr Leibnits wch is confined to finite equations. And where the Law of the fluxions is not known but the fluxions are had only in a few particular cases Mr Newton finds that law quamproxime by his Differential method, & thence resolves to |deduces| the fluents & solves the Problem, & on this account {illeg} also \his method is/ more universal then ye method of Mr Leibnitz. So then Mr Leibnitz has only a part of Mr Newtons general method, & if he would have that ꝑt to be his own, it lies upon him to prove that he had it before the year 1677. All other arguments & pretences of {illeg} are in vain. Several Accounts \of this Commercium/ having being given abroad all of them very imperfect: it has been thought fit to publish the Account wch follows.

Sr

I received your Book of the second Edition & return you my hearty thanks for the favour of such a present. Its now above eighteen years since I left off the sty|u|dy of Mathematicks & the disuse of thinking upon these things makes it difficult to me \to take them into consideration/: but however I have run my eye over y|it|our|&| {sic} performd & cannot but applaud it \much/. I wish heartily that France may always flourish with men who improve these sciences. I am

Mr Leibnitz has since [upon a pretence that he was not at leasure \to e{illeg}/ & had not seen the Commercium] in opposition to the judgment Report of the Committee \[ ]/ imployed a able \nameless/ Mathematician to examin the matter & give his judgment thereupon. And the Mathematician in a paper \Letter to Mr Leibnitz/ dated 7 Iuly 1713 has \dropt the consideration of the ancient records &/ given his opinion that when Mr Newton wrote his Principia he used not letters with pricks Mr Newton had not the method of fluxions till after the writing of his Principia Philosophiæ & that for these reasons. First becaus in all the Letters of the Commercium Eipstolicum from wch the Committee draw argume their argents there is not any instance of Mr Newtons using letters with pricks

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— For this is one & the same Proposition wth that of deducing the Ordinate from the Area, & vice versa, \& the Area from the Ordinate/ & therefore was known to Mr Newton when he wrote this Analysis. |[And he that considers Mr Newtons Book of Quadratures will| For better understanding this Analysis I should tell see that that Book was written as the first step towards the solution of the inverse of method of this Proposition this Propositions. The first & second \for solving this fundamental Proposition, the four first/ Propositions For better of that book conteining the direct method, the rest conteining the inverse )|]| method. so far as Mr Newton had then proceeded {illeg}

But for better understanding this Analysis

In this Analysis Mr Newtons represents a moment of time by the or of any exponent of time, by the letter o, a momen

In this Analysis \Compendium/ Mr Newton represents the \uniform/ fluxion of time or of any exponent of time, by an unit, the moment of time or of its exponent by the letter o, the fluxions of other quantities by any other symbols & the{illeg} moments \of those quantities/ {illeg}|b|y the rectangles under those symbols & the letter o, & the area of a Curve \or fluent/ by the Ordinate inscribed \of fluxion inclosed/ in a square. When his|e| is demonstrating any Proposition he uses the letter o for a finite moment of time {illeg} or of its exponent & performs the whole calculation \in finite figures/ by the Geometry of the Ancients without any approximation; And \&/ so soon as the calculation is at an end he & the Equation is reduced, he supposes that the {illeg} moment o decreases in infinitum & vanishes. But when he is not demonstrating but only investigating a Proposition, {he} for making dispatch, he uses all man supposes the moment o to be infinitely little, & uses all manner of a forbears to write it down & uses all manner of approximations wch he conceives will produce no error in the conclusion. An{illeg} example of the first kind you have in the end of this book of Analysis \Compendium/ in demonstrating the first Rule of the three Rules laid down in the beginning of the book, [& \another example you have/ in the beginning of his book of Quadratures in demonstrating the first Propositiō of the book.] Examples of the second kind you have in {fi} the Analysis \same Compendium/ in finding the{illeg} big lengths of Curve lines p 15, & in finding the Ordinates areas & lenghts of Mechanical Curves p. 17, 18. And he tells you that by the same method tangents may {be} drawn to m|M|et|c|hanical curves. And in his Letter of 10 Decem. 1672 he adds that \Problems about/ the Curvature of Curves geometrical or met|c|hanical is|a|re resolved by the same method. Whence its manifest that he had then extended the method to \the/ second fluxions, {illeg}|if| not to the third. For when the Areas of Curves are \considered as fluents (as \is done/ in this Analysis)/ the Ordinates express the first fluxions, the tangents are given by the second fluxions & the curvatures by the third. And indeed the solution of Problem Data æquatione fluentes quotcun \quantitates/ involvente \fluxiones/ invenire fluxiones & vice versa extends to all the fluxions as is manifest by the examples given thereof {illeg}|o|f the solution of that Proposition {sor} \Problem published by/ Dr Wallis Tom 2. p. 391, 392, 396. Thus the method of Fluxions is|[| as unvers \is as universal b{illeg} is as universal/ in the for investigating Propositions for \by/ working] in finite æquations |f|in|or| the investigation|ng|s of Propositions \by finite æquations/ is as universal as the differential method, & exceeds it in the method of demonstrating, being \also/ on that account more geometrical, besides the advantage of working in converging series wch makes it incomparably more universal.

But that you may be fully satisfied that Mr Newton used this Analy Method when he wro \Method of calculati{illeg} {sic}/ in the year 1669 or before when he wrote the said {illeg} Analysis \Compendium/ I will h{a}|e|re set down his t|d|demonstration of the first Rule \above mentioned/. Sit Curvæ alicujus – – – – – . erit nm+naxm+nn=z. Q. E. D. Where note that cn in xp+poxp1 &c is the {illeg}{ign} denotes the series into wch the dignity cn in x+op is resoloved {sic} & zn+noyzn1 denotes series into wch the dignity z+oυn is resolved. T

Among the Examples.

And in the Analysis \pag. 16/ where Mr Newton saith that Momentum est superficies ubi \cum/ de solidis agitur & linea cum de superficies|b|us & punctum cum de lineis agitur, its is all one as to say \if he had said/ that when solids are considered as fluents, their moments are superfies {sic} & the moments of those moments (or second moments) are lines & the moments of those moments (or third moments) are points|.| or \that is to say/ lines infinitely short. And in his Principia Philosophiæ where he frequently considers lines as fluents decribed {sic} by points whose velocities increase or decrease, the ve{illeg}l|lo|cities are the first fluxions & their increase the second And by the Letters & papers dated between the years 1669 & 1677 \inclusive/ the Committee found that Mr Newton had the|is| method before Iuly 1669 & that nothing appeared of occurred by wch it might could be gathered that Mr Leibnits had any other meth differential method then Moutons before the year 1677.

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⊡ allowed that the methods agreed in the main & \said that he/ therefore he used to call them by the common name of the Infinitesimal Analysis, represented that as the Analysis speciosa methods of Victa & Cærtes were called by the common name of Analysis speciosa & yet differed in some things so perhaps the {illeg} methods of Mr Newton & himself might differ in some things & callenged {sic} to himself only those things wherein as he conceived they might differ; namely first the Notation dx|y|, ddx|y| or d2x|y|, dddx|y| or d3x|y|, d12y, dey; secondly differential equations (tho in his Letter of 21 Iune 1677 he allowed Mr Newton a sh recconed those common to Mr Newton & himself) & thirdly Exponential Equations. The first & third are allowed to Mr Leibnitz, the second Mr Leibnitz rec in his Letter of 21 Iune 1677 Mr Ol recconned common to Mr Newton & himself.

This was the state of the dispute between Dr Wallis & Mr Leibnitz at that time but after the death of Dr Wallis &c {he} He \Mr Leibnis/ compared Mr Newton & himself to Vieta & Descartes in respect of what was common to them|ir| both \methods/ But after the And four years after, when Mr Fatio called Mr Leibnitz the second inventor {illeg} of this calculus & suggested that Mr Leibnitz \the second inventor of this calculus/ might borrow something from Mr Newton the oldest inventor by many years: Mr Leibnitz in his Answer published in the Acta Lipsiensia in May 1700, did not deny Mr|th|at Mr Newton was the oldest inventor \by many years/ nor asserted any thing more to himself then that he had found the method apart or without the assistance of Mr Newton. And in making this defence he added Quam [methodum] ante Dominum Newtonum et Me nullus quod sciam Geometra habuit; uti ante hunc maximi nominis Geometram NEMO specimine publice dato se habere probavit, ante Dominos Bernoullios & m|M|e nullus communicavit. Hitherto therefore Mr Leibnitz did not pretend to be the first inventor Hitherto therefor But after Mr Leibnitz d

But after the death of Dr Wallis, (the last of these \the old mathematicians/ who were acquainted with what had passed amongst Mathematicians \here between the English & Mr Leibnits/ 3|4|0 or 4|5|0 years ago) \when/ Mr Newton in the Introduction to his book of Quadratures repeatin|ed|g wt Dr Wallis had publickly affirmed nine years before & {illeg} Mr Leibnitz & the Editors of the Acta Lipsiensia had not then contradicted: those Editors in the style of Mr Leibnitz began to pretend that Mr Newton had Leibnitz was the first Inventor & that Mr Newton had substituted Fluxions for the Leibnitsian differences. And when &c Mr Keil defended Mr Newton Mr Leibnitz refused to arge {sic} the matter with him pretending that he was a novice unacquainted with what had formerly passed, & that he had no authority from Mr Newton, & \that he/ behaved himself clamorously & that Mr Newton understood the matter better then any body & was desired \as he hoped, would not refuse/ to give his opinion: that is, now Barrow, Gregory, Oldenburg Collins & Wallis \who understood this matter/ were dead, he \Mr Leibnitz/ was resolved to atta Mr Newton himself & force him to try to run him down by \the advantage of/ his correspence {sic} with the learned abroad or force him to retract what he & Dr Wallis had published & \by consequence/ to acknowledg himself a lyar & a plagiary.

And four or five years after, when Mr Fatio had called Mr Leibnitz the second inventor of this Calculus & had suggested that Mr Leibnitz might borrow something from the Letters of Mr Newton the oldest inventor by many years: Mr Leibnitz in his Answer published in \the/ Acta Lipsiensia in May 1700 {illeg} did not deny Mr Newton to be the oldest inventor, nor asserted any thing more to himself then that he had found it apart. And in making this defense he added Quam [methodum] ante Dominum Newtonum et me nullus quod sciam Geometra habuit; uti ante hunc maximi nominis Geometram, NEMO specimine data publice dato se habere probavit, ante Dominos Bernoullios & Me \Me/ nullus communicavit. Hitherto therefore Mr Leibnitz did not pretend to be the first inventor.

But after the death of Dr Wallis, (the oldest last of those who were acquainted with the history wh of what had passed amongst Mathematicians 40 or 50 years ago) Mr Leibnitz Newton in the Introduction to his book of Quadratures repeating what Dr Whallis had published \publickly affirmed/ nine years before &c

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Mr Leibnitz deduces the circular motion of the Planets from the Vortex, the motion of ascent & descent from gravity, but has not demonstrated that a Planet \will/ in every revolution will ascend & descend \by Gravity just/ once & not oftner.

In a Letter to Mr Newton from Hannover dated 717 Martij 1693 Mr Leibnitz wrote thus \to Mr Newton/ Mirifice ampliaveras Geometriam tuis seriebus, sed edito Principiorum opere ostendisti patere tibi etiam quæ Analysi receptæ non subsunt Conatus sum ego quo notis commodis adhibitis quæ differentias et summas exhibent Geometriam illam quam transcendentem appello, Analysi quodammodo subjicere, nec res male processit. {illeg}|M|r Leibnitz therefore allowed hitherto \allowed/ that Mr Newton had a methodus SIMILIS without pretending that he had \it was/ derived it from the differential.

③ Dr Wallis in the Præface to his work the \two/ first volumes of his works dated published in 1695 \made th{illeg}|is|{illeg}t{illeg} this mention of the method/. In secundo volumine (inter alia) habetur Newtoni methodus de fluxionibus (ut ille loquitur,) consimilis naturæ cum Leibnitij (ut hic loquitur) Calculo differentiali (quod, qui utram contulerit methodum contulerit, satis animadvertat, ututut sub loquendi formulis diversis) quam ego descripsi (Algebræ c|C|ap. 91 &c præsertim Cap. 95) ex binis Newtoni Literis (aut earum alteris) Iunij 13 & Augusti {sic} \Octob./ 24 1676 ad Oldenburgum datis, cum Leibnitio tum communicandis (ijsdem fere verbis, saltem leviter mutatis, quæ in illis Literis habentur,) ubi methodum METHODUM HANC LEIBNITIO EXPONIT tum ante decem annos \DECEM ANNOS/, nedum plures [i.e. anno 1666 vel 1665] ab ipso excogitatam. Quod moneo, nequis causetur, de hoc c|C|alculo Differentiali nihil a nobis dictum esse.

② At the request of Dr Wallis, Mr Newton in two Letters dated Aug. 27 & {sic} Sept 17 1692 explained at large the solution of these two Problems Data æquationes fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente fluxiones invenire & vice vers & Ex æquatione fluxionem radicis involvente, radicem extrahere; & Dr Wallis published the same {illeg} in the second volume of his works.

① In the Iournal des Sçavans of munday 30 August 1694 Mr Leibnitz in writing of the advantages of the differential Calculus above the ordinary Analysis, adds|e|d \said/: This justice is to be done to MrNewton (to whom Geometry Opti & Astronomy are much indebted) that also in this affair, he has of himself found something like it, according to what I have since understood It is true that he uses other characters: but as the characteristi it self, as I may speak, is a great part of the Art of invention, {illeg} I beleive that ours are more give more light. Thus far Mr Leibnitz, who did not yet know what characters were used by Mr Newton

④ The next year in \the Acta Lipsiensia of/ Iune an Account was given of the two first Tomes of the Mathematical works of Dr Wallis & thereupon followed several Letters between Dr Wallis & Mr Leibnitz, with & all this wthout any complaint against Dr Wallis wth frequent mention of the methods of fluxions & differential method \& the account given of them by Dr Wallis/, & all this wthout any complaint against Dr Wallis for saying that Mr Newton in his Letters of 13 Iun. & 24 Octob 1676 explained to Mr Leibnitz this method found ten years before or above. Mr Leibnitz allowed these methods to resemble one another so much that he used to call them by the common name of the infinitesimal method. He only contended that Mr Newton's method & his own might differ in some things, & layd claim to what might be proper to his own but is very confused in describing the same. He pretended to the invention of different the differential notation dy, d2y (or ddy) d3y, d12y, dey, & it is his own. He {illeg} But he was not the first who considered the quantities wch he calls second differences. Mr Newton had considered them before in determining the curvatures of Curve lines by his method of fluxions. See his Letter to Mr Collins dated 10 Decem. 1672. See also his solution of ye two Problemes in the second Volume Tomes of Dr Wallises Works p. 392, 393, 396. Mr Leibnitz pretended also to the {s}|i|nvention of Differential equations for expressing the nature of transcendent Curves: but these equations were known before to Mr Newton

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For his {illeg} fundamental Proposition, Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente fluxiones invenire, is for finding such equations, & his other Problem ex æquationes fluxionem radicis involvente radicem extrahere is for resolving such equations into converging series. So in his Analysis {illeg} communicated to Mr Collins in the year 1669 the equation A third thing wch he claims is the invention of exponential Equations. Mr Newton in his Letter of 24 Octob 1676 proposed equations in wch the exponents of the Dignites of indeterminate quantities were fra{illeg}|t| or surd numbers: Mr Leibnitz in his answer mutualy proposed equations in wch the exponents of the Dignities of indeterminate quantities were indeterminate A{illeg} quantities. And these æquations were first proposed by him, but have hitherto been of no use. Hitherto \Mr Leibnitz/ therefore giving the name of the Infinitesimal method to the methods of himself & Mr Newton so far as he conceived them common to them both, forbore to claime the whole to them both \himself/ & only claimed what he thou some things in wch he pretended that he & Mr Newton might differ.

After these things Mr Fatio in the year 1699 represented that Mr Newton was the first Inventor of the Method & Mr Leibnitz answered Certe cum Elementa calculi meā edidi anno 1684, ne constabat quidem mihi aliud de Inventis ejus in hoc genere quam quod ipse olim significaverat in literis, posse se Tangentes invenire non sublatis irrationalibus: quod Hugenius quo mihi se posse mihi{illeg} significavit p{illeg}|os|tea, etsi cæterorum istius calculi adhuc expers. Sed majora multo consecutum Newtonum, viso demum libro Principiorum ejus, satis intellexi. Calculum tamen differentiali tam similem abeo exerceri, non ante didicimus quam cum non ita pridem magni Geometræ Iohannis Wallisij operum volumina primum et secundum prodiere: {illeg}

Et post aliqua: Quam [methodum] ante Dominum Newtonum & me nullus quod sciam Geometra habuit; uti ante hunc maximi nominis Geometram NEMO specimine publice dato se habere probavit: ante Dominos Bernoullios & ME nullus communicavit.

Here it is something acknowledge that no man before Mr Newton gave proof by a public specimen tha he no man before Mr Newton & himself had this method, no man before Mr Newton had proved by a public specimen that he had this method. But he should not have said that in the year 1684 when he published thes \elements of his/ differential method he knew nothing more of Mr Newton's Inventions of this kind then that he could draw tangents without sticking at surds. \/ < insertion from p 41 > ‡ At that time he published nothing more then how to draw tangents & determin maxima & minima without sticking s|a|t fractions or sur{t}|d|s & saying that the same method extended to the abstruser sorts of Problemes in Geometry. And all this was nothing more then what he had from Dr Barrow & Mr Newton. \Fermat &/ Dr Barrow had told him the method of Tangents, & maxima & minima \Fermat had told him the method of m{o}/ Mr Newton had told him in his Letter of 24 Octob 1676 had told him that by his method he drew tangents determined maxima & minima & solved other Problems without sticking at surds,|.| & {H} He learnt afterwards how to do this {weth} by Dr Barrows method of improving Dr Barrows method of Tangents & published that \method |it|/ as his own without naming either Dr Barrow or Mr Newton pre < text from f 101v resumes > {HI} By Mr Newtons Letters he knew certainly that Mr Newtons methods {roa} gave the method of Slusius readily as a Corollary & made it more convenient so as not to stick at surds, that \in like manner/ it dermined {sic} maxima & minima & some \some/ other Problems wthout sticking there not named, without sticking at surds, that it rendred Quadratures more easy \those figure {sic} being always squareable wch were at a differential equation; that it/ & gave ye Theoreme There described & illustrated wth examples for squaring curves by a series wch brake off when the Curve \&/ became finite when the Curve was squarable by a finite equation, \& found other Rules for comparing the areas of curves wth those of the Conick Sections/ that He knew also that Mr Newtons methods reached to the \Curvature of Curves & to their lengths & centers of gravity &c/ < insertion from above the line > & to ye < text from f 101v resumes > inverse Problems of Tangents, wch his own did not \& proceeded in Mechanical Curves as well as others./ He knew also that his differential method was nothing else then Dr Barrows method of Tangents wch |yt| Mr Newtons method of series by the help of his other methods extended to almost all sord|t|s of Problems {illeg} except some numeral ones like those of Diophantus & that in the year 1676 when he wrote his letters of 17|2| Iune \27 Aug./ \& Novemb 18/ 1676 he had not found out the differentiall method, but the nex & therefore Mr Newtons methods for doing these things were the ol{illeg}|d|er, & yet the next year so soon as he had found out how to extend Dr Barrows method of Tangents to some of these things, he changes the notation gives the method a new name as if it were his own & writes|in|g back \rivals Mr Newton by pretending \writing back/ that he had found of|u|t this new method jam a/ < insertion from above the line > multo tempore < text from f 101v resumes > Clarissimi Slusij Methodum tangentium /saith he,\ nondum um {sic} esse absolutam, celeberrime Newtono assentior. Et jam a multo tempore rem tangentium generalius tractavi scilicet per differentias Ordinatarum. And to this day he has not acknowledged himself obliged \either/ to Dr Barrow or \to/ Mr Newton for any thing. When any man has found out any thing & gives notice of his success to <102r> his friend, it is not lawfull for his friend to go about to supplant him by pretending that he had found out the same thing bef long before, unless he can prove that he had found it out long before. For af the very notice may put his friend upon trying to find it out. And if \hee/ can find it out & may be allowed to pretend that he had found it out before he received the notice, & rob he \he is allowed to supplant &/ robb the man first Inventor. It lies upon Mr Leibnitz therefore to prove that he invented the Differential method long before the jam tum a multo tempore long before the receipt of Mr Newtons Letters It lies {illeg} He put in his claim to In the year 1677 he put in his claim to the differential method in the|se{illeg}| words Et jam a multo tempore rem tangentium generalius tractavi scilicet per differentias Ordinatarum. It lies upon him to prove his claim.

In the year 1704 Mr Newton published his Treatise of Quadratures & {illeg} least the bo The book had been some years before in the hands of some \of his/ friends & thereby he was induced to publish it. And that it might not be taken for a new piece he wrote an Introduction to it & therein represented that it related to ye meth wherein he described the method of fluxions upon wch it was founded, & represented that he found out that method \gradually/ in the years 1665 & 1666 & the first step to ye inverse method was the Quadrature of Curves concerning wch he had \[olim]/ long ago written that Trat|c|t of Quadratures. In Mr Newtons Letter of 24 Octob. 1676 there are so many things quoted out of that book as may make it evident that the book was then in being. And that the Method of fluxions was found out in the years 1665 & 1666 is nothing more then what Dr Wallis wrote in the Introduction \Preface/ to the two first Volumes of his works, in the saying that Mr Newton in his letters of 13 Iune & 24 Octob. 1676, methodum hac|n|c Leibnitio exponit tum ante decem annos, nedum plures, ab ipso excogitatam. Quod moneo nequis causetur de hoc c|C|alculo Differentiali nihil a nobis dictum esse. The Editors of the Acta Eruditorum & in their Account of these two Volumes \(written in the style of Mr Leibnitz/ take notise of this Pre|a|ragraph & complain that Dr Wallis had \here/ omitted what Mr Leibnitz had performed in his two Letters of 27 Aug. 1676 & 24 {L} 21 Iune 1677 the Letters wch passed at time between & him & Mr Newton, & Mr Leibnitz himself pursue the in the Letters which followed thereupon between him & Dr Wallis, pursued the complaint. But none of them at that time found fault wth Dr Wallis for saying that Mr Newton had found the Differential Method 10 years before or above. But now, Dr Wallis being dead, & Mr Leibnitz by an universal correspondence have better established his credit, the Editors of the Acta \in Ianuary 16 1705/ in the style of Mr Leibnitz, represent that the method of fluxions was derived from the differential method, & the book of Quadratures was a new piece conteining little or nothing but what {illeg} more than \worth mentioning besides/ what Cheine & Craig had published before. Whereupon Mr Keil in an Epistle published in the Philosophical Transactions \in May & Iune/ A.C. 1708, wrote on the contrary that quod fluxionum Arithmeticam, sine omni dubio, primus invenit Dominus Newtonus ut cuilibet ejus Epistolas a Wallisio editas legenti facile constabit. Eadem, tamen Arithmetica poste{illeg}|a| mutatis Nomine & Notationis modo, a Domino Leibnitsio in Actis Eruditorum edita est. And Mr Leibnitz in a Letter to Dr Sloane Secretary of ye Society dated 4 Mart. st. n. 1711 complained thereof to the R. Society, proposing that they should m Mr Keil should make a public recantation.

This Letter being shewed to Mr Newton he was at first concerned yn {sic} a dispute of this kind should arise being of a quiet disposition & very ar|v|erse from disputes & careless of fame: but some days after, shewn the Acta Lipsica of Ianuary 1705 being shewn to him & he finding himself there traduced & in an artificial manner & represented a false Lyar & a Plagiary, he gave leave to Mr Keill to pursue the dispute. And Mr Keil thereupon wrote an answer wherein he explained & justified what he had said. This Letter was read in the <102v> R. Society 24 May 1711 & \then/ ordered to be sent to Mr Leibnitz. And Mr Leibnitz returned an answer dated 29 Decem 1711 in wch he persisted in his complaint against Mr Keil, justified what was in the Acta Leip Lipsiensia, allowed Mr {illeg} |&| pretended that he had found the Differential method above {illeg} nine years before he published it, that is in the year 1675 or before, & that no body had gone before him in those matter {sic}: whence it follows that {illeg} \Dr Wallis &/ Mr Newton had falsly affirmed that the {sic} found the method \of fluxions was found/ in the years 1665 & 1666. He And in both his Letters he appealed to ye opinion of Mr Newton, pressing in his last that Mr Newton would declare his mind opinion in this matter, that is that Mr Newton would retract what {illeg} he & Dr Wallis he|a|d already declared & what Mr Leibnitz durst not deny while Dr Wallis was in Letter \sixteen years before/ when Dr Wallis published it & [much less durst he deny 36|5| years before, that Mr Newton wrote a tratise {sic} upon this Method \& the method of Series together/ in the year 1671 as Mr Newton affirmed in his Letter of 24 Octob 1676. bef] that he would retract what he wrote in his Letter of 24 Octob. 1676 namely that he had written a {L} a treatise upon this method & the method of Series together 3 five years |before| that is in the year 1671, & that the Analysis he would retract the Analysis published \written/ in the year 1669 & published by Mr Iones & acknowledge it to be a spurious piece. All these things Mr Newton was to retract or be quarrelled by Mr Leibnitz for not giving judgment against Mr Keil.

The Royal Society have equal \as much/ authority over Mr Leibnitz & \as over/ Mr Keill, & [were not to condemn Mr Keil upon the {illeg} acc{illeg}|u|sation of Lei] Mr Leibnitz in accusing Mr Keill obliged himself to justify his acc{illeg}|u|sation least he should {g}{illeg} it should be taken for a calumny. And yet Mr Leibnitz in his last letter refused to justify his accusation calling it injustice to expect that he should give his reasons one of his age & reputation should defend his candor \&/ pleadi|e|ng to \give/ any reasons for it. And therefore the R. Society considering that the matter \Question/ depended upon things done 35 or 40 years ago ordered a Committee to search out what old p{illeg} Letters & other Papers were to be met with \relating to this matter/ & report their opinion upon them & then {illeg}|o|rdered the Papers & the Report of their Committee to be published. [And Mr Leibnitz a few \some/ months after these things came abroat, pretending that was not a leasure to examin himself w]

And had invented a great part of Mr Newtons Principia Phi{illeg}|l|osophiæ before he saw that book, & some part of it twelve years before while he was yet at Paris, that is before he had found the Differential method. But such pretenses are of {sic} not moment to be regarded. No man is a witness in his own c{anp}

& in maintaining it declined to give any reasons \{wav}ed the decision by ancient {illeg} letters & papers as unintelligible for his claim/ insisted upon his own candor \as if it were unjust to question it/, pressd that Mr Newton should des|c|lare his opinion, \as the only man \now alive/ who well understood this matter/ & refused to contend with any man but Mr Newton as if all {other {illeg}} \younger men/ were novice & uncapable of understanding the ancient Letters & Papers upon this subj wch remaind upon this subject, & under the person of a nameles Mathematician & two other nameless correspondents has put about a triple Libel against Mr Newton full of railing & fals \injurious/ accusations without any proof

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And thus much concerning the methods of tangents

used letters & tells us that for certain reasons he chose rather to use the symbols dx & dy. He that shall compare th Dr Barrows method of Tangents wth that of Dr {illeg} Mr Leibnitz will find them exactly the same except the different Notation & the improvements made to ye method by the suggestions of Mr Newton. |And what those improvements were will appear by {three} of Mr Newtons Letters dated 10 Decem 1672 13 Iune 1676 & 24 Octob. 1676.|

For Mr Newton in his Letters of 10th Decem. 1672 & 24 Octob {sic} 1676 in describing his method of drawing Tangents & determining maxima & minima, represented that it stuck not at surds, & readily gave the method of Slusius \& rendred the Quadrature of Curves more easy/, {illeg} And Mr Leibnitz in his Answer when he had shewed how \{illeg}/ the method of Slusius followed from this method & how it stuck not at irrationals, added, Arbitror quæ celare voluit Newtonus de Tangentibus ducendis ab his non abludere Quod addit ex hoc eodem fundamento Quadraturas quo reddi faciliores me in sententia hac confirma{illeg}t, nimirum semper figuræ illæ sunt quadrabiles quæ sunt ad æquationem differentialem.

At length Mr Leibnitz published his \differential/ method of tangents \& maxima & minima/ in the Acta Eruditorum mensis Octobris An 1684, pag. 467, with this title; Nova methodus pro maximis & minimis item tangentibus quæ nec fractas nec irrationales tollit quantitates moratur, & singulare pro illis calculi genus, per G. G. L. And what he \then/ published is comm generally called the differential method. And yet it conteined nothing more then the {illeg} method of Tangents published 14 years before by Dr Barrow & d the like method of maxima & minima \invented by Fermat &/ published 25 years before by Schooten & improved by the suggestion of Mr Newton so as \improved into a general method wch did/ not to stick at surds, & by Mr Leibnitz furnished wth a new sort of Notation, he not knowing at that time what Notation was used by MrNewton. This meth

For Mr Newton at the request of Mr Collins sent & Mr sent to him his method of Tangents in a Letter dated 10 Decem 1672. And it proved to be the same – – – – – – sentences set down enigmatically: the first of wch was this

Thus Mr Newton in these three Letters represented that . . . . . . . . . . . . . Thus he concludes that he had now got a method like that of Mr Newton. And at length he published this method in the Acta Eruditorum mensis Octobris An. 1684 pag 467, with this title. Nova methodus pro maximis et minimis item tangentibus . . . . . . pari facilitate tractabit.

Thus Mr Newton in these three Letters represented that his method was very universal, that it gave the method of Slusius as an obvious Corollary & that it proceeded without sticking at surds & faciliated Quadratures. And after all this information Mr Leibnitz in his said Letter of 27 Iune 168|7|7 proposed {illeg} Dr Barrows method of Tangents with th some of these improvements shewing how the method of Slusius easily followed from it, & how it might be managed so as not to stick at surds, & then added: Arbitror quæ celare voluit Newtonus ab his non abludere Quod addit ex hoc eodem fundamento Quadraturas quo reddi faciliores me in sententia hac confirmat; nimirum semper figuræ illæ sunt quadrabiles quæ sunt ad æquationem differentialem. Thus he concludes yt he had got a method like that of Mr Newton. And at length he published this method in the Acta Eruditorum mensis Octobris An. 1684 pag. 467, with this title. Nova methodus pro maximis et minimis <103v> item tangentibus quæ nec fractas nec radicales irrationales quantitates moratur & singulare pro illis caculi {sic} genus per G. G. L. And after he had described Dr Barrow \the/ method of Tangents published by Dr Barrow 14 years before & the \F{illeg}ma/ method of m{illeg} his new notation & how to find differential equations (as he calls them) without sticking {illeg} at surds fractions or surds: {he} & applied this calculus to the drawing of Tangents & the dete finding {illeg} maxima & minima all wch is nothing more {than} the method of he subjoyns. Et hæc quidem initia sunt Geometriæ cujusdam multo sublimioris ad difficillima et pulcherrima quæ etiam mistæ matheseos problemata pertingentis, quæ sine calculo nostro differentiali, aut simili, non temere quisquam pari facilitate tractabit.

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He published this|e| elements of his Differential method without mentioning any other author then himself or taking any notice of what had passed between \him/ & Mr Newton \by means o/. And afterwards excused it by saying that before the publishing of Mr Newtons Principia Philosophiæ, he knew nothing more of Mr Newton's method then that it was a method of Tangents wch stuck not at surds. p. 104, 107.

Now Mr N Leibnitz denyes that he had all this light \from Mr Newton/ or knew |or| in the time of this correspondence learnt that Mr Newton had a general method of this kind, or could do any th any further method then to draw Tangents wthout sticking at surds:|{,}| {illeg} refuses to argue agai |(p. 104, 107) & claims inventoris jura to himself| [He appeals to the R. Society, & yet {illeg} \but/ declines arguing before them against Mr Keil, but \and/ insists upon his unquestionable candour & [will not allow that such young men as Mr Keill can understand the Letter who were not privy to the correspondence between Mr Leibnitz & Mr Oldenburg 36 years ago can now understand it.] the R. Society nor look upon the b{et} \and/ the R. R. Society look upon Mr K the ancient Letters & Papers here printed to be the best evidence \now to be had/ in the m{ath}{illeg} now \Question/ depending between Mr Leibnitz & Mr Keil.] \& affirms that the method of fluents was always used by the Mr Newton in the room of the Differential method. p 108, 119./ \Mr Keill is of {illeg} thinks otherwise/ And the R. Society look upon the ancient Letters & Papers here printed as the best evidence now to be had in the Question depending between them.

But Mr Leibnitz now denyes that he had all this \any all this/ light from Mr Newton or in the time of this correspondence learnt that Mr Newton had a general method of this kind or any further method of this kind then to general method of this kind or any further method of this kind then to draw Tangents without sticking at surds \which might be done wthout knowing any thing more of the method/ p. 104, 107.) And {illeg} when h in like manner, after he had conversed wth the mathematicians at London he wrote from Paris as if he had never heard of Mr Newtons method of series R & pretended to be the first inventor of two series for the circle (p 38) & the next year when Mr Collings & Mr Oldenburg sent him eight series & he kn he received eight series from Mr Oldenburg & knew none of them to be his own, \he forgot the receipt of them/ before the end of the year {illeg}|&| \he forgot the receipt of them &/ communicated one of them as his own to his friends at Paris (p 42) & the spring following forgo had forgot the receipt of the{illeg} eight series & endeavoured to get the Method from Mr Oldenburg & Mr Collins without the knowledge of Mr Newton (p. 45) tho by his own rule if he should afterwards have forgot the receipt of the method & taken it for his own, Mr Oldenburgh & Mr Collins were not to contradict him wthout authority from Mr Newton p. 118. And for compassing his des{ire} \in recompence for Mr Newtons method/ |he| promised \them/ his own inventions about the same subject, the very different from two series wch he had received \from Collins/ by one Mohr, tho those inventions were nothing else then an Opusculum or discourse {illeg} upon one of the eight series wch he had received the year before from Mr Oldenburg \but had forgot the receipt of it/. p 42, 45, 61. And when Mr Newton at his own request sent him \the received from Mr Newton/ the method of deriving reciprocal series from one another \tho he understood it with difficulty yet/ he wrote back that he had found it before as he peceived {sic} by his old papers but had laid not meeting wth an elegant example of its use had neglected it. p. \63/ 96 And when he published the above mentioned series as his own, (p 97) he had not only forgot that he had received it from Mr Oldenburg but also that |t|he had received the co collection of Le Gregories Letters had been sent him at his own his own request, amongst wch was the \Gregories/ Letter of Feb 15 1671 conteining that series \then sent to Mr Collins/ p 25, 47. He alledges

He alledges the authority of M the Marquiss de L'Hospital {illeg}|M|osr Hugenius & the two brothers Bernoulli on his side, but never stated ye matter {t}{illeg}{y} \fully/ to them he never gave them a true account of what he learnt from England by his correspondence wth Mr Oldenburg & they are not to be blamed for judging according to what appeared to them. If Mr Leibnitz received the series of Gregory <105v> from Collins & afterwards published it in the Acta Lipsica as his own they are not to be blamed for taking it to \be/ Leibnitz's till they should see reason to beleive that it was Gregorius. And the case is the same for the infinitesimal method. {T}

As for those Gentlemen who have used \or approved/ the Differential method, & particularly the Marquess de L'Hospital, \Mr Hugenius/ the {illeg} \Mr/ Varignon     & the two brothers \the two/ Bernoulli & there is nothing in these \Letters &/ papers that can reflect upon them. They were strangers to the communic correspondence between Mr Leibnits & Mr Oldenburg & are much to be commended for the \{illeg}|u|se &/ improvements they have made of the infinitesimal method.

And when he

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Mr Collins in ye beginning of ye year 1671 received several series from Mr Gregory with leave, to communicate \them/ to whom he pleased & was very free in doing so. Mr Leibnitz went from London Mr Leibnitz having been at London began soon after to pretend himself the first inventor of two such series, & in the year 1675 had eight series sent him by \Collins &/ Mr Oldenburg, \&/ knew none of them to be his own & yet the same put ab year communicated the last of them to his friends at Paris as his &|o|wn, the next year sent it back to Mr Oldenburg as his own, & had a copy of Mr Gregory Letter sent {il} to Mr Collins sent to him b sent him of the Letter by wch Mr Gregory had communicated that series to Mr Collins A.C. 1671 & yet afterwards published that series in the Acta Lipsica as his own without letting the world \know/ that he had it from Mr O. & Mr C. & who had it from Gregory.

The next year he preten

After he had

A year after the receipt of the eight series he pretended to have forgot the|m| receipt \of them/ & endeavoured to \get/ the method \from Mr O. & Mr C/ without Mr Newtons knowledg; tho if he should also |have| forget the receipt of the method, Mr Oldenburg & Mr Collins were not to {illeg}{f} & assert Mr Oldenburg & Mr Collins were not to tell him that wtho & taken it for his own Mr Oldenburg & Mr Collins \by his own rule/ were not to contradict him without authority from Mr Newton.

When the Mr Newton sent him his method with some of the series, he desired examples of series: he endeavoured to make some \copy/ of the \reciprocall/ series his own \in some cas/ tho he had no other method of finding them in some cases, tho he did not yet understand the method of deriving reciprocal series from one another but \at ye same time/ wrote to Mr Newton to explain it. & w And when he h{a} had it, he wrote |back| that he had found it before as he perceived by his old papers but for want of a good example of its use had neglected it. p. 96.

tho he now pretends that in the time of this correspondence he knew nothing more of Mr Newtons method then that it was a method of drawing tangents wthout sticking at surds, p. 104, 107.

— tho he now pretends that \in the year 1684/ when he published the elements of his differential calculus he knew nothing more of Mr Newtons inventions of that sort then what he signified in his Letters, namely that he could draw Tangents wthout taking away irrationals, wch any man might do without knowing any thing more of the Differential method, p 104, 107 but afterwards by his Principles found that his method was of much larger extent & {my} {illeg} p 14 104, 107.

After Mr Leibnitz had conversed wth the Mathematicians in London by whom he could not but hear of Mr Newtons method of series he endeavored also to make himself the first inventor of that method by pretending to two series for the circle wth the method of finding them (p 38) forgetting the receipt of eight series sent him by Mr Oldenburg (p 40, 41) publishing \communicating/ one of it Fr them as his \eight/ at Paris as his own & sending \it/ back to Mr Oldenburg as his own & publishing it in the Acta Lipsica as his own (p 42, 65) tho he knew it was Gregories Gregories (p 47) endeavouring to get wthout Mr Newtons leave to get the method from Oldenburg & Collins tho by his own rule if he should have afterwards forget the receipt of the method & take it for his own, Mr Oldenburg & Mr Collins were not to contradict him wthout Mr Newtons {illeg}|a|uthority from Mr Newton (p. 45, 118) promising them by way of recompence his own inventions about series of a very different kind from two series brought him from London: wch inventions proved to be \were a discourse upon/ the series wch he had received the year <106r> before from Mr O & published at Paris, & a Proposition like those of Dr Barrow & Mr Gregory & Dr Barrow for transmuting of figures into one another for \& Theorems/ squaring them in particular cases (p 61) squaring one figure by another in some cases (p 61) & p. 45) by sending Mr Newton a sh Proposition like those of Mr {P} {sic} Gregory & Dr Barrow for transmuting of figures into one another for \& thereby/ squaring one figure by another in some cases & crying |it| up for a general method to be recconed amongst \& one of the chiefest/ the chiefest parts of Analysis (p. 58) {illeg} by desiring Mr Newtons method of reciprocal deriving reciprocal series from one another & when he had & unstood {sic} it, pretending that he had found it before as he peceived {sic} by his old papers, but for want of an elegant example had neglected to use it (p. 63, 96) by publishing \in the Acta Lips. the/ Gregories series of Gregory for the circle & Hyperbola as his own in {tel} without letting the world know that he had from M. O & Mr C. \& that it was Gregories series found by Mr Newtons method/ (p. 97) & by numbring himself in those Acta amongst the first inventors of the methods of Series & pretending that Mr Newton allowed that he had a general method p. 98.



If it be said that Mr Newton should have published his methods sooner, it appears by the following letters that he was \communicated a treatise of it to his friends in 1669 (p. 1, 2) that he was soon/ < insertion from above the line > after < text from f 106r resumes > about it (p. 27, 28, 29,) but was discouraged by people contending with him about their p{illeg} inventions conten people {illeg} contentions \arising/ (p 71) |&| that Mr Leibnitz should not have discouraged him further by pretending to his methods. He might have sent him his differential method, but he should \at the same time/ have acknowledged that he had but newly found it out & that he had found it out by means of the light wch he had received into it by his co{illeg}s f from England by Letters, & not have sent it in such a manner as if he had known it long before (p 88) for c|C|andid men do not intt{o} interrupt one anothers proceedings & \nor endeavour to/ snatch away one anothers inventions And its further to be considered that although the Propositions in Mr Newtons Principia philosophiæ were first published by himself & yet the chief of them were afterwards claimed by Mr Leibnitz p 97.

Mr Newton's writing that he found his general method in the years 1665 & 1666 \may go for history where there appears no reason to question it, but it/ gives him not inventoris jura against any man that can prove he had that \general/ method before the year 1669. Mr Leibnitz's pr writing that he had improved the method of Slusius into a general method a multo tempore before the date of his Letter 21 Iune 1677 is no argument against another that can prove he had done the same thing before the date of that Letter p 88. When Mr Tschurnhause produced a {illeg} general method of solving Problemes by assuming the terms & of a series & determining them by the conditions of the Probleme, & Mr Leibnitz ought not to have pretended publickly that he com without some proof that he communicated that method to Mr Tschurnhause ten years before when they were together at Paris (Acta Lips. 1687|6|. p. 293) Certainly Mr Leibnitz had not that method when he wrote his Letter of Aug. 27 1676 |wch was but a month or six weeks before he & Tschurnhause parted from one another at Paris.| And so when Mr Leibnitz pretends to have the first invention of the principal Propositions in Mr Leibnitz Newtons Principia, his pretention without any proof gives him not inventoris jura. It might have gone for history if no body else had published the Propositions before him: but after the R. S. cannot take him \any man/ for an evidence in his own for himself in his own case. Mr Newton was desired to tell the original of his method, & when he had told it, to prevent any {em}{illeg} contention wth Merator {sic} & his friends added in express words that he looked upon Mercator to have |found| his Quadrature of the Hyperbola before. And tis certain that Dr Wallis had found the division before & \also/ the quadrature of every part of the Quotient wch Mer <105v> cator should have acknowledged when he put those two inventions together. Mr Barrow {illeg} did not thinks himself inured by Mr Newtons Analysis. Mr Gregory after he understood Mr Newtons method acknledged {sic} him the first inventor. Mr Leibnitz is the only competitor tho a later man then the other two. He pretends that he had found out the Differ Instead of following the example of Mr Newton who voluntarily yeilded the first invention {illeg} of a Series to Mercator he pretends to have found out refuses to yeild the first invention of the infinitesimal method to Mr Newton pretends to have found it out long before he communited {sic} it to Mr Newton's \to him/ would never say when he first found it out, but claims to himself nor acknow{illeg} of late denys that he then knew that Mr Newton had such a general method, heards himself with the first Inventors of the methods of series, claims the first invention of the principal propositions of Mr Newtons Principia Philos{p}|o|phiæ, without offering at any proof, appeals to ye R. S. & {illeg} at the same time refuses to plead before them or bring any proof of what he pretends to, but insists upon the credit of his candor represents that the \his/ Letters printed by Dr Wall & those of Mr Newton & Mr Collins printed by Dr Wallis & {illeg} other quoted by Mr Keil can be understood by young men such as Mr Keill i{l}|s| who when were not privy to what passed when the Letters were written, will not allow any man the liberty of opposing him without authority from Sr Isaac Newton, \&/ insists upon his own cando the credit of his own candor that ,|i|s, he would have the R. S. to lay aside the consideration of the Le ancient Letters & papers {illeg} of correspondence \wth Oldenburgh/ unlesse there be any witnesses n{illeg}|o|w alive that were then privy to what passed between him & Mr Oldenburg Mr Collins & Mr Newton & thereby capable of interpreting those letters und interpreting those Letters; He wk would the society rely upon the candour of his own testimony for himself without examining into ye matter & give judgment accordingly unless Mr Newton shall h{illeg} who has always avoyded disputes shall have the vanity to enter into a dispute with him about an invention, & undertake to produce living evidence who were conscious to the Letter to \privi to all/ ye correspondance between Mr Leibnitz Mr Oldenburg & Mr {illeg}|C|ollins \Mr Barro/ & Mr Gregory 4 36 years ago.

<107r>

The first Proposition of the Tract De Quadratura Curvarum (communicated to Dr Wallis in September \August/ 1692) extends to the second third & following fluxions, as is manifest by the examples by wch it is explained. And this Proposition was known to Mr Newton when he wrote his Principia Philosophiæ, & ten years before when he wrote his Letter dated 24 Octob. 1676, as above, & five years before \that,/ when he wrote a Tract upon the Method of Series in conjunction with another method founded upon this Proposition, as he mentions in his said Letter. And the Inverse of this Proposition, namely to extract Fluents out of equations involving their fluxions, extends also to these second third & following Fluxions as is manifest out of by what Mr Newton sent to Dr Wallis in August & September 1692 & the Doctor published concerning this matter in the second Volume of his works pag. 396, & \it/ was known to Mr Newton when he wrote his said Letter dated 24 Octob. 1676, that is before Mr Leibnitz knew any thing more of the Differential method then what he found in Dr Barrows method of Tangents.

<108r>

212s. 240d∷106.120∷9914 927140 ( 1049717 ( 87.534 92725 ( 1049717 ( 87.534 18545 ( 1049717 ( 87.534 111270 ( 1049717 ( 87.5⁤;34 5270 ( 1049717 ( 87.5⁤;34 1030 ( 1049717 ( 87.5⁤;34 7601049717 ( 87.5⁤;34 180049717 ( 87.5⁤;34 74049717 ( 87.5⁤;34

4li. 7. 5 12 18 116 132

et ibi condensari et convertio in aquam et humores \spiritus humidos,/ & subinde \per lentum calorem/ in \& sales/ limum \& sulphura \et tincturas/ et limum et l{imum} \argillim/ & lapides arenam et lapides & coralla/ & substantias alias terrestres coagulare \paulatim migrare/ [paulatim digeri et condensari]

Decrescente autem \corpore/ Sole|i|s \{illeg}/ motus medij Planetarum circa|u||m| solem paulatim {illeg}{eto} tardescent, & crescente Terra {illeg}in paulatim {illeg} augebitur dis motus medium Lunæ {illeg} \circ{a|u|} Terram/ paulatim augebitur. Coll{a} Et collatis quidem observationibus Eclipsium Babylonicis cum ijs Albategrij et hodier cum hodiernis motū motum medium Lunæ paulatim accelerari, didicit \prumus/ omnium primus quod sciam, not{e}vit deprehendit

Ita privatim ut publice \& ita methodum differentialem ut methodum serierum \Quæritur unde habuit & quando primum habuit.//. Leibnitius \Anno 1673/ m|M|ethodum differentialem Moutoni {L} Leibnitius habuit \anno 1673/ & suam esse voluit \/ < insertion from p 41 > ‡ methodum aliam differentialem nondum habuit. < text from f 108r resumes > {sic} Series pl{a} \postea/ habuit sed ab Oldenb \quas/ anno 1675 ab Oldenburgo accepit{illeg}t\erat/ Methodum \generalem/ \accepit ab Anglis prius accipere potuisset. Methodum generalem/ perveniendi ad ejusmod{illeg}|i| series anno proximo ab Oldenburgo petivit, {illeg} a Newtono accepit \antea non habuit/. Eodem tempore methodum extrahendi radices in speciebus a Newtono accepit qua transmutatio{ne} \Leibnitiana/ figurarū in methodum \quandam/ generalem evasit {sed in}utilem, |serierum investigandarum evasit sed inclitem. Per extractiones solas res citius peragitur.| & subinde methodum generalem habuit sed inutilem [Anno 1674 scripsit se seriem invenisse numer{um}|or|um quorum valde simplicium quorum summa æquatur circumferentiæ circuli, et eadem methodo arcum \quemlibet/ cujus sinus datur, per ejusmodi seriem exhiberi. At series pro arcu \inveniendo/ ex sinū \dato,/ per transmutationem figurarum abs extractione radicum inveniri non potest. Et Leibnitius methodum aliam nondum perveniendi ad hanc seriem postea quæsi postea \quæsivit/ ab Oldenburg{illeg}|o| quæsivit {illeg} a Newtono accepit {illeg} Ideo \Proinde/ series hasce duas aut aliunde accept{illeg}t|er|at {&}, at{illeg} nondum habuit. Nam ideo nondum habuit. Dicat tandem unde habuit series istas duas si forte habuit] Anno 1677 Leibnitius {s}|m|ethodum \novam/ differentialem habuit: [sed p{rius} \hanc/ habuisse \[&/ prius habuisse et primum invenisse \Newtonus/ nond{um} constat agnovit publice, \nondum didicit {f}{illeg} d{idiceri}t:/ Leibnitius hoc probare debet nondum probavit sed \eam se/ ante visas Newtoni literas literas {sic} New /in manu Collinij: utrum hanc viderit nondum constat.\ 10 Decemb. 1672 & 24 Octob 1676 datas, \eam/ habuisse nondum probavit \d{illeg}/ /probavit\. Extabat Analysis Newtoni in manu Collinij utrum hanc viderit nondum constat.

Vide pag.

Leibn Newtonus et Leibnitius non sunt idonei judices. Ex monumentis \antiquis/ jam editis judicium \aliorum/ ferendum est. judicent alij judicium ferendum est.

Quasi methodum Moutoni non liceat Moutono asserere & series Grego Brounkeri \Wallisij/ et Gregorij, proprijs {illeg} non liceat \non licea{illeg}{d}{illeg}tat/ proprijs authoribus, nisi his mandat authoritate ab his accepta, non liceat asserere. Certe doctorum et proborum omnium est hujusm interest hujusmodi injuri{o}s a se mutuò depellere Hac lege lata tutus Huiusmodi Lege \lata/ tutiores \reddentur/ erunt plagiarij redderentur plagiarij. Validius est judicium eorum qui partibus non sunt addicti.

Newtonus habuit anno 1669 ut ex ejus Ana{y}|l|ysi hoc anno C{om} \hoc anno ad Collinium misse/ manifestum |est| Vtrum Leibnitius |Le| hanc Analysin \anno 1676/ in manu Collinij viderit nondum constat. Certe methodum serierū hic descriptam a Collinio per Olden

Vide pag. Ib: dicitur Newtonum fluxiones pro differentijs adhibere \Leibnitianis adhibere/ semper adhibuisse \fluxiones/ quemadmodum et Honoratus Fabrius in sua synopsi motuum progressus Cavallerianæ methodo substituit: id est Newtonum ha Leinitium est|s|e primum inventorem methodi infinitesimalis & Newtonum eandem a Leibnitio habuisse Et hinc natæ sunt lites inter Leibnitium et L Keillium lites

When A year or two after Mr Newton had published his Principia Philosophiæ {illeg} Mr Leibnitz published his Schediasma de Resistentia Medij|.| & Principia conteining Mr Newtons Propositions on that subject put into another dress. E{v}{illeg} He intro To make them his own \To make them his own/ h|H|e introduces|d| the discourse by telling his reader that he found them for the most part at Paris twelve years before that is A.C. 1676, & communicated some of them to the Royal Academy & in the end of his discourse he adds: Nobis nunc fundamenta Geometrica jecisse sufficerit in quibus maxima consistebat difficultas. Et fortasse|i|s attente consideranti vias quasdam novas vel certe satis antea impeditas aperuisse videbimur. Omnia autem respondent nostræ Analysi infinitorum, hoc est calculo summarum et differentiarum cujus elementa in|q|u{illeg}|æ|dam in his Actis dedimus. But he had forgot that when he wrote his Letter of 27 Aug. 1676 wch was but a month or six weeks before he left Paris, he had not found the Differential

<108v>

He should have let the world know that several \{f}|s|ix first/ Propositions in this book & particularly the first & the ninth & 10th were known to {illeg} wth \with the Quadratures in/ the scholium to the 10th \wch depend on the 7th & 8th/ were known to Mr Newtons when he wrote his Letter of Oct. 24 1676, & not & not have represented them novel & conteining borrowed conteining nothing of moment but what had been treated of before by others and de already described in the Acta Lipsica in giving account of their works. And particularly he should not have ascribed the vth Proposition to Mr Sheen when he knew that Mr Newton had sent him \communicated/ that Proposition in his said Letter. He should not have He should not have complained of Mr Keil as a young man who knew not what passed in the correspondenc of Mr Olden formerly passed about these matter {sic} For this is to appel|a|l to living \witt|n|esses/ about what passed 36 years ago \in Letters/ between Mr Oldenburg & Mr Newton Leibnitz. whereas \some of Some of/ the Letters themselves \were published by Dr Wallis & most of the rest/ are now found & published & young men are as able to understand them as old ones. He should not have complained of Mr Keil for acting without authority from Mr Newton Otherwise the whole socit|e|ty to whom he appeales will be excluded from being disabled to|fr|ō give|i||ng| judgmt Mr He should not have complained of Mr Keil for writing without authority from Sr Isaac Newton. For all men \e{ve}r mas/ hath authority to repell injuries from his neighbour without asking leave. He should not lay so great a stress as he seems to do upon inventing without the assistance of the first inventor. For the first Inventor \alone/ hath Inventoris jura till another start up: And \&/ then to take away part of his \take away his right &/ share his right \it/ with another would be an Act of injustice & an encouragemt to pretenders.

But while the Committee have given their opinion for Sr I Mr Keil this ought not to reflect upon the Marquis de L'Hospital, Mr Varignion Mr Iohn B{illeg}|o|urnoull {illeg}|i| & his brother or any others who have used the Differential Method. Mr They knew not that Mr New nothing of the method of Flux|e|nts till the Mr the {illeg} publishing of Mr Newtons Principia & there Mr Newton forbore to assert \chose rather to be/ his right Mr least it should beget a controversy about an invention wch Mr Leibnitz in his Letter of 21th of Iune 1677 began to p{i}{illeg} put in for \& Mr Newton ever after declined contending about/. They see that the method was proposed by Mr Leibnitz was of great use & are much to be commended for the use they have made of it & for improving it even beyond wt Mr Leibnits was able to do. They knew nothing of what the correspondence of Mr Leibnitz wth Mr Oldenberg & Mr Colling|s|. Mr Leibnitz would never let the world know what he learnt from the English by that correspondence. There is scarce a word of it in the Acta Le|i|psica, & the blame lies only upon him for concealing it.

If it be represented that Mr Leibnitz may have improved the method, \& made it more general/ it \what ever he has added to it must be allowed him. But it/ must be considered that when Mr Newton wrote his Letter of 23|4| Iune|Octob| 1676 which was before Mr Leibnitz knew any thing of understood the Method Mr Newton had found out the Propositions in his book of Quadratures, that he had then found out the method of extracting fluents out of Equations involving their fluxions & that he had then found out also the metho {sic} of assuming the terms of Series indefinitely & determining them by the conditions of the Problema|e|.

30.36⁤;1417. 102⁤;14 ( 20,5 514⁤;14 ( 20,5 616⁤;14 ( 20,5 616⁤;14 ( 20,5 362,50 ( 20∟54166 253,75 ( 20∟54166 616∟25 ( 20∟54166 616∟25 ( 20.6⁤;12166

96. 1075478 ( 60⁤;632=60⁤;316=5.0 ) 378 ( 60⁤;632=60⁤;316=5.0 ) 5778 ( 60⁤;632=60⁤;316=5.0 ) 5768 ( 60⁤;632=60⁤;316=5.0 18 ( 60⁤;632=60⁤;316=5.0

438×16+104gr.

17527008 ) 14120 ( 470⁤;23527060

18⁤;34 ( 471⁤;332 3758⁤;34 ( 471⁤;332 3768⁤;34 ( 471⁤;332

<109r>

That the series for the length of an arch of the circle by the Tangent wch \in his Letter of Aug. {sic} 1{illeg} 1676 {sic} in his Letter of      Aug. 1676/ you |he| sent to \Mr Olden/ Mr Newton as your \his/ own & afterwards published in the Acta Lipsica \without mentioning any other Author than himself/ was se communicated to him the year before by Mr Oldenburgh in his Letter of        1675 & having been communicated to Mr Oldenburgh by Mr C. & to Mr C. by Mr Gregory in his Letter of       1671, & acknowledged by Mr L. |in his Letter of            1675 to be different from his own.|

That whereas Mr O{l} Leibnitz in his the Acta Leipsica published                                        he ought not to be reputed the inventer of any of these series having received \some of/ them from {illeg}|M|r Oldenberg in his Letters of                                                  & seen others in the Acta \in Mr Newtons Letters & in/ a Paper \of Mr Gregorys remains/ composed by Mr Collins com at the request of Mr {illeg} Leibnitz & others \of the Academy of Sciences/ & sent by Mr Collins \Oldenb./ to be communic the Academy of Sciences to be communicates to Mr Leibnitz, & \having/ written to Mr Oldenberg \1677|6|/ to know the Demonstration of \some of/ those series, that is how they were invented, \that/ wch gave occasion to Mr Newton at ye sollicitation of Mr O & Mr C to send him ye demonstration in his Letter of 14 Iune 1676.

That Mr Le {illeg} Leibnitz in ye year 1673 pretended to ye differential method of Mr Newton & was checkt fo Mr Leibnitz pretended to a differential method of a very different sort namely that of Mr Mouton, & was cha|e|ckt for it by M|D|r Pell & thereupon wrote a Letter of excuse dated              & therefore at that time had not the differential method wch h{illeg}|e| now pretends to.

That Mr Leibnits had seen {illeg}

That {illeg} in all the Letters of Mr Leibnitz there appears not the least mention of his present differential method before ye year his Letter of      Iune 1677 whereas \tho/ he gloried much in other inventions of less note such as were his instrument for se|fi|nding the roots of Equations, his \a/ series for ye area of a circle wch after he had received other series from hence he did not {illeg} communicate, his method of Transmutations derived from those of Dr Barrow & Mr Gregory {illeg}

That a year before his {illeg} he wrote this Letter he had seen a Letter copy of a Letter written by Mr Newton in ye year 1672 to Mr Collins

That Mr Newton in ye year 1672 wrote \represented/ {illeg}|a| Letter to Mr Collins date in wch he rep

That Mr newton in a Letter to Mr Collins. datt|e|d A.C. 1672 describing a method of Tangents wch proved to be the same wth that of Mr Slusius, represented that this method was the same wth that o but a Corollary of a general method & A of solving difficult problems & \it appears to us/ that this general method was the method of fluxions & that Mr Collins communicated copies of this Letter to Mr Slusius, Mr \Mr Churhause/ & others & sent it {illeg}|i|n ye above mentioned paper to ye Academy of Sciences to be communicated to Mr Leibnits & that a year before Mr Leibnits communic began to communicate the differential method, & \we are of opinion/ that it was not difficult to collect the method of fluxions from this Letter.

That when Mr {illeg} Newton in his Letter of 24 Iune 1676 {illeg} 24 Octob 1676 mentioned|ing|ing his Letter to Mr Collins of             1672 & that he there resented {sic} his method of drawing Tangents to be more general then that of Slusius as not sticking at surd quantities, & to be a c|C|orollary of the general method of drawing Tange wch he there spake of, Mr Leibnitz took occasion from thence of describing his differential method, & as a method of the same king|d|, but without acknowledging that he had seen the a copy of that Letter to Mr Collins

That Mr Leibnitz before he proposed his differential method knew by Mr Newtons Letter of 14|28| I Octob. 1676 that Mr Newton had the Method of fluxions above 5 years before & that by his the Analysis Mr T|N|ewton Tract de Analysi per æquationes numero terminorum infinitas communicated by Dr Barrow to Mr Collins in Iuly 1669 it is manifest that he there describes had the method of Fluxio That Mr fluxions at that time. For he there describes the generation of quantities by motion & gives the name of moments to their incrementa momentanea wch Mr Coll Leibnits calls differences & gives an example of calculating by such moments, &

<110r>

125gr∟37207 gross weight of a {illeg}|n|ew Lewidor. 88gr.1gr. {illeg} 96gr=88+8. worth but 1li.0s. 6⁤;12. 14. 116. 1256. 1512=1.0.6⁤;911

88.) 125,3720727 ( 15,6715127 ( 1,4246827 ( 123∟9473873 ( 1187236 ( sta. wt 123∟8286637 ( 320 ) 247∟6573274 ( 61,9118318 ( 0,77389798 ( 6449158 ( 0,83838948 ( 246∟8189380 ( =1li. 0s. 6∟81893880 51893880 31893880 25893880 0.6893880 6250080 0∟0643880

a=b 0∟819.1 04∟095=4 4b .095=5a4b .0.005=50a40b 0.005=41b50a

8190 2457 10647 8199 819 9009

Mr Ke Leibnits to be both Iudge & Witness in his own case, contrary to the laws of all nations.

<110v>

For there the second fluxion is nne3oo & the second moment \or differen/ nnooe3 & the third term & Mr Newton puts the third terme of the series equal to the not to this difference but t{illeg} as

\p. {illeg}|4|. l 22./ For there \Roo nnoo2e3/ the second term of the series to put equal to FG wch is but half the second \moment or/ difference. For the differences are ilCB & CBDG & their difference is 2CBilDG=ik+DFilDG=lk+FG=2FG.

— But the Society have as much authority over Mr Leibnitz as over \Dr Keil/ [And if it Mr Leibnitz was as injust in demanding of the Society that they should condemn Mr Dr Keil with|out| giving \offering/ any reasons against him against him] & could not in justice condemn M|D|r Keil without any hearing the reasons of ye Accuser against him & if Mr Leibnitz but refused to make good his ch But the but might in justice co{illeg}|n|demn Mr Leibnitz of calumny if he refused to \give his reasons &/ make good his charge. accusation|.|, as he really did refuse to [Mr Leibnitz demanded of the Society that they should m] as he really did. The Society are not to be commanded to condemn any man. Vpon a complaint they have a right to examin the matter between both parties before they give their opinion{s} again & \for the accuser/ to decline a fair examination is an argument of calumny. The society And Mr Leibnitz did. And yt But the Society have not yet given their opinion in this matter. They have only appointed a Committee to examin this search Records & give their opinion upon them, & \have/ ordered the Records & the opinion of their Committee to be published. And I may add that their Committee was numerous & had in it as able mathematicians as any are Mr Leibnitz himself. |was composed of \the ablest/ Mathematicians & s{illeg} such as were skilled in the hands of Dr Barrow Mr Collins Mr L Oldenburgh Mr Colling|s| Mr Leibnitz, Mr Gregory|

But Mr Leibnitz tells us that the case was clear & he expected justice: that is, he will be judge in his own case & the Royal Society must be ye Executioner. \/ < insertion from the bottom of the page > ✝ He tells us that Mr Keill opposes his reputation wch that he should \at such an/ age & after so many documents of his life that he should defend no man that's p{illeg}|r|udent or just would approve of; He tells that is that that s he is above all human judicature, & that the Society would be injust if they should allow Mr Keil to accuse him as he accused Mr Keil, \that/ they would be unjust if they should \{indi}fferently/ examin the matter between them, \that/ they would be injust if they should not < text from f 110v resumes > He tells us \also/ that he expected also that Mr Newton \himself/ would have done him justice. He knew that Mr Newton had written in the Introduction to the Treatise De Quadratura Curvarum that he fround {sic} the method of fluxions \gradually/ in the y ears 1665 & 1666 & therefore \for Mr Leibnitz/ to demand the judgment of Mr Newton was to quarrel him. It was to demand that he should either retract what he had printed or expect that Mr Leibnitz would fall foul upon him. And the event has shewed that this was the designe of his demanding Mr Newtons opinion judgment in this matter. Its well known here that Mr Newton kept off these disputes as long as he was able: but when Mr Leibnitz cha being \much/ more desirous of a quiet life that then of being celebrated for mathematical inventions: but when he was {illeg} challeged by Mr L shewed the Acta Leipsica & chalenged by Mr Leibnitz in two several Letters, & shewed the \was also/ |was shewed ye| Acta Eruditorum for the quar {illeg} he is not to be blamed if \in his own defense/ he consented to the publishing \of/ the Acta Erudito ancient Letters in the Commercium Epistolicum that the world might see how deceipt|ert|fully he had been treated these forty years together

<111r>

What these words meant no man could understand who was unacquainted wth the correspondence wch had passed between him & Mr Newton by means of Mr Oldenburg And seven years before. And yet this was all the mention that he then made of that correspondence, thô he ought in justice to have spoken plain{illeg}.



It has been said that Dr Keill & Mr Newton were the aggressors: whereas the contrary is true. Mr Newton was exprest himself displeased at what Dr Keill had published in the Philosophical Transactions least it should create a controversy. This he did long before Mr Leibnitz complained of it.|,| But & contined|ue|d to do so till the comp the complaint arrived. But being then shewed what was published in the Acta Lipsica for Ian 16 1708 concerning his book of Quadratures, & seing himself there accused of plagiary for pretending th affirming that he found the method of fluxions in the gradually in the years 1665 & 1666 & worke understanding that what Dr Keill had published was for defending him from that accusation: he gave the Dr leave to return what answer he pleased to the complaint of Mr Leibnitz. And Mr Leibnitz in his next Letter dated 14 {illeg} 29 Decem. 1711 persisted in justifying what had been published in the Acta Lipsica, & challenged Mr Newton to declare his opinion in the matter, that is, to retract what he had published unless he had {r} or enter into a dispute about it.



{sic} Mr Leibnitz in the letters wch passed between him & Dr Wallis denyed not that MrNewton

|While| Mr Newton knew not what was printed in the Acta Lipsica Mr Keil in an Epistle printed — — — edita est.

Mr Newton not yet kn{o}wing what had been printed in the Acta Lipsica, was offen \having {illeg} seen \what was in th/ the Acta Lipsica/ exprest himself offended at Dr Sloan the Secretary of the R. Society for printing \of/ this paragraph of Mr Keills Letter, least it should create a {illeg} controversy. And Mr Leibnitz aft somet understanding it in a stronger sense — what he had written, & Mr Newton upon being shewed the Acta Lipsica, gave him leave to do so. And Mr Leibnitz in a second Letter to Dr Sloan — — — — — — \/ < insertion from the bottom of the page > He \in that matter. Mr Leibnits He/ knew that Mr Keil had affirmed nothing more that what Dr Wallis had published thirteen years before without being \then/ contradicted. He knew that Mr Newton had also given his opinion to the same purpose \in the matter/ in the Introduction to his book of Quadratures published before this controversy began: but \Dr Wallis was dead, M Dr Keill was a Novice &/ Mr Newton must \now be forced to/ retract that opinion & allow a kno {illeg} allow that he had substituted fluxions for differences, or not be quiet. Mr Newton therefore was not the ag{g} < text from f 111r resumes > book of Quadratures \published/ before the controversy began: but Mr Newton must retract that opinion \what he had published/ — — — — or not be quiet. Mr Leibnitz was therefore the aggressor.

The Royal Society having as much authority.

— means of Mr Oldenburg. And thereupon a correspondence arising between Mr Leibnitz & Dr Wallis, the Doctor in a Letter dated 1 Decem. 1696 \& printed in ye 3d Volume of his works/ thus excuses himself Calculi for making that inserting that adve Monitum advertisment without saying more of the Differential method. Calculi Differentialis vel nomen audivisse me non memini nisi postquam utrum Volumen absolverant operæ, erat Præfationis (præfigendæ) postremum folium sub Prælo, ejus typos jam posuerant Typothetæ. Quippe tum me monuerat amicus quidam harum rerum gnarus qui peregre fuerat, tum talem methodum in Belgio prædicari, tum illam cum Newtoni methodo fluxion ū quasi coincidere. Quod fecit ut (transmotis typis jam positis) id monitum inseruerim. By this Letter compa compared with the Monitum it self, Mr Leibnitz could not but understand that it was {illeg}|a|t that time the opinion of the Mathematicians |of \in England/| that Mr Newton found the method of fluxions about the same time with the method of converging series. And yet in the Letters wch followed hereupon between him & Dr Wallis concerning this matter, he denyed not that Mr Mr|Ne|wton had the method of fluxions so early as Dr Wallis affirmed, pretended not that he himself had the differen <111v> tial method so early, commended Mr Newton for his candor in this matter, brought no proof that he had it before the year 1677 — — — — exponential equations common to Mr Newton & himself. His words were

This was the state of the dispute between Dr Wallis & Mr Leibnitz at that time. And in the year 1699 Dr Wallis by the leave of Mr Leibnitz inserted into the third Volume of his works the said two Letters together with the three answers of Mr Leibnitz dated 27 Aug. 1676 21 Iune 1677 & 12 Iuly 1677, having procured those answers from ye library of Mr Collins.

In the same year (A.C. 1699) Mr Fatio, in his Dissertation on the line of the quickest descent, suggested that Mr Leibnitz the second inventor



His words were. Quod [Newtonus] addit, ex hoc eodem fundamento quadraturas quo reddi faciliores, me in e in sententia hac confirmat; nimirum \semper/ figuræ illæ sunt quadrabiles quæ sunt ad æquationem differentialem.

In Ieromes version of the Book of Iudeth, Nebuchadonosor \king of the Assyrians/ is said to have overcome Arphaxed in the 12th year of his reign & to {illeg} have gone against the western nations in ye 13th year. And according this recconing the 12th or 13th year of Nebuchadonosor may fall in wth the 8th year of Iosiah. Eupole.

<112v>

It has been said that ye Royal Society gave judgment against Mr Leibnitz without hearing both parties. But this \is/ a mistake. \They have not yet given any judgment in the matte{r.}/ Mr Leibnitz indeed desired the R. Society to condemn Mr Keil without hearing both parties, & wth by the same sort of justice they might have condemned Mr Leibnitz wthout hearing both parties. For they have an equal authority over \them/ both. And when Mr Leibnitz declined to make good his charge against Mr Keil, the Society might in justice have censured him for not making it good. \For he that accuses any man is bound to make good his charge./ But they only appointed a Committee to {illeg} search out & exa search out & examin such old Letters & papers as were still extant \about these matters/ in the le & report their opinion how the matter stood according to those \letters &/ papers, [They were not \directed/ to examin Mr Leibnitz or Mr Keill but the Letters & papers only credit & meaning of the Letters & papers, as to their credit & meaning And {he} report what they found in them \only to report what they found in the ancient Letters & papers]/. And he that compares their Report wth those Letters & papers will find it just. \The Committee was numerous & skilfull &/ And {sic} the Society are satisfied in their fidelity of their Committee in pr{a}|i|nting faithfully what they found among th in the ancient Letters & Papers without favouring either party adding \altering/ or omitti\n/g any thing in favour of either party. And the Letters & Papers {&}|a|re sealed up \together/ & by Order of the R. Society kept under kept under lock & key that they \{illeg}/ Commercium Epistolicum may be reexamined by them \may {illeg} be consulted & compared with the Commercium Epistolicum/ whenever it shall be desired by persons of Note. And whether the Committee have made \put/ a right interpretation of \upon/ those Letters & Papers all the world is judge.

It has been said that \Dr Keill &/ Mr Newton & Dr Keill begun this disp{illeg}ute attacked Mr Leibnitz & begun this dispute \were the aggressors/: whereas the contrary is true. I{illeg} It is welll known in England that Mr Newton hat|s| of many years \neglected these things &/ endeavoured to decline this|e| \very/ dispute. It was with some di{f}{illeg}d{illeg} |which is now started. When he published his Principia philosophiæ he forbore to reflect upon Mr Leibnitz for concealing what had been sent to him from England. He| He was solicited again & again to let the Letters between him & Mr Leibnitz be printed by Dr Wallis A{illeg} /before he gave his\ \consent/ He exprest himself displeased at what Dr Keill had printed in the Transactions least it should create a controversy. \This he did a long time before Mr Leibnitz complained./ But at length \upon the complaint of Mr Leibn./ being shewed what \that/ Account of his {illeg} Tract de Quadratura Curvarum wch \the complaint {illeg}/ \& ever after that complaint arrived untill he was shewed & what/ was printed in the Acta Eruditorum for Ianuary 1705, & there finding himself traduced as if in writing he had attempted to supplant Mr Leibnitz accused of plagiary for pretending that the \had/ found the method of fluxions in the years 1665 & 1666, \& being made to understand that Mr Keill vindicated him from that accusation/ he gave Mr Keill leve to return what answer he pleased \to the complaint of Mr Leibnits/. & And when Mr Leibnitz \in his Letter of 29 Decem. 1711/ persisted in justifying what was there printed \in the Acta Leipsica/, as if the Editors had not {illeg} detracted from any mam|n| but given every man his due; & challenged Mr Newton to declare his opinion in the smaller that is, to retract what he had published \& contradict Dr Wallis/ or enter into the lists with Mr Leibnits \a dispute about it./ he the R. Society was moved to appoint a Committee to search out \search only & examin/ \the/ ancient Letters & Papers in their custody {illeg} L concerning this matter, & & report their opinion upon them. Which being published {illeg} And now those Letters & Papers are published, it \And whether the Committe has framed a right opinion upon them is/ is {sic} left to every {illeg} to judge of this matter by perusing the Originals frame his own opinion upon them. \judge./

He forbore to reflect upon him for putting \publishing/ a considerable part of the Prin- {sic} Principia Philosophiæ into another dress \as if he had found it himself/. He forbore to reflect upon him for adapting an erroneous Demonstration to the XIth Proposition of his the first Book of the Principles in order to wi{illeg} make himself a coinventor thereof. He

Mr Leibnitz therefore had notice of the advertisement

— he did not make a fuller mention {illeg} of it

— he said so little of it &

<112v>

Unless you had rather say that Iosiah in the eighth year of his reign, upon the flight of \his delivery from the/ the Assyrians began to seek the Lord, & yt in the 12th year of his reign upon his delivery from the Scythians, he {illeg} reformed Iudah|ea| from idolatry

This kingdom seems to have been potent & to {have} had wars with the kings of Touran or Scythia beyond the river Oxus with various success, & to have been <112r> subdued by Cyaxeres. For while Nebuchadnezzar warred in the west Cyaxeres went eastward against the Provnces {sic} of Persia. Whether the Pischdadians were whom the Persians reccon to have been their oldest kings were kings of this {illeg} kingdom of Persia or of the Assyrians I leave to be considered examined.

Herodotus tells us that the Medes reigned over all Asia beyond the river Halys 128 years together, ext|c|epting the time that the Scythians reigned. They lost their dominion to the Medes Anno Nabonass, 211. [Subduct 128 years & the reign of the Medes over Armenia & Cappadocia as far as the river Halys will begin Anno Nabonass 83, that is two years after the death of Asserhadon: [at wch time [& that Dejoces re{illeg}|i|gned {illeg}|5|3 years Phraortes 22, Cyaxeres 40 & {illeg} Astyages 2|3|5] about wch time the nations revolted from from {sic} the Assyrians. When Cyaxeres {illeg} expelled the Scythians & subdued Assyria overthrew the Assyrian Empire, it may be presumed that he recovered Armenia & Cappodocia \as far as the river Halys/ before he went eastward against the Persians.

<113r>

Pray let me have the satisfaction of seeing you here on thursday morning next about 10, or 11 a clock, to see me sign some papers of moment, in wch you will oblige

Ap: 13th 1714.

Your Most Humble servant

Inewton

<114v>

Cartesius Menti vim attribuit mutandi determinationem motuum corporeorum. Leibnitius ne hoc \{in} hypothesi Harmo{n}/ \præstabilitatæ ne hoc/ quidem concedit|.| set Similiter plane Author noster in sequentibus

1 As to what the Author of the Latin paper saith of Mr Hook Flamsteed & Mr Hook Mr Newton never always acknowledged the use of Mr Flamsteeds Observations Mr Hook being often desired to produce a Demonstration of the Proposition claimed by Mr {illeg} him was never able to produce one. Mr Leibnitz claimed the {illeg} same Proposition by an erroneous Demonstration & whether he or Mr Tschurnhause were in the right about a {illeg} method claimed by them both may be disputed.

2 This Author in the next place complains – – – – – – were fourged.

3 The same Author in the next place claims \ascribes/ a general method of series to Mr Leibnitz wch \tho this method/ was found many years before by Mr Newton. And he tells y H And he tells us also that the English & Scotch, Wallis, Hook, Newton, & Gregory junior, acknowledged 36 yeas ago the series for finding the Arc of a circle by the Tangent to be the Invention of Leibnitz. But he should have complained of Mr Oldenburg for not letting the English & Scotch know that this Series wth m{illeg}|a|ny others was sent by him to Mr Oldenburg \Leibnits/ in April 1675 But of ye But of the buisiness of series I will take another occasion to write to you. |And that a collection of Gregories papers were sent also sent \by him/ to Mr Leibnitz the next year.|

4 And in the next place he magnifies an invention called the Exponential calculus without considering yt Mr Leibnitz had the hint from Mr Newton & that this Calculus has hitherto been of no use

5 In the last place our Author tells us that the English \&/ Scotch Wallis Hook Newton Gregory junior acknowledge 36 years ago — — in April 1675.

The author of the Remarks tells us that

6 In ye Remarks it represented that Mr Leibnitz never communicated his reasons to the R. Society of England & so ye Society has not examined the reasons on both sides for giving judgment. And the so \upon this pretence/ the Author of the Remarks gives a contrary judgment to that of ye Committee of ye R. S. But the truth is {illeg} Mr Leibnitz {illeg} absolute refused to give any reasons, {illeg} calling it injustice to expect that he should defend his candor & And the Committee of ye R. S. grounded their Report upon ancient & unquestionable Records & published the Records to ye world that that the justice of their Report might appear to the world. But the Author of the Remarks hat|s| [has laid aside the Records of the first seven years &] begins his Report wth the year 1676 & 17|6|77, & thereby confesses <113r> that he has <114v> no way to defend Mr Leibnitz but by laying \wa{illeg}/ aside the \oldest/ Records of the seven <113r> |{illeg}| preceding years. But of these things I may take <114v> {illeg} occasion to write to you again hereafter \he could not/ <113r> And this makes it necessary to write to you again of these matters & ag{w}e {illeg} state the matters from the Records themselves in relation to both the Questions that about converging series & that about the differential method

He represents {illeg}

But because Mr Leibnitz hath his imploye & his correspondents \or some of them/ have composed & published in Germany a somewhere in Germany a paper without a name whereby they endeavour to defame the Committee \accuse the/ defame Mr Newton accuse the Committee of the Royal Society of partiality, set aside Records, being the {illeg} afirm \& deny/ things without proof endeavour to bring the matter to a squabble [& make it a {illeg}|d|ispute between England & Germany. (all wch are very dishonest practises)] I intend to give you hereafter a fuller account of these matters out of the Records themselves.

<113v>

6 fore aliquando tandem in inter omnes conveniat. At vero hunc in finem in Metaphysicæ sanæ notionibus – – – – Geometræ oportebit] id est sperat Author ut Philosophia Newtoni in Phænomenis per Demonstrationes Mathematicas fundata rejiciatur & omnes \tandem/ conveniant in Philosophia quam Geometræ fundabunt in Hypothesibus super Metaphysicæ \so/ Cartesij ad notiones Metaphysicæ Cartesij \sanæ/ aptatis fundabunt Metaphysicam sanam intelligit Cartesianam. Metaphysica in Idæis, Ideæ et Philosophia omnis vera in Phænomenis fundantur, et incipit Newtonus a Phænomenis: incipiendum esse ab Idæis et Hypothethesibus {sic} vult Author noster. Et metaphysicam sanam intelligit Cartesianam{illeg}: Qua uti asseritur At {illeg} – – – – – devenire statuit. Sed nec vim \aut facultatem/ cogitandi substantiam \rem cogitantem/ esse, aut rem omnem extensam Vacuum extensionem esse, aut extensionem rem mobilem esse, ait|u|t motum corporum in \sola/ translati|one| relativa consistere au sine vi inertiæ, aut consistere, aut rem eandem & cogitare posse et extendi, aut o{mni}s |ideas| habere substantiarum, Cartesius probavit. Hæc \omnia/ sunt Hypothesis Metaphysicæ Aut Deum ub{illeg} et res cogitantes nullibi esse. |cogitantem nulli spatio præsen{illeg}|t|em esse aut Deum null{io} & et Deum non esse omnipræsentem per substantiam suam aut nos ideas habere substantiarum| Cartesius \alicubi/ probavit. Hæc omnia sunt meræ Hypotheses [Metaphysicæ quas clausis oculis ab ideis ded id est somniando confingimus] Quippe Metaphysicam omnis i|a|b Ideis deducit|m|us \clausis oculis/ & Ideæ non sunt veræ nisi quatenus cum phænomenis congruunt.] Metaphysicæ ab antiqua gentium Theogonia originem habuit, qua uti Deum esse & hujus vel partes vel {p} vires & potentias esse mundum totum statuere argumentis fallacibus statuere, Et us nunc de Deo et Angelis & essentijs rerum oculis clausis disputant, argumenta \capiendo/ ab Idæis rerum capiendo quas oculis clausis formamus, id est somniando.

<114r>

Series ita tres prædictas, \utpote elegantes,/ per hanc methodum Regressuum minime invenerat; methodū aliam Regressum n{o} minime habebat \non habuerat./ Sed nec \ipsum se/ hac, methodo se in veteri aliquando in veteribus \in veteribus schedis/ usum esse in veteribus Schedis concedendum ess|t|. Ipse pro se testis esse non potest. Probandum est aliorum inventa sub candoris prætextu nemini coincedendum est.

Tant|d|em \D. Leibnitius/ in Actis Eruditorum Anni 1693 pag. 178 methodum \newtoni/ solvendi Problemata per assumptionem serier|i|um pro quantitate qualibet incognita \D. Leibnitius/ [quam Newtonus in Epistola prædicta d Anno 1676 in dum agnovit. \Aut/ {P}robandum est quod invenerat \hanc methodum/ ante annum 1676 aut \Certe/ Anno 1676 ubi scripsit multa esse invenerat, Newtonus antem \{illeg}/ hoc anno eandem in Epistola prædicta descripser|it|at ut supra.

Constat igitur \quod/ D. Leibnitium|s| nullum habe{a}t jus in methodum serierum. Nam transmutatio Figurarum \quam prætendit/ nihil aliud est quam Lemma quoddam \maxime obvium & minime necessarium |superfluum|/ in casu particulare, quo et methodum \serierum/ minime constituit. Figure [Sit ADE curva quævis, ABC tangens ejus, BC momentum Tangentis, P punctum datum, PB, PC secantes \rectæ/ duæ radium curvam] nihil aliud est quam Lemma \quoddam/ ad invenienda arearum momenta (quas jam vocat differentias) quod ex quo methodum differentialem invenit evasit inutile|.| & methodum serierum

Nam transmutatio figurarum quam jactat non est methodus serierum compergentium sed meth Lemma quoddam [quo momentum \vel incrementum \areæ/ quadrandæ/ areæ invenerat antequam {s}|i|ntelligeret methodum differentialem] quo momentum areæ \per meth seriem/ quadrandæ in seriem convertendum invenerat \prodijt./ Quod Lemma post inventionem methodi differentialis nullius amplius fuit usus.



P.S. In Actis Eruditorum anni 16 1713 quæ jam modo advecta\cta/ sunt in Angliam, Mense Febr. pag. 94, dicitur quod Newtonus resolvendo \dignitatem binomij ex fluente et momento ejus compositi/ binomij{illeg} in seriem \convergentem/ sumat terminos seriei \successivo|e|/ pro differentialibus successive termini primi; nempe secundum terminum pro differentia \termini/ prima \primi, tertium/ secundum pro tertia, \differentia/ secunda \ejusdem/ quartum pro \differentia/ tertia &c Ad. At n|N|ewtonus hoc non asserit ne ibi de differentij|a||libus| vel fluxionibus agit At in Tractatu de Quadratura Curvarum Sit x+on quantitas fluens \dignitas binomij/ et series in quam hæc resolvetur erit xn+noxn1+n×n12×o2xn2+n×n12×n23o3xn3 &c ul. Sit jam termin{illeg} x fluens & \Sit jam j fluxio quantitatis {E}t et o momentum ejus et per ea quæ/ per ea quæ {sic} dicta sunt in Introd{illeg}|u|ctione ad Librum Tractatum de quadratura figurarum [& in ipso Tractatus initio dicta sunt] \dicun|ta|tur sunt ostenduntur/ fluentis fluxio xn fluxio est nxn1 & flux|e|ntis nxn1 fluxio est n×n1×xn2 et fluentis n×n1×xn2 fluxio ess|t|e n×n1×n2×xn3 & sic deinceps secunda n×n1×xn2 tertia n×n1×n2×xn3 &c sic deinceps & ejusdem Fluentis xn <113v> momentum primum <114r> est noxn1 secundum n×n1×ooxn2 tertium n×n1×n2×o3xn3 &c <113v> sic porro. Vnde liquet di terminos serierum \ex mente Newtoni/ non esse differ{illeg}|e|ntiales termini primi sed differentialibus \tantum/ proportionales. [\At si/ Multiplicentur termini serierum per hanc prog (incipiendo a termino secundo) per hanc progressionem 1. 1×2. 1×2×3. 1×2×3×4 &c {illeg}d habebuntur differentiales. Et hinc liquet Errorem vel Typographi vel Emanuensis in Scholium Propositionis undecimæ Tractatus illius irrepsisse vbi vox ut {bis s} quæ in \Scholij/ lin 3 habetur iterari debuisset in lin 8 & 11. Id quod etiam liquet ex verbi sectione proxime sequente ubi dicitur Exponi autem possunt hæ fluxiones per Curvarum Ordinatas BD, BE, BF, BG, BH &c.] Et hoc dicere voluit Newtonus in Scholio Propositionis undecimæ Tractatus illius licet vox [ut] quæ in Scholij lin 3 habetur, iterari debuisset \& iterari debuisset desit/ in lin 8 & 11. Dicit enim Newtonus in Scholio illo quod Exponi possunt hæ fluxiones per Curvarum Ordinatas BD, BE, BF, BG, BH. Et hæ |qua| \quidem/ Ordinatæ non sunt termini serierum sed terminis tantum proportionales.

Multiplicentur \uti/ termini serierum (incipient|d|o a termino secundo) per hanc {illeg} numerorum progressionem et 1. 1×2, 1×2×3, 1×2×3×4 &c seu 1, 2, 6, 24, 120 &c Et habebuntur differentiales ex mente Newtoni \seu momentorum series/ seu progressio momentorum ex mente Newtoni. Et hinc liquet affinitatem esse longe maximam inter methodum serierum convergentium & methodum fluxionum, ut non mirum sit Newtonum postquam incidisset in \invenisset/ methodum serierum, statim incidisse in methodum fluxionum et utram ex utra methodum {illeg} suam \unam/ universalem composuisse. De utra enim simul scripsit in Epistolis 13 Iunij & 24 Octob 1676 datis, \ut et/ in tractatu quem composuit anno 1671 & in Analysis per æquationes infintas anno 1669 ad D. Collini missa: et in hac Analysi dixit mo \scripsit/ Momentum esse superficiem cum de solidis, lineam cum de superficiebus & punctum (seu lineam infinite parvam) cum de lineis agitur, quod perinde est ac si dixisset \scripsisset/ solidi momentum |primū| esse super\fi/ciem, momentum momenti seu momentum secundum esse lineam, & momentum tertium esse punctum momenti secundi seu{illeg} momentum tertium esse punctu.

<115r>

In ye year 1689 {illeg} Mr Leibnitz \began to/ pretended to this method a & notwithstanding that that upon readin has been b told \admonished/ that it is Mr {illeg} h{illeg}t forgets to acknowledg the true author d Act Lips Ann 1689 p. 37 & 1693 p. 178. {lik} b Wallis Opera Vol. 2 {p} {illeg} vol 3 p 645 Et Cheynes Fluxionum methodus inversa p. 46.

<115v>

But when he sent his method to Mr Newton he forgot to ack{nowledge} that he had but newly found it, he forg he forgot to acknowledg \&/ that {f}{illeg} want it he had of it made him of opinion the year before that the inverse problems of tangents \& such like/ could \not/ be reduced to equations & quadratures & that Mr Newtons \method was/ not g|s|o general as he now perceived it to be {&} forgot to beg pardon for denying Mr Newtons method to be so ge He forgot to acknowledge \his error &/ that \this invention/ he now perceived |yt| Mr Newtons method wch extended to such Problems to be \was/ more general then he{illeg} \appr/ was at that time aware of \could beleive the year before/. He forgot to a{t}|c|knowledge that {illeg} in the Collection of Gregories Letters & papers wch at his own request Mr Collins & Mr Oldenburg sent him to \to him at/ Paris to be communicated to him he found the Copy of Mr Newtons Letter of 10 Decemb. 1672, conteining the his Newton his \Newtons/ method of Tangents & that it was but \& representing it/ as a Coroll branch or corollary of a general method of solving {illeg} all sorts of Problems & that the agreemt of this method of Tangents wth that wch Slusius published put him upon considering how to enlarge the method of Slusius & led him into by the differences of the Ordinates. [And in general he has forgot to acknowledge {illeg}|a|ny \e any/ thing wch he received from the English by his correspondence with the English.] And he now so far forgot
In like man those things as to tell And has
He forgot to acknowledge that he received any light into the method by
Mr Newtons Letters of 13 Iune & 24 Octob 1676 gave him any light into ye Letters Method. And those things are now so far out of his Memory that he has told the world that in the time of his correspondence wth Mr Newton by means of Mr Oldenberg, he kn when he published the elements of his differential method he knew nothing more of Mr Newtons inventions of this sort then that he had what he \what Mr Newton/ had formerly signified in his Letters namely that he could draw Tangents without taking away irrationalls: wch Hugens had signified that he could also do {illeg}|b|efore he understood the method of Tangents infinitesimal method. p. 104, 107.

In like manner \about four or five years/ after Mr Leibnitz had con \when/ Mr Collins had been {be}{illeg}t been talking of \begun to make known/ Mr Newtons method of Series three or four years upon a {illeg}g \to/ the Mathematicians \in London & to/ & communicati|e|ng it \the series even/ to foreigners & Mr Mr Leibnitz about some months some months after Mr Leibnitz \about 2|3| \or 4/ years after/ coming to London where he conversed wth the Mathematicians, & going thence to Paris began soon [communicated there a series or two as his own as if he may be bet (as he wrote, (p ) & the next year in his Letters \wrote/to Oldenburg p as if he head nothing] wrote from thence as if he had never heard of Mr Newton's method & \put in for the invention next after Mercator/ pretending|ed| to be the first inventor of two series for the circle p 38 {illeg} p 38 & the next year when he received eight series from Mr C & Mr O for the circle (p. 38) & knew none of them to be his own he|&| forgot the receipt of them before the end of the year & communicated to his friends at Paris an Opusculum upon one of them as his own series (p. 42) & wrote that he had communicated it to the Geometers at Paris above two years before, that is in the year 1673, presently after his coming from London. {illeg} p 45. And the spring following <115r> {illeg} he endeavoured to get the method from Mr O. &          Mr C. without the knowledge of Mr Newton p. 45) & \without the knowledg of Mr Newton/ promising them by way of recompence this|e| series wch \with seven others he/ had received from them \wth seven others/ the year before & published at Paris as his own |but represented it a very different series from theirs & that it was the series of wch he had writ th|o| them some years before.| (p. 45.) But they forbo By this means he endeavoured to get the method wthout Mr Newtons knowledge tho by his own Rule if he should have forgot the recipt of the method they were not to reclaim it without authority from Mr Newton (p. 118) The But they [forbore sending the method after the eight series \[without Mr Newtons knowled/ & earnestly {illeg} desired Mr N. to send his own method himself, & he did so, & Mr Leibnitz sent back the said series wch he had promised \as his|e| own has|d| promised/. (p 49, 61) M For Mr Oldenburg & Mr Colling|s| were not to question his candor wthout authority from the Executors of Mr Gregory. p. 118 He still der- He still wanted \requested/ /wanted\ Mr Newtons method of deriving reciprocal series from one another, & \wrote for it &/ when he received it, tho he understood it with difficulty yet he wrote back that he had found it before . . . . . . . Collins p. 25. 47. He \has/ forgot also that the met{h} Series for Quadratures wch breaks|e| off in some cases & becomes finite was \were/ deduced by Mr Newton from the method of fluents {illeg} before the {illeg} \dates/ Letters \writing of the Letters wch passed/ between them in ye \year/ 1676, that is, before Mr Leibnitz kew {sic} any thing of the method differentio infinitesimal metho differential method, {sic} but & wherever he has occasion to met referrs the invention & refers the invention of such series to Mr Cheyne. He has forgot also \p. 169. {illeg} Neither ha/ \&/ that the method of assuming the terms of a series was assumed & determines them by the conditions of ye Problem was a part of Mr Newtons method general method before the writing of those Letters \p. 86. Wallis Vol 2 p/ [About 8 or 10 years after the writing of those Letters p. 86 Mr Tschurnhause began to use that method. Mr Leibnitz took it from him pretending that he{e}|a|d communicated it to him w{illeg} ten years before when they were together at Paris. \But/ About {illeg} month or six weeks \But at/ that time Mr Leinitz had not the differential method nor the me knew not how to reduce inverse Problems of Tangents to equations & therefore had not the method, no \& quadratures/ nor to derive reciprocal series from one another p. 63, 65, 94, 96. & therefore had not the said method.] Dr Wallis in the year 1699|3| published the said Letters {a}n some extracts out of the said Letters amongst wch was this {illeg} method.] And tho h|H|e pretends that Tschurn he communicated \discoursed of/ it to Tschurnhause \at th/ when they were together at Paris but Tschurnhause remembred nothing of the matter. & Mr Leibnits {ot} knew not how to reduce inverse Problems to equations Or quadratures nor to derive reciprocal series from one another p. 65, 94, 96

It remains therefore the

Seing therefore it appears manifest it appears by the following Letters & papers that Mr Newton \If it appears therefore by the following Letters & Papers/

Seing therefore |If| it appears \therefor/ by the following Letters & Papers that Mr Newton had the method of infinite series in the year 169|6|9 & then applied it generally to ye solution of all problemes by the method of fluents & that Mr Iames Gregory having notice thereof found {ot} out the method of series in the end of ye next year & in the beginning of the year following sent the series for the to Mr Collins the series for the circle since claimed by Mr Leibnitz: it remains that Mr Leibnitz either prove that he had the method of series & {illeg} infinitesimals & that Mr Newton sent him & Mr Newton & Mr Collins \but acknoledged Mr Newton the first inventor of the method./ & seeing \that/ Mr Leibnitz in the years 1675, 1676, 1677, received large communications from London relating to these methods whereof he forgot to make acknowledgments, {illeg} it will remain that but nothing appears that h & it n|d|oth not appear that he knew any thing of ye methods before those communications, & the if the pretence of candour & sincerity doth not make any man a witness in his own cause & the pretence of finding things apart without proving the priority of invention is not {illeg}|t|o be regarded: it remains that Mr Leibnitz either desist {illeg}|f|rom his pre{illeg}|t|ens|t|ions to the series of Gregory & from numbring himself amon{illeg}|gs|t the first inventors of the method of series & the method of infinitesimals; or prove that he had the said series & methods before {illeg} his correspondence wth Mr Oldenburg began &, before {h}ave \he {illeg}|c|ame/ into England, before {illeg}|M|r Gregory sent the said series \& Dr Barrow the A{illeg}|n|alysis/ to Mr Collins & before Dr Barrow communicated Mr Newtons Analysis to M

<115v>

l. 8. for ye circle tho he wanted the Demonstration

l. 19. promised to send them some series of his own very different from theirs but sent them them above mentioned series having forgotten that he had received it from them the year before (p. 42, 45, 61) And when he sent his differential method to Mr Oldenburg, he fogot {sic} to acknowledge that he had but just invented it & by the invention was convinced that Inverse Problemes of Tangents were reducible to Equations & Quadratures p.

<116r>

{illeg} When I said in my Letter of 13 Iune 1676 that Analysis by the help of infinite æquations extended to almost all sorts of Problems \except perhaps some numeral ones like those of Diophantus/ but \yet/ became not universal without some further methods of reducing Problems to infinite series then by division & extraction of roots, & Mr Leibnitz in his answer replied Quod dicere videmini pleras difficultates (exceptis Problematibus Diophantæis) ad series infinitas reduci; id mihi non videtur. Sunt enim mult{illeg}|a| us adeo mira et implexa ut ne ab æquationibus pendeant ne {illeg}|e|x quadraturis; qualia sunt (ex multis alijs) Problemata methodi tangentium inversæ. Its certain that we both spake of {illeg}{d} resolving Problems by reducing them to infinite series. And yet ye would now persuade us that he spake of reducing them to vulgar equations, & did not intend to deny that they useth any thing more then that they could be resolved by reducing them to vulgar equations or quadratures other equations then the vulgar|.|, [but knew himself how to reduce them to differential equations. {illeg} And that a few lines after where he told us that he had solved a Problem by certa Analysis he meant this method.] He I spake of reducing almost all problems to converging series by methods wch I had not yet described, he denied the possibility of this & now would make us beleive that he did not deny it.

Mr Leibnitz in his Letter of 27 Aug. 1676 wrote \thus/: Quod dicere videmini pleras difficultates (exceptis Problematibus Diophantæis) ad Series infinitas reduci; id mihi non videtur. Sunt enim multa us adeo mira et implexa ut ne ab æquationibus pendeant ne ex quadraturis Qualia sunt ex multis alijs Problemata methodi tangentium inversæ. {sq}{illeg} And when I answered that the such Problemes were in my power he replied \(in his Letter of 21 Iune 1677)/ that he {s}|c|o{c}|n|ceived that I meant by infinite series but he meant Geometrically. And now p|h|e persists in the same reply saying that he me{illeg}|a|nt |by| vulgar equations. See {illeg} I See the Answer to this in the Commercium Epistolicum pag 92.

He saith that one may judge that when he wrote the his Letter of Aug 27. 1676 he had some entrance into the differential calculus because he said there that he \had/ solved the Probleme of Beaune certa Analysi a certain Analysis. But what if that Probleme may be solved certa Analysi without the differential method. For no further analysis is requisite then this, That th as the Numbers {illeg} are in Geometrical progression when their Logarithms are in Arithmetical progression, so the Ordinate of the Curve desired increases or decreases in Geometrical progression when the Abscissa increases in Arithmetical, & therefore the Abscissa & Ordinate have the \same/ relati ō to one another as the Logarithm & its number. And to infer fro this that Mr Leibnitz had the entrance into ye metho differentias|l| method is as if one should \say/ that Archimedes had entrance into it when \because/ he \he drew tangts to ye spiral/ squared the Prabola {sic}, & \found/ the proportion between the sphere & C y|i|lyn̄der, or that Dr Walli Cavallerius \Fermat/ & Wallis had entrance into it because they did many more things of this kind.

Let x be the Abscissa, y the Ordinat, {q}|p| the sub perpendicular cut off by the Abscissa, s the subperpendicula \r the radius of curvature/ & x.o the moment of the Axis & soyx. will be the mom first moment of the ordinate \y.o/ & p {y}{illeg} ryp. & oo+ssooyy=2ryp×2yy..oo=ppooyy. & p3oo4ry3 the second moment y y..oo. p3oo2ry3=2y..oo. x.s=yy... p3x.x.=4ry3y..

In my Letters of 13 Iune & 24 Octob. 1676 I I spake of my methods of Series & Fluxions interwoven with{illeg} one another, by the name of my general method & said that it extended to almost all sorts of Problems & particularly to inverse Problemes of Tangents, & to the squaring of Curves \by series/ wch breake {illeg}|o|f & become finite t|w|hen the Curve can be squared by a finite equation & I set down such a series & illustrated it with examples. I gave instansces also of the inv the inverse method of tangents saying that when the relation of any two sides of the right angled triangle were conteined was de conteined under the tangent subtangent & ordinate were {illeg}|w|as <116v> given the Probleme might be solved without my general method, but when the Abscissa also enters the vinculum, that method is usually required. I set down instances also of Theoremes for comparing the areas of figures compound figures with those of the Conick Sections. And how all these things are done by the method of fluxions appears by the \my/ book of Quadratures: but without that method, it & there is no other method yet known by wch they can be done.

He complains that the Committee have gone aside from the Question about this method to the business \out of the way in falling upon the method/ of series: but he should consider that both methods are but two branches of one general method. I joyned them together in my Analysis. I interwove them together in the Tract wch I wrote in my the year 1671 as I said in my Letters of 10 Decem 1672 & 24 Octob 1676. In my Letter of 13 Iune 1676 I said that my method of Series extended to almost all Problemes but became not general without some other methods meaning the method of fluxions & the method of arbitrary series {} \a method/ wch depends upon that method of fluxions, & now to take those other methods from{illeg} me is to restrain & stint the method of series & make it cease to be general. Also In my Letter of 24 Octob 1676 I called both method all these methods together my general method. See the Commercium Epistolicum pag. 86. lin. 16. |And| If Mr Leibnitz has been tearing this general method in pieces & taking from me first one part & then another part whereby the rest is maimed, he has given a just occasion to the Committee to defend the whole. It is also to be considered that Mr Leibnitz is perpetually at work to make himself a witness in his own cause & it's allowed in all c|C|ourts of justice to speak to the character \credit/ of the witness.

|7| Mr Leibnitz complains \represents/ that he has been in possession                      He acknowledged|s| that when he was in London the first \second time/ time {sic} he saw some of my Letters in the hands of MrCollins, & {illeg} in his last Letter but one he has quoted two of those wch he then saw One of wch & wch \were/ written \vizt those written/         1672 & 24 Octob 1676. And n I spring he & no doubt he would \principally/ desire to see the \Letter which conteined the chief of my series & the/ Demonstration of the two series wch a few months before he desired \entreated/ Mr Oldenburg to procure from Mr Collins, that is, the Analysis per æquationes numero terminorum infinitas. But he tells us that he never saw where I explained my method series fluxions & that he finds nothing of it in the Commercium Epistolicum where that Analysis is published & my Letters of 10 Decem 1672, 13 Iune 1676 & 24 Octob 1676 are published.

|{illeg} 8| He saith also that he never saw where I explain my the {illeg} my \the/ method wch he ta {illeg} wch I claim & \claimed by me w/ where he assumes an arbitrary series. {illeg}|I|f he pleases he may see to look into the Commercium Epistolicum pag. \55, 56 &/ 86 he will \there/ see that I had that Method when I wrote my Letters of 24 Octob. 1676 & by consequence when I wrote my Letter of |&| 13 Iune 1676 & five years before. Mr Leibnitz might also find it apart \himself/, but not so early; He first mentioned it in the year 1689 & explained it at large in the year 1693. And second Inventors have no right.

Mr Leibnitz published his Schediasma de restentia {sic} Medij et motu projectorū gravium in Medio restente in Ianuary 1689 & concluded it with these words Multa ex his deduci possent praxi accommodata, sed nobis nunc fundamenta Geometrica jecisse sufficerit, in quibus maxima consistebat difficultas. Et fortasse|i|s attente consideranti vias quasdem novas et satis antea impeditas aperuisse videbimur. Omnia autem respondent nostræ Analysi infinitorum, hoc est calculo summarum & differentiarum (cujus elementa quædam in his Actis dedimus) communibus quoad licuit verbis hic expresso. This was the first specimen made publick \by Mr Leibnits/ of applying the Differential method to the higher sorts of Problems. And by the words here cited it appears that Mr Leibnitz {illeg} himself \at that time/ acc {illeg}|o|unted it so. And yet this specimen was published a yeare & an half after that of the Principia, & conteins was borrowed from the Principia, & answers {illeg} that the things in the Book of Principles answer as much to the calculus of fluxions as those in the Schediasma to the calculus of differences, & the <117r> differential calculus did not begin to be celebrated before the publication of this specimen.

For as the Ordinate is to the sub-perpendicular (or subtangent to the Ordinate) so is the fluxion of ye Abscissa to the fluxion of the ordinate And if you take a fourth proportial to ye Radius of Curvity as the f{illeg} prop{illeg} Ordinate to ye Perpendicular, & apply a quarter of the Summ of \say, As the summ {illeg} Perpendicular to the Ordinate so the Radius of Curvity to a fourth proportional & to this 4th Proportional apply a quarter of the/ summ of the squares of the One fluxions of the Abscissa & Ordinate, you will have the second fluxion of the Ordinate.

Schol.

As the Ordinate is to the subperpendicular (or subtangent to the Ordinate) so is the fluxion of the Ordinate Absciss {sic} to the fluxion of the Ordinat. Take a fourth proportional to ye Radius of curvature as the Ordinate to ye Perpendicular & to this proporti\on/al apply [a quarter of] the summ of the squares of the fluxions of the Absciss & Ordinat & you will have \the Latus will be/ the second fluxion of the Ordinate. rr=xx+yy. 0=2xx+2yy.. x.x.+xx..+y.y.+yy..=0. 1+y.y.+yy..=0. 1+1+y.y.y=y... Apply \Let/ the summ of the squares of the fluxions to \of/ the Absciss {sic} & ordinate be applied to a quantity wch is to \the Ordinate as/ ye Radius of curvity as the Ordinate to the Perpendicular, & the Latus will be the second fluxion of ye Ordinate. How to re When these fluxions make the Ordinate decrease they must be taken with negative sin|g|ns|e|s. Ho {illeg} How to reduce the equations wch result from hence & to separate the unknown quantities is the business not of this but another method.

Scholium.

Vt Ordinata ad sub-perpendicularem (vel sub-tangens ad Ordinatam) ita \est/ fluxion Abscissæ ad fluxionem Ordinatæ Applicetur summa \quadratorum/ fluxionum Ordinatæ et Abscissæ ad quantita lineam quæ sit ad Ordinatam ut Radius curvitatis ad Abscissam Perpendicularem, & Latus erit fluxion secunda Ordinatæ. Hæ fluxiones ubi Ordinatam diminuunt, negativæ ponendæ sunt. Quod|m|odo æquationes sic prodeuntes reducendæ sunt & quantitates indeterminatæ separandæ non est hujus sed alius methodi Non hujus sed alius est methodi æquationes prodeuntes reducere & indeterminatas separare. Problema hocce cum nullius fere sit usus in Actis eruditorum \annos plures/ neglictum et insolutum mansit. Et eadem de causa solutionem ejus non ulterius prosequor.

x.x+y.y.orp=y... o.px.x.+y.y..ry... & Ordinatu|a| ad partem Radij curvitatis inter Abscissam et pun\c/tum contactus (ita \Et Vt/ subtangens ad tangentum ita summa quadratorum fluxionum Ordinatæ et Abscissæ ad rectangulum sub radio curvitatis et fluxione{illeg} secunda Abscissæ

Scholium

Fluat Abscissa uniformiter & erit, Vt \Ordinata ad subperpendicularem (vel/ {illeg}|s|ubtangens ad Ordinatam|)| i|u|ta fluxio Abscissæ ad fluxionem Ordinatæ, Et ut Subtangens ad Ab {illeg} Tangentem ita summa quadratorum Ordin fluxionum Abscissæ et Ordinatæ |Ordinata ad perpendicularem ut fluxio abscissæ ad fluxionem arcus & quadrat{illeg} fluxionis arcus y3p3x.x.=ry... y3. p3x.x..ry..| ad rectangulum sub radio curvitatis et fluxione secunda Abscissæ Hæ fluxiones &c

Vpon account of my progress in these matters he procured \for me/ a fellowship for me in Trinity College in the year 167|6|7 & the Mathematick Professorship fo{illeg} two years after.

<117v>

p. 1. l. ult. purchased of Rob. Barker

p. 3. l 3, 4 blot out ye word are or add the word which

He pretends that in my book of Principles pag. 253, 254 I allowed him the invention of the calculus differentialis independently of my own method & that to attribute this invention to my self is contrary to my knowledge there avowed: & yet in all that book I do not find one word to this purpose. In the year 1685 (at wch time I was writing that book) Mr Craige brought to hi|m||e| the Acta Eruditorum for October 1684 & desired me to explain to him the elements of the Calculus differentialis conteined therein & I did so & told him that the method was mine as would appear if the Letters wch \had/ passed between Mr Leibnitz & me were published \& Mr Craige is still alive & remembers this/, & therefore I could not mean in the Book of Principles to allow that Mr Leibnitz was either the first inventor or had received no light from me. In the I was so far from doing this that in the very place which he quotes I did affirm that before he sent me notice of his method I sent him notice of mine & of some of its performances. By this notice he was able to compare the methods I gave him this notice in my Letters of 13 Iune & 24 Octob 1676 & he understood it so far as to be able to compare the methods. By his own confession he saw my Letter of 24 October 1676 when he first was arriv the second time in London wch was eight months before he sent me notice of his method. He had notice of it also by other copies of other Letters sent to him at Paris in Iune 1676 in a Collection of \Mr Iames/ Gregories Letters which he certainly received. In this Collection was|er|e \copies of/ a|t||wo| Letter|s| of Mr Gregory dated 5 Sept. 1670, & of one \& 15 Feb 16712 & a copy/ of my Letters dated 10 Decem 1672, & by these Letters he had notice that Gregory found the {illeg} \series for the/ quadrature of the Hyperbola \Circle/ by a se the tangent, that I had a {illeg}{illeg} in the beginning of the year 1671 & deduced {illeg}t the {illeg} next from Dr Barrows differential method of Tangents deduced as a method of tangents without calculation in the year 1670 & in l the beginning of the next year found the series for the quadrature of the circle by the tangent & that I had a general method of Analysis wch readily gave the \same/ method of tangents of Slusius Gregory & Slusius & extended also to the abstruser sorts of Problemes concerning the curvatures \areas/ lengths centers gravity \of lines & figures |of curves|/ &c and proceeded without fresing equations from surds & that I had written a Tract concerning this method & the method of series together meaning in the year 1671. |as |And by my Letter of 13 Iune 1676 he had notice that my Analysis was so universal as to extend to almost all sorts of Problems &.|| And as the series for ye Quadrature of the circle wch he sent me back in his Lette as his own in his Letter of 27 Aug was 1676 was Gregories so what he sent me back \as his own/ in his Letter of 21 Iune 1677 concerning the Differential method was nothing more then what the Letters above mentioned had given him notice of a year before I the sp In the spring t{illeg} In May 1676 \And further/, Mr Leibnitz \by h{s}|i|s Letter of 12 May 1676/ {illeg}|d|esired Mr Oldenburg to procure from Mr Collins the demonstration of two \of my/ series wch he {illeg} & that is \meaning/ the method of finding them, & about the same time M he desired also that |t|a|h||e| collection might be made of Gregorys Letters \aforesaid collection of Gregory Letters/ \might be made/ & sent to Paris & in October following \when he came the second time to London he/ applied himself to Mr Colling|s| \in London/ & saw in his hands several of my Letters, as he has acknowledged, & no doubt would then desire \chiefly/ to see my Letter in wch I had communicated \to him/ the said two series with the Demonstration wch he wanted, And that is my Analysis per æquationes numero terminorum infinitas, & therefore saw it. By my Letters of 10 Decem 1672 & 24 Octob. 1676 he could not but know that I had the method in 1671 of fluxions in the year 1671 & by this Analysis he could not but know that I had this method in the year 1669|.| &|And| after this to all this to tell me that in my Book of Principles pag 253 & 254 I allowed him the invention \without {illeg}/ & yt to attribute it \now/ to my self is contrary to my knowledg, is very extraordinary & that he found it without receiving any light from me \& was the first{illeg} inventor/, is very extraordinary.

<118r>

Mr Mercator lived \above/ 10 or     year{illeg}|s| longer without proceeding further then to ye single Quadature {sic} of the Hyperbola. The progress made by Mr Newton shews that he wanted not Mercators assistance. However, for avoyding disputes, he supposes a[7] that my L Brunker invented & Mercator demonstrated the series for the Hyperbola three or four \some/ years before they published it.

The \aforesaid/ treatise of Analysis Mr Newton in his Letter \to Mr Oldenburg/ dated 24 Octob. 1676 mentions in the following manner. Eo ipso tempore &c

When Mr Newton had explained these three Rules & illustrated then wth various examples, he layd down the Idea of deducing the area from the Ordinate by considering the Area as a quantity g growing or increasing by continual {illeg} motion flux & becoming bigger or less or in a given accordingly as the \increase or/ flux is swifter or slower And this flux he measured by the length of the Ordinate supposing this Ordinate to mo the Abscissa to increase uniformly in proportion to time. And from the moments of time he calls the gi|a|ves the names of moments to the parts of the Abscissa & Area generated in moments of time momentaneus increases or \infinitely {illeg} small/ parts of the Abscissa & Area generated in moments of time. The moment of a line he called a point in the sense of Cavallerius tho it be not a gemetrical point but an infinitely short line & the moment of an Area or superficies he calls|e|d a line in the sense of Cavallerius tho it be not a Geometrical line but an infinitely narrow superficies. |The Abscissa he supposes to increase uniformly as the exponent of time| And when he is demonstrating any Proposition he puts a line drawn into the Abscissa for the exponent of time & a moment of the Abscissa drawn into ye Ordinate for the a moment of the Area. And tells use that And when he considered the Ordinate as the exponent of time moment of the Area he understan|oo|ds by it the rectangle under the Geometrical Ordinate & a moment of the Abscissa, as in the method of Cavallerius; & puts the rectangle under \assumed/ an unit for the ordinate of a rectangle proportial {sic} to time. [And then adds: Iam qua ratione superficies [curvilinea] ex momento suo perpetim dato, per præcedentes Regulas elicitur, eadem quælibet alia quantitas ex momento suo sic dato elicietur And of this he gives example] \Sit ABD saith he, Curva quævis, et ABH rectangulum cujus latus AH vel BK est unitas. Et/ Et {sic} Cogita rectam DBK (saith he) Figure uniformiter ab AH motam areas ABD [curvilineam] & AK [rectangulam] describere; & quod BK (1) [recta] BK (1) sit momentum quo [area] ABD gradatim augetur; & AK (x) & \[recta]/ BD (y) momentum quo ABD [area] AB curilinea] AK [x] ABD gradatim augetur; et quod ex momenta|o| BD perpetim dato possis, per præcedentes [tres] Regulas, aream ABD ipso descriptam conferre investigare sive cum \{illeg} [ipsius]/ AK (x) momento 1 descripta conferre. Iam qua ratione superficies ABD ex momento suo perpetim dato per præcedentes Regulas elicitur eadem quælibet alia quantitas ex momento suo sic dato elicietur. Exemplo res fiet clarior. And Then he adds examples of this by finding a series for the arc of & how \illustrated this wth examples/ & added his method of Regression from the Area or Arc \or solid/ to the Abscissa, A|&| shews|e|d how the same method extende|s|d to Mechanical Curves <118v> for {illeg} determining their Ordinates \tangents/ areas, lengths, {illeg}ng &c

Now in illustrating this method with examples the

Among the examples which hes \there/ sets down for illustrating this method there are these. Let the Radius of a circle be &c.

Let the versed sine be x & the equations will be

Mr Collins gave Mr Gregory notice of this method

In the year – – – – correspondence wth Mr Oldenburgh. In Feb. 16723 {he} meeting Dr Pell at Mr Boyle's & pretending to the differential method of Mouton & he was reprehended for it \notwithstanding that he was shewn/ by Dr Pell & ge{t} the next day by b that it was Moutons method, persisted in maintaining it to be his own invention by reason that he he {sic} had found it by himself without knowing what Mouton had done before & had much improved it. In the end of that L one of h{illeg} In

Mr When Mr Gregory had {n}|o|ne of Mr Newtons series \was/ sent to him \Mr Greg./ he tried to find out the method fy fir \first/ tried to deduce it from his own series combined together, And as he mentions in his Letter dated 19 Decem. 1670, & at length And by some such method Mr Leibnitz \before he left London/ seems to have found the summ of a series of fractions decreasing in infinitum whose Numerator is an unit \given number/ & denominators are triangular or pyramidal numbers or triangulo Triangular numbers &c. From the series 11+12

And in the year 1682 he published it as his own in the Acta Eruditorum wthout mentioning that he had received it from Mr Oldenburg. He might carry it with him from London to Paris in the 166|7|3; but that he {illeg}|h|ad the demonstration of it before the year {Feb} 1675 doth not appear.

He might have \carry/ this series when he went from London to Paris & communicate it there the to his friends \at Paris/ above 3 years before he sent it |back| to Mr Oldenburg: but he it doth not appear that he co{n} had the Demonstration before the began to communicate his opusculum written \thereof so early. When found the demonstration, then he wrote his opusculum/ upon it, wch was in the year 1675 & communicated that also to his friends. And {illeg} \he himself has told us that this/ was in the year 1675. However, it lies upon him to prove that he had this series before he received it from Mr Oldenburg because he did not then know it to be his own.

He had therefore several direc series & by consequence a method of finding ym before he invented \& forgot/ the inverse method. And if he had searched his old papers diligently he might have it there, But having But \found this method also there/ [\but he/ wrote for Mr Newtons methods because he had forgot his own.]

<119r>

Myrina, & saith that when she was Queen of the Amazons in Libya she \there/ conquered the Atlantides & Gorgons & \them/ made a league with Orus the son of Isis in Ægypt & passing h{e} passing \(he should have said with Osiris, the father of \hasband of Isis &/ father of Orus &/ |passing| through Ægypt subdued Arabia Syria & Cilicia \&/ came through Phrygia to ym mediterranean but attempting Thrace \passing \over/ into Europe/ was slain{illeg} \wth many of her weomen/ by the Thracians & Scythians under the conduct of Sipylus a Scythian{illeg} & Mompsus a Thracian whom Lycurgus king of Thrace had banished. This was that Lycurgus whom Bacchus slew \a little/ before he received this baffle wch put \whereby/ a stop \was put/ to his victories.

This is that Neptune who with Apolloo or Orus the Son of Osiris fortified Troy with a wall in the du \reign/ of Laomedon \the father of Priam/, & left many bastard children in Greece & Asia minor some of wch were Argonauts \othe/ as Naplius the son of Amymone, Ancæus the son of Abta, & Erginus, & whose son his son Am others \were/ contemporary to them, as Amycus whom Pollux slew in the time of the Argonautic expedition, Lycus whom Hercules slew. Corynetes \& Procrustes/ slain by \whom/ Theseus \slew/ Eumolpus Theseus Hippothous whom Theseus restored to the kingdom of Cercyon, & Theseus himself

This that Neptune who wth Apollo or Orus the Son of Osiris fortified Troy wth a wall in the reigne of L|a|omedon, & left many children in Greece some of wch were Argonauts & others were contemporary to them. De rea{illeg} \flourished/ therefore contemporary to Sesastris one generation before the Argonauts|ic| \expedition/ or about 400 years before Solon went into Egypt

Hanc seriem D. Collins initio anni 1671 a Gregorio acceperat ut supra D Leibnitius \eandem scripto opusculo ut suam/ cum amicus in Gallia hoc anno communicare cœpit, celata hac epistola.

pag. 42. His verbis patet series q{illeg}|u|as D. Leibnitius se ante annos aliquot invenisse professus est a communicatis diversas fuisse.

Pretends that {in}|by| the time of that corresponde he understood \learnt/ nothing more of Mr Newtons method of fluents then that it was \he had/ a method of Tangents wch stuck not at surds, will not allow that M young men{illeg} who were not privy to that correspondence can understand the Letters & Papers wch pas then passed between the correspondents & some of wch passed between the co have been printed by Dr Wallis.

printed the elements of his method it|n| the Acta Lipsica wthout mentioning any thing that he learnt by that correspondence or lett{e}|i|ng the world know that M|Ne|wton {illeg}|a|lso had such a method, excuses himself by pretending that he then knew nothing more of Mr Newtons method being general or extending further then to the drawing of tangts without sticking at surds.

Pro M{2} CN×FG scribere licet CN+FG. Et hac ratione HN sic resistentia erit ad gravitatem ut HNCN+FGCF2FG+FICF ad 1 id est ut HN2,FGCE,EGCF,CN2CN,FG+2FGq CF,FG4v,FGCF,CN. HN+CF=p. FGCN=q. 2p,FG+q,CF. CGCF=rCFHN=2r. 4r,FG+q,CF CN=Roo2So3. FGCN=chord GQchord CP=3So3. FG3So3=CN. HN=CF2r IF=Qo. FG=Roo+So3. CN=Roo2So3. HN=o1+Q22QRoo3 CF=o1+QQ. 2Ro+QSo31+QQ=CGCF=r.. MN=QoR2Roo+So3

CN=GF. {illeg} Decrementum spatij HC+CG=HN+CF, ex resist & Grav. Incr ex Grav =CGCF. Decr. ex resist. {illeg} =CGHN=CFHN+FI,FGCF, ad Grav decr \descens/ ex g|G|rav =GF {illeg}. Resist. Grav CFGFHNGF+FICF. 1 {illeg}. cn. GFhn. HN CFGFh2ncn+GF+FICF. 1CFGF+CF24ecn+GF+FICF c2n cn+GF cn+GF2.GFhn.HNCF,GF+4e,GF+cn,CF

IF=MN+S. oo+MN2+2S,MN+S2. oo+MN2. S,MN000=CFHN.

CF2FG=1+QQR2o+S2oo. HNCN+FG=o02QRoo2RooSo3=1+QQ2QRo2RoSo2.

HNCN+FGCF2FG=2Ro0So20R2o0S2oo0+4QR2o34RRoo+R2So3=S304RR

<119v>

spatium FG cadendo describente generat velocitem qua duplum illud spatium \2FG/ eodem tempore describi posset {illeg} ut ex demonstratis Galilæi notum est, id est spatium 2FG velocitatem 2{F}G quæ exponitur per spatium 2FG applicatum ad tempus FG sive hoc est velocitatem 2FG: et in corpore arcum CG generat tantum velocitatem quæ sit ad hanc velocitatem ut CGCF ad FG vel FI ad CF, id est velocitatem FI2CFFG. Addatur hæc velocitas ad decrementum prædictum & habebitur velocitas ex decrementum velocitatis ex gravit{illeg} resistentia sola oriundum

And having \now/ got eight or ten series, he endeavoured in May following to get the method also promising \from/ Mr O. & Mr wthout the knowledge of Mr Newton tho by his own rule if he should have forgot the receipt th of the method they were not to reclaim it wthout authory {sic} from Mr Newton. (p. 118) And for sending him the method he promised them some series invented \by himself & communicated {illeg} to/ representing them very different from their s {illeg} the series of wch he had writted|n| to them some years before, representing them his own & very different from theirs p 45 but meant the series wch one of the eight series wch he had received from them the year before together wth two or three p 61. But they For the series being Gregories they were not to question his candor wthout authority from Mr Newton the Executors of Mr Gregory. However they \Mr Colling|s| had the Method but/ forbore to send the method |it| after the \eight/ series & he & Mr Oldenburg wrote earnestly to Mr Newton to send his own method himself, & Mr Newton did so, p 49. And when \a year or two after/ Mr N. had published his Principia Philosophiæ, Mr And when he pretended that Tschurnhause had this method from him while they were together at Paris \(Acta Lips Ann. 1686/ he fot|r|rgot that at that time he did not know how to \continue series or/ derive reciprocal series from one another (p. 63, 94, 96. When \A year or two after/ Mr Newton had published his system Principia Mat{illeg} Philosophiæ Mr Leibnitz publishing three papers relating to it, sometimes complements Mr

CGDH=maa+bbnaao+&c. GH=mma4m2naabb+nnb4+nna4naao+&c. LI−KH= 2bbooa3.6bbo3a4 ( a.3×o ) GH.LM=3mma42mnaabb+nna4+b4na3oo Resist. grav. 3mma42mnaabb+nna4+nnb42nbb. o. GHDN.XY=DT. GH=o×XYao. naaoGH=0=na×XY. NX=c Resist. grav 3XY. 2bba=2VY=2VG=YG

naa. maa+nbba.maa+nbbna=ZY. ZV=man. VY=bba. VG=bba

DN=a.XYo.o×ya=GH. Resist. Grav 2bbooa3.6bbo3a4XY,oa.3XY,ooaa=LM. 3XY,ooaa.2bb,ooa33XY.2bba Resist. Grav 3XY.2VH=YG. 3bbo3a4×GTao×a32bboo velocitas ut GHHK {illeg} id est ut GT,oa×a32bboo=GTb12a sive ut GTa.3GT,oo2aa Densitas ut 3GT2H× 3,XY,ooaa,oo,XY2aa=3,XY. Velocitas ut CF GHKH=XY,oa×a32bboo=XYb2a id est ut XYa.

Velocitas autem est ut GHHK id est ut × F GT in a et Resistentia Densitas medij direc ut resistentia directe et quadratum velocitatis inverse, id est ut GF32VH,a,GFq [sive {illeg} reciproce ut GT.] ut 3GT2VH directe et a,GTq inverse, hoc est inverse ut GT. |Et| Velocitas autem est corporis in puncto quovis G æqualis est velocitatis corporis Parabolam \in vacuo/ describentis cujus vertex est punctum G, diameter GC et latus rectum 2GHqHK. GTq2, oo, a3aa, 2bboo=GTq, abb. Et velocitas in puncto quovis G eadem est cum velocitate \quarum/ corpum|oris| \in/ Parabolam describentis cujus {illeg} pergerat verticem G, diametrum GC & latus rectum [GTq×abb]GTqVH

n3+3nn+2n2an+3bbo3×oa×an+2nn+n×bboo=n+22ao×oaGT=no2+2,oo2a2GF=LM 3bbo3,a32a4bboo=3GT2aaoo.

<120r>

For Isaac newton in German street near St Iames Church

I writ to you about a month a goe and fearing that my letter might be not Come safe to your hands makes me so bold as to troubel you with this to lett you know of my misfortun\s/ for I haueing had a great deal of illness which has been uery Chargable to me humbley disire that you will plleas you to asist me in this my great nesesety for my wants is uery great makes me so bold to tro troubel you about a fortnight sence my husband had all his goods seased by the landlord so sr I humbley disire you that you will be pleased to giue the bearer sumthing for me and she will take care to send it to me my son Thomas marryed her mother sr Humbley beging the fauer that you will be pleased to Answer this I remain sr your humble saruant

basingthorp oct 19 1714

Katthern Rastall

For there is upon all these considerations there is a suspicion that when Mr Newtons Series for finding the Arc whose sine is given was communicated to him in England & that in the year 1673 he began to communicate it as his own to some of his Friends at Paris, & that the next year wrote of it as his own in his Letters to Mr Oldenburgh in order to get the \Demonstration or/ method of finding it. But \the next year/ when Mr Oldenburgh sent him th{illeg}|i|s & Gre the series of Gregory & several others: he dropt his pretence to this any of the {S} series for want of a Demonstration & took time to compare those series with his own as if he \he had/ others different from those sent him. And when he had found a Demonstration of Gregories series, \he/ {illeg}|b|egan to communicate it to Mr O as his own to his friends & concealed \from them/ the letter by wch he had received it from Mr Oldenburgh & pretended to Mr Oldenburgh that he had it a year or two before the receipt of that Letter

And that in his Letters of I Iuly 15 & 16 Octob \26/ 1674, he mentioned but one series for squaring the Circle, {illeg} & said that the method wch gave that series gave hi{m} also a series for any Arc whose circumference was known \sine/ sine was given th{illeg}|o| the proportion {th} \of the Arc/ to the whole circumf. was not known.

What to do upon them, & meeting with a Demonstration of Gregories Series, \by a transmutation of figures/ he supprest Mr Oldenburgh Letter & by vertue of that Demonstration began to communicate to his friends at Paris that Series \with a demonst/ as invented by himself. For he tells us in the Acta Lipsiensia: \for April 1671:/ Iam anno 1675 compositum habebam opusculum. Quadraturæ Arithmeticæ ab illo tempore lectum & A One series he had in the year 1673, \& might carry it with him from England to Paris/ another he began to communicate in the year 1675 The first was for finding the Arc {illeg} whose sine was given \as appears by his Letter of Octob. 26 1674/, the second for finding the Arc whos{e} tangent was given \as appears by his writings ever since,/ & it lies upon him to prove that he had this latter series before the year 1675 he received it from Mr Oldenb. in the year 1675 in wch he received it from Mr Oldenburgh.

{illeg}{on} receiving Mr Newton Series again by one George Mohr, {illeg} Mr {O}ldenburgh in such a manner as if he had never seen that series {illeg}e & desired Mr Oldenburgh to procure from Mr Collins Mr Newtons method of finding it. If Mr Leibnits thinks fit to obviate this suspicion the he is in the first place to prove that he had Gregories series before he received from Mr Oldenburgh.

<120v>

Mr Leibnitz wrote to D{r} Wallis in his Letter of 28 May 17|9|97 {sic} th wrote thus to {illeg} Methodum Fluxionum profundissimi Newtoni cognatam esse methodo {illeg}|meæ| differentiali — \professus sum in Actis Eruditorum —/ Ita communi nomine designare Soleo Analyses|o|s Infinitesimalis — Interim quemadmodum et Vietæa & Cartesiana methodus Analyseos Speciosæ nomine venit discrimina tamen nonulla supersunt: ita fortasse ut|&| Newtoniana & Mea differunt in nonnulli. And in the end of the same recconing up the differences \or improvemts wch he had made to Mr Newtons method,/ he adds|e|d the Exponential Equations. But these Equations are owing to his correspondence with the English. Dr Wallis \insquaring the circle/ interpoled the indices of Dignities 0. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. &c with thi|e|se series \fractions/ 12. 1⁤;12. 2⁤;12. 3⁤;12. 4⁤;12 &c. Mr Newton introduced into his Analytical computations the fract, surd, indefinite & negative indices of Dignities — — its Vsefulness to the world.

Mr Newton in his Letter of October 24. 1676, wrote that he had two Methods

Here \also/ Mr Leibnitz allows that when Mr Newtons Principles of Philophy {sic} came abroad; he understood thereby the affinity that there was between them \methods/ & therefore called them by the common name of the infinitess|i|mal method, & thought himself bound in candor to acknowledge the|i|s affinity; And \&/ there is \still/ the same obligation upon him to make the in point of candor, to make the same acknowledgement. And \But |And|/ Mr Leibnitz doth not only here acknowledge the affinity of the Methods but \also/ gives the preference to Mr Newtons method in point of antiquity; representing that the as the Analysis in species was invented by Vieta & augmented by Cartes wch ma{k}|d|e some difference between them, so the Mr Newtons method & his own might differ in some things. And this subordination & distinction of the methods \which he yn acknowledged to Dr Wallis,/ he ought still to acknoledge. {illeg} The death of that learned Man doth not acquit him from this obligation.

In enumerating the differences which \he/ had added to Mr Newtons method, he names in the last place to{illeg} D first place the notation dx, ddx, dddx or dx d2x, d3x, \d{illeg}x/ & this is granted him last place {illeg} Exponential Equations: but those Equations second place Differential Equations: but the Letters between them in the year 1676 shew that Mr Newton had such equations at that time & Mr Leibnitz had them not. The He names in the third place Exponential Equations: But these e|E|quations are owing to his correspondence with the English. Dr Wallis {illeg} in the interpolation of series considered fract & negative indices of dignities.

And whereas in his Letter of 28 Decem 1675 he wrote to Mr Oldenburg that he had communicated that series above two years before to his Friends at Paris \& written to him sometimes about it/, & in his Letter of 12 Maij 1676 said to Mr Oldenburgh that he had communicated \writen to him about/ that Series to him above tw some years before; & in his Letter to Mr Oldenburgh dated 27 Aug. 1676, that he had communicated that series to his friends above {illeg} three years before \that is upon his first coming to Paris from London to Paris:/: & yet in his Letters of 15 Iuly & 26 Octob. 1674 spake but of {illeg} series for squaring the circle & said that the method by wch he found it gave him any {illeg} whose sine was known & yet \he is desired to tell us how it came to pass that/ when he received Mr Oldenburghs Letter of Apr. 15. 1675 did {illeg}|n|ot he did not know this series to be his own, & w {sic} /& wrote of it to Mr Oldenburg {illeg} some years before\

And since he pretends that he had this series in the year 1673, & in his Letters of 15 Iuly & 26 Octob 1674 wrote |of| but of one Series for squaring the circle & said of the Method which gave him that series, that it gave him also the \a/ series for finding any arch whose sine was given: it lies upon him to satisfy the world that in the year 1672 he had a method wch gave him both those series, & what was that method, & [why he could not by the same method find the series of Mr Newton] how that Me

In his Letters of \Iuly 15 &/ Octob 26 1674, he des tells us that of but one series for the whole circumference \of a circle/, & saith that the method which gave him this series gave him also a series for any Arc whose sine was given, If the th tho the proportion to of the Arc to the whole circumference be \was/ not known. This method therefore by the sine of 30 degrees gave him \a series for/ the whole circumference. He {illeg} If he had \also/ a series for the whole circumference deduced from the tangent of 45 degrees he is desired to tell the world what method he had in those days which could give him both those series. For the method by transmutation of fg figures will not do it

It lies upon him also to tell the world what {m}

And if in the year 1674 he had the Demonstration of a series for finding any Arch whose sine was | is given: he is desired to tell the world \what it was &/ why in his Letter of May 12. 167{5}|6| he desired Mr Oldenburgh to procure from Mr Colling the Demonstration of Mr Newtons series for doing the same thing; & whereing his own series differed from Mr Newton's. For there is a suspicion that the Series \for finding the Arch whose sine was given/ wch he mentioned in his Letters of Iuly 15 & Octob 26 1674 \for finding the Arch whose wsine was given was/ was {sic} Mr Newton's & that when he wrote h received Mr Oldenburghs Letter of Apr 15. 1675 he durst no{illeg}|t| challenge it for want of a Demonstration, & that when he found a Demonstration of Gregories Series he but took time t{o} consider & examin the several Series wch he received in that Letter, And before he would

<121v>

Ne expoduntur occultæ q|Q|ualitates quia latent earum caussæ, sed quoniam ipsæ finguntur esse ph effectuum manifestorum caussæ occultæ, et ex hoc nomine qualitatibus rerum specificis tanquam caussis phænomenων nondum patentibus imposto deterremur a caussis hisce indagandis quasi quidem illæ penitus essent deploratæ postquam magnus ill{illeg} ipsæ Philosophus Aristoteles in eas penetrare non poterat. Hoc sensu non ipsa gravitas, sed sola gravitatis causa (de qua Newtonus nihil statuit) dici potest, (secundum Peripateticos), qualitas occulta, secundum Newtonum vero de eadem nihil omnino statuitur gravitas est qualitas manifestissima & Q causa ejus nihil om quæ nos latet potest esse substantia

<122r>

Num. VI, VII, XXII, XLVII, LIII, LVI

Iudicio primarij Mathematici opponitur Iudicium Wallisij, anno 1695 {illeg}ti in Præfatione ad operum suorum Volumen primum, anno 1695 datu{illeg} \editum/, s|d|e quo \D./ Leibnitius per ea tempora minime conquestas est.

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Eaton bill

for 5 h{illeg}ons hong batt — – 0 – 6 – 10

for 3 peckes of Oats – 0 – 2 – 0

for 1 peck half pe{n}es – 0 – 2 – 0

for a peck of bran – 0 – 0 – 4

0 – 5 – 2

<123r>

& pretending that after the invention thereof he did not want Mr Newton's extractions.

Mr Newton in his Letter of Iune 13, 1676 {illeg}|r|epresented that his methods of series there described in that Letter were not universal without some further methods. And in his Letter of Octob 24. 1676 in describing those further methods wrote that – – – – – \thereof/ & that after he found it he had no further use of Mr |Ns| Method of extractions. It remains

<123v>

Mr Leibnitz in the Acta Eruditorum for April 1691 pag 179, wrote thus Cæterum ex seriebus infinitis a me alijs —

It lies upon him \either/ to prove that he invented any one of these series, or else to beg pardon publickly for pretending to other mens inventions.

<124r>

3dly We do not dispute about the antiquity of the symbols of fluents fluxions & moments, summs & differences used by Mr Newton & Mr Leibnitz these being not essential \necessary/ to the method, but liable to change. And yet the symbol aa64x \or aa64x/ used by Mr Newton for a fluent or summ, is older then the symbol aa64x used in the same sense by Mr Newton \Leibnitz/. And \some of/ the symbols of fluxions used by Mr Newton ({illeg}|S|ome of wch are older as old as his Analysis communicated by Dr Barrow to Mr Collins in the year 1669): back \while/ Mr Leibnitz has no symbols of fluxions to this day. And the rectangles under the fluxions & the Letter o used by Mr Newton for moments are \much/ older then the symbols dx & dy used by Mr Leibnitz for the same quantities. But all these symbols are only ways of notation & signify nothing to ye method it self, wch may be without them.

about such things is downright trifling. Letters wth pricks Mr Newton lays no stress upon. He seldome uses them \are seldome used by Mr Newton/ unless where he is teaching how to deduce|i|ng fluents|xion|s from \equations involving/ fluents {illeg}|o|r fluents from equations involving fluxions. And even in these cases he doth not always use them.|,| The letter o he used when in his \but thinks them as convenient as any others/ B|A|ut whatever letters or symbols he puts for fluxions If o the rectangle under the {illeg}|fi|r{illeg}|s|t fluxion & the letter o he puts for the first fluxion \moment/ called the first difference by Mr Leibnitz & the rectangle under the second fluxion & th o2 he puts for the second moment & so on. {illeg} And wherever he puts In this sence he used the letter o in his Analysis communicated to Mr Collins in ye year 1669 & in his book the Quadratura Curvarum co {illeg} & uses it in the same sense to this day. And the method by this way of notation is as con advantageous & universal b|a|s by any other. {illeg}

<124v>

And the method by the letter o as it is the oldest so it is as advantage beautifull as advantageous & as universall ab|s| by the symbols dx & dy.

Mr Newton has used the letter o these 45 years \& above/ & still uses it, \in the same manner/ & his method thereby is as beautiful & advantageous as adv advantageous & universall {illeg}|a|s by any other symbols. the differential & more Geometrical.

But where there are equations consisting of many terms (as in the first Proposition of the Quadratura Curvarum) he represents the flowing quantities by the letters x y or z & their Fluxions by the same letters wth points or by others equipollent And Mr Leibnitz himself in the Acta Eruditorum has confessed that ({illeg} (A1686 pag    ) has confessed that instead of the Letters d marks dx & dy he could {illeg} have used letters.

55000.

88

2paθt, θatbr

2pr+tt=2prpp+ee=4rr2qr4rr+4qrqq+ee=2qrqq+ee=pq+ee=pq+qqbb=2qrbb

119700(5dwt23940(5dwt143650(5dwt287311(5dwt275000(5dwt12311(5dwt49244(5dwt295464(5grt275000(5dwt20464(5dwt16500(5dwt3964(5dwt3850(5dwt114(5dwt

125372gr 11,397451,42468125,37200123∟94700129∟25000∟3720005∟2000010∟6.000

dr=θatbr. bθθaattbrbr+brddr=2paθθatbrbrt=2paaθθbbr

ddr=2paaθθbbrrbaaθθttb3r3=+2prttb2r3aaθθ=bb2qrb2r3a2θ2

<125r>

In the Acta Eruditorum for March 1714 pag. 140 & 141, Mr Newton it's said that Mr Newton denies that the cause of gravity is \the/ mechanical, & that he laies down a certain new Hypothesis concerning a subtile spirit pervading the pores of bodies (perhaps the same with the Hylarctick principle of Dr |H.| More) & this spirit is d{illeg}sp{illeg}{illeg} |re|presented of less value then Hypotheses are unless it be the Æther or subtile matter of the Cartesians. It seems the Secretary of the Editors is whereas \And yet/ Mr Newton has no where declared said \denyed/ that the cause of gravity is not Mechanical [nor declared any opinion about it] nor affirmed whether that subtile spirit be material or immaterial|.| \nor declared any opinion about their {names}/ {illeg}or of w He finds /It appears\ by experiments \(lately lately shewed to the R. Society by Mr Hawksby/ that bodies do attract one another at very small distances {illeg} in such a sense as he uses the word attraction{illeg}|,| & \he/ suspects that this attraction & electrical attraction may be performed by one & the same agent, & L{illeg} the body \constantly/ attracting constantly at \very/ small distances {illeg} without friction, & the attraction being extended to great distances by frict{illeg}|i|on; & this Agent he calls a subtile spirit. But what is this Agent & by what laws its actions are performed \or spirit & what are the laws by which it acts/ he leaves to be enquired \decided/ by experiments. [He finds \It is found/ by some experiments shewed before then R. Society that this Agent \or spirit/ when sufficiently agitated emits light \& that light {illeg} in passing by the edges of bodies at small distances from them is inflected/; & thence \he/ can has represented in the end of his Principles that light & this spirit \may/ act mutually upon one another for producing \causing/ heat \reflexion refraction inflexion/ & vision, And & that {illeg} if this spirit may receive impressions from light & convey them into the sensorium & there act upon that substance which sees & thinks, that substance may mutually act upon this spirit for causing animal motion. But these things he only touches upon & leaves them to be further enquired into by experiments. And we should not have touched upon them \mentioned all this/, had not Mr Leibnitz & \some of/ his friends reflected upon Mr Newton \for these things & |for supposing these things &|/ for not explaining \the causes of/ gravity & electric attraction by Hypotheses & t|b|y this \& other/ de{illeg}raction \reflexions/ endeavoured to make the world beleive that Mr \Newton/ in point of \in/ point of philosophy {a}|i|s much inferior to Mr Leibnits & in point of Mathematicks \not only to Mr Leibnits but also/ to Mr Bernoulli & Mr Tschurnhause \& Mr Craige/ & therefore not likely to be the \first/ inventor of the method of fluxions.

And|But| whereas Mr Leibnitz some have told us that gravity is seated in the will of God, & Mr Leibnitz has represented this opinion that according to this opinion gravity is a miracle {illeg}

<125v>

Mr Newton in his Letter of 24 Octob. 1676 wrote that he had two methods of resolving Inverse Problems of tangents & such like difficult ones, one of wch methods consisted in assuming a Series for any unknown quantity from wch the other unkno all the rest might convenitently be deduced & in the collating of the homologous terms of the resulting Equation for determining the terms of the assumed Series. Mr Leibnitz many years after, published this method as his own, claiming to himself the first invention thereof. It remains that he either renounce this claim publickly, or prove that he invented it before Mr Newton wrote his said Letter.

Mr Newton introduced into Analysis the use of fract, surd & indefinite indices of dignities, & in his Letter of 24 Octob. 1676 represented to Mr Leibnitz that his methods extended to the resolution of affected Equations involving t|d|ignities whose Indices were fract or surd. Mr Leibnitz in his his Answer dated 21 Iune 1677 mutually desired M. Newton to tell him what he thought of the resolution of Equations inolving Dignities \whose indices/ were undetermined, such as were these xy+yx=xy{illeg} & xx+yy=x+y. And these Equations he \now/ calls exponential, & has \&/ represente|s|d to ye world that he was the first inventor of exponential equations there But for the future, whenever thereof. \thereof, & magnifies the invention as a great discovery./ But he has not yet made a publick acknowledgment that |of the light which| Mr Newton gave him light into the invention \it/, nor told us the|any| use of æquations involving dignities whose indices are fluents \thereof/ where the indices of dignities are fluents.

One of their statutes is that if any Fellow of the Society, shall contemptuously or contumaciously disobey the Statutes or Orders of the Society, or shall by speaking {illeg} writing or printing publickly defame the Society or advisedly or malitiously do any thing to the damage & detriment of the Society thereof, He shall be ejected out of the Society. And therefore it lies upon Mr Leibnitz to beg the pardon of the Society for defaming him, least they put this statute in execution.

<126v>

To the Honble Isaac Newton these

<126r>

Sr

Your Honrs knowne vnbounded goodness, a Singular Patron & fauorer to all schollars & Learned men, is my sole motiv\e/ for enterprizeing this small present to your Honr. a Rude & vnpollisht Booke, Begotten in spaine, & brought forth in England. I shall be extremly obliged to your Honrs fauor in countenanceing ye same, haueing onely a sett N. assigned me for ye performance, wch I hope to dispose off to those worthy Gent.n my Benefactors, who did me ye fauor, to accept my Translation, ye Booke of Comm̄on {sic} Prayer into spanish, my Indigent circumstance\s/ did not permit me to vndertake it on my owne account, I am in all Duty to Command

Sr Yr most Obed.t servant Felix De Alvarado

S.r Be pleased to Cast an Eye thereon. there being therein, vncommon Varietie I shall not trouble yor Hon.r any more on any accot.

<126v>

p. 12. ✝ The |A|Postill s|n|ot being directed to M sent to Mr Newton he did not think it proper to answer return an Answer \meddle with it/ till M l'Abbé Conti sollicited \him to write an Answer/ that the Postill with his Answer might be shewed to the King.

P. 71. Mr Newton o{p}|b|serving that \as/ Mr Leibnitz sent first \had/ appealed from the Commimttee of the R. S. to {h} Mr I. Bernoulle|j|, \so he had/ {&} \so he now/ sent his Apostill as well to Paris as to Londō & therein boasted of his happiness in disciples & \had/ now \again/ sent all the Letters to Paris that his Answer might be read there first & sent from thence to London|:| & yet pretended that & in his Letters declined the & that de to put a stop to these indirect practises, refused to write write an Answer to be sent to him & only drew answer Mr Leibnitz any further by Letters & only drew up the following Remat|r|ques & shewed them privat{s}|l|y to some of his friends to satisfy that it was easy to \have/ returned an Answer had it been right to let him go on with his politicks

<127r>

In the following papers you will find whe in the year 1669 Mr Newton \in the year 1669/ had a method \of series/ wch gave the Areas & lengths of Curves (&c exactly & Geometrically if it might be: & that by the testimony [pag. lin of Dr Barrow & Mr Collins he had this method some years before, that is in the year 1666 or before {illeg} &. This method is explained & illustrated with exampls {sic} in Mr Newtons Letter to M of 242 Oct 1676, in binomials & in binomial equ Ordinates in Curves wth binomal {sic} Ordinates, & said to extent|d| to trinomials &c. And in the fift Proposition of the Book of Quadratures it is extended to explained in a general equation extending to all the N{illeg} extending to all those cases; & that Proposition involves the knowledge of the four {illeg} preceding Propositions; & therefore by the testimony of Dr Barrow & Mr Collins, the Method of fluxions, so far \at least/ as it is conteined in the first five Propositit|o|ns of the book of Quadratures, was known to Mr Newton in the year 1666 or before And \Dr Wallis attested/ the same thing was \i{s}/ attested by Dr Wallis in the Preface to the second Volume of his works A.C. 1695 & gave Mr Leibnitz notice thereof by a Letter, & Mr Leibnitz did not then deny it nor complain|.| of {illeg} In his Letter of 21 Iune {illeg} 1677 he was searching after the method of wch Mr Newton had given him notice. In ye year |16|84 he published the elements of the Method he had found by that search & acknowledged a Methodus similis wch might do the same things. A The next year but one Mr Newton demonstrated the synthe the elements of his method synthetically in the second Lemma of the second book of his Principles, & in a Scholium represented that

<129r>

Mr Newton called it the inverse method of fluxions \above 40 years ago since/ & you have given it a new name as if you had been the first inventor.

He preten

After he had been in England the first time where he might easily meet with some of Newtons & Gregories Series he \first/ pretended to have found the series for the Arc by the sine. Then he \he {sic} relinquished that pretence &/ pretended to have found the series for the arc by the tangent, \which was Gregories/ then \{illeg}p{illeg} {the} d/ he wrote for an Ent{illeg} & wrote for Mr Newtons method of finding some of his \finding the former/ series, Then \And/ upon the death of Gregory he wrote \also/ for {Co} a Collection of Gregorys what Gregory had sent to Collins \about these thing {sic} & received it/ wch was sent to him. Then he came again into England & consulted Mr Collins {illeg}|a|about these matters & Mr Collins shewed him what he desired his {illeg}p{illeg} what h the originals. And as he wrote for Mr N the method of {illeg}|{s}|eries wch Mr Newton had sent to Collins, so no d{e}v{illeg} that is, for {sic} \for the method contained in/ the Analysis per æquationes numero terminorum infinitas, \& desired it so much as to offer a reward for it,/ so he d had now an opportunity to see the original, And yet this candid Gentleman would never make any publik acknowledgment that

<129v>

pag. 6. Mr Newton's method inverse method of fluxions you have baptized by a new name.

I know that at the request of Mr Leibnitz a collecti{on} of Gregories papers was d{raw} sent to him in the year 1676 \& re{illeg} by him/ & that in this collection was a copy of Mr Gregory Letter of 1671 February 1671, {&} wherein he \then/ sent this & many other series to Mr Collins, & therefore Mr Leibnitz knew that Mr Gregory invented this series in or before the year 1671. I know that Mr Leibnitz soon after coming to London consulted Mr Collins to

had{e} s{een} \seen these Papers or/ received any light into these things from England|.| two \Let me add Also th{illeg}|a|t two/ years after Mr Newtons Book of Principles came abroad, he Mr Leibnitz published a great number of his Propositions in other words & pretended to have found them him self, \& pretended to have found the {sic} himself/ & \yet the/ put an erroneous demonstration to \by wch he pretended to have found/ the chief of them as if he had found it by that demonstration to mak is an Erroneous one. After Mr Newton To gave himself a litle to that Propsition {sic} he \tried to/ adapted a \{illeg}/ Demonstration to it, but the Demonstration proves an erroneus|ou|s{illeg} one, & the error arises from his want of skill in the Method which he improperly calls differential. After Mr Newton – – –

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To Sr Isaack Newton Master of the Mint at his house in

Leicester-street

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Feb: 7th: 1777. Lord Portesmouth.

Tale quiddam Gregorius habuisse, \multi extranei agnoverunt \agnoverunt// ex epistola|is| Oldenburgi \series/ ad Leibnitium et Leibni \mittentis/ 15 Apr & \1675 epistola autore, a/ Leibnitij ad Oldenburgurgum {sic} series \ab Oldenburg{illeg} |serie| se/ receptas \fuisse/ agnosentis 20 Maij subsequentis: multi inquā extranei \hac id/ agnoverunt; collatis \scilicet/ his Epistolis in Commercio editis cum monunumentis {sic} antiquis ex quibus edebantur. Et in horum numero erant Comes de Kilmanseggar, Abas de Comitibus & ministri aliquot publici externorum Principum. Et Rex Angliæ Leibnitius ipse \agnovit/ {illeg} in Epistola ad D. Ramond 15 Aug. 1676 scripsit \scripsit/ quod Rex Angliæ ad ipsum \Le Roi/ m'a fact la grace de dire ici, que l'Abbé Conti viendra un j{illeg}|ou|r in Allem Allem\a/gne pour me convertir. Et \posth{illeg}c/ in Epistola sua ad Dominam Kilmansegger 18 Apr. 1716. M. Oldenburg \[26 Octob. 1674]/ m'ecrivit qu'un M. Newton a Cambridge avoit deja donné des choses semblables, non seul\e/ment sur le {s}|C|ercle mais encore sur toutes sortes d'autres figures {illeg} {illeg} \scilicet in epistola 26 Octob 1674]/ et [15 Apr 1675] m'enevoya des essais. \[scilicet in Epistola 15 Apr 1675]/ Scripsit uti Oldenburgus 26 Octob 1675|4| Newtonum dedis{illeg} similes series & 15 Apr. 1675 misit specimina. Cependent le mien fuit sat assez aplandi per M. Newton même \sc. in Epist 13 Iun 1676./{sic} Il sest trové par après, qu'un nommé M. Gregory avoit trové justment la même series qu'|e| moi. Mais c'est que j'appris tard. Hæ Epistolæ extant in commercio Epistolico, et in illa 15 Apr. 1675 in qua Oldenburgus misit \Leibnitio/ des essays specimina serierum erat ill series Gregorij quam Leibni de qua agitur. Hanc seriem L a Leipti a Leibnitio postea anno 1676 acceptam \Newtonus/ laudavit nescius per ea tempora quod Leibnitus|iu|s {illeg} eandem acceperat O ab Oldenburgo, Accepit autem bis: primo in Epistola prædicta {illeg}|d|einde in exemplari Epistolæ \excerptis ex/ Gregorij ad Collinium qu inter e \Epistola|i|s/ ad ipsum missis 26 Iunij 1676. Et subinde eandem Newtono misit ut suam 27 Aug. 1676 et post annos sex eandem edit|d|it ut suam in Actis Eruditorum celatio omni suo commercio quod habuerat cum Oldenburgo. Et jam dicit se tar{t} conatur se excusare dicendo quod tande agnovit hanc seriem a Gregorio inventam esse

p. Hanc

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Certain But in cases of controversy its against the law of all nations to ad{mi}t admit any man to be a witness for him|se|{illeg}|lf|t, & therefore his saying that he had found it above three years before must go for nothing nog g{illeg} not be taken in evidence \It lies upon him to prove it/. And if he had found it so long ago yet Gregory had sent it to Mr Collins before that time {illeg} & Collins & \had/ b{illeg}|e|gun to communicate it to others before that time. And if he had found it before that time yet the series \is extant/ in Mr Newton's Analysis. pag. 6, lin. ult. And to give himself a char \And to/ title to it, it lies upon him to prove that he invented it before the month of Iuly 169|6|9. All that he has done {illeg} \By his Theoreme of Transmutations/ He taught how to reduce the Area of a circle to area of a curve whose whose {sic} Ordinate is x+11+xx Abscissa is x & Ordinate {illeg} 11+xx=y. The squaring of this Curve by the series x13x3+15x517x7+19x9&c was not his invention. Mr N Communicated it to Mr Collins in the \said/ Analysis. pag 6, His lin ult. \pag 6 lin ult./ His words are: Eodem modo si sit 11+xx=y, dividendo prodibit y=1x2+x4x6+x8, &c Vnde (per Regulam secundam) erit [area] ABDC=x13x3+15x517x7+19x9, &c. And after all this evidence Mr Newton Leibnits

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He s After Mr Newton at his request had After he had commended Mr Newtons series & desired the method {illeg}|o|f finding them & he & h Mr Newton had gratified him in his request he & his friend Tschurnhause should not have Endeavoured to blow upon it as if it proc produced series only per accidens & more simple & general principles of reducing Series were to be expected, & pretended to other general methods of reducing quantities to infinite series. & claim{illeg} He should not have claimed some of Mr Newtons reciprocal series & in the same Letter have dir{ed} desired Mr Newton to send him the his method of finding reciprocal series & when the method was sent him & he understood it not & wrote {illeg} {illeg} again to have it explained, he should not, as soon as he understood it, have written back to Mr Oldenburgh that by his {illeg} he found \perceived/ by his old papers that he|a|d found it before but laid it aside for want of a good example of its use. He should not have published Mr Gregories series in the Acta Leipsica \as his own/ without letting the world know that he received that Series from Mr O & Mr C. & that Mr G. sent it to Mr C. in the year {illeg} beginning of ye year 1671. He should not at ye same time have amused the world with a harmony of series without letting them know that one of those series was nothing else then this \the half of this 1/ 13+1315+1517+1719+19111 the|an|other nothing else then \the half of/ this 1214+1416+1618+18110+110112 &c. a third nothing else then the summ of these two & that as you may perceive by subducting every other \negative/ term from ye term preceding. He should \not/ have published his met differential method in the Acta Leipsica without aknowledging that Mr Newton had a method of

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Newtonus Multiplicationes Divisiones & Extractiones radicum Newtonus p{illeg} commun{illeg} ratione per immutabiles directa per immutabiles dignitatum indices notavit, Leibni{tius} proposuit indices mutabiles. Vide supra, p. 95.

temp. temp.∷{illeg}R. RR+3RSo=R+32So. gC=LC in 1+3So2R=o1+QQ2Roo1+Q2+35001+QQ+350002R

CG=o1+QQ+RQoo1+QQ

cGCG=3Soo02R2QRoo0

{sic}

P12Qo14Roo18So3 PQoRooSo3 P12Qo 14Roo+38So3 P12Qo 14Roo38So3

2R+3So. {illeg}

2R3So. 2R+3Sotemp.temp.

4R3So. 4R+3Sotemp.temp.4R. 4R+6So R.R+3So2. 1.1+3So2R.

2R3So. 4RR9SSoo=2R955004R=2R

2R. 2R+3So1. 3So2R.

1. 1+3So2RLC=o1+QqQRoo1+Qq. gC=o0QRoo0+3Soo2R03QSo320.

CG=o0+QRoo0. gCCG=35002R02QRoo0. Add

1+390f in o0efoo0: o1+eeefoo0+2foo, eoo0=2efoo0+39000fe

3g1+eef ad 2f, seu 3g1+ee ad 2ff.

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And \At that time/ Dr Barrow represented tha to Mr Collins that by this & other papers \wch the author had/ communicated to him by the Author \before/ \befo before/ it appeared that Mr Newton had invented this method & applied it universally some years before. {illeg}

Thales

The ancent {sic} calendar year of the Greeks consisted \therefore/ of twelve Lunar months & every month consisted \each/ of thirty days & these years & months they corrected from time to time by the courses of ye Sun & Moon, omitting a day or two in the month as often as they found the month \of 30 days/ too long for the course of ye Moon & adding a month to ye year as often as they found the twelve lunar months too short for the return of the four seasons. This the ancient Gr \Hence Thales called the last day of the month the thirtith. And to the/ And \in/ allusion to this\e/ ancient \calendar/ year Cleobulus one of the seven wise men alluded \had reference/ in his Parable of one father who had 12 sons each of wch had 30 daughters half black & half white. And according to the number of days in this Calendar year, Demetrius Phalareus had 360 statues erected to him by the Athenians, & Cyrus cut the river Giridus into 360 Channels, & the Egyptians recconed their months to consist of 30 days & their year of twelve such months & five additional days. And in the scriptures \the/ three years & an half {illeg}re of Daniel are by Iohn said to be 42 months & 1260 days.

The ancient Greeks intercaled a month every

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p. 2. l. 7. ad sexdecim et amplius post    .    l. 8. Progressus vero quos jam fuerat Newtonus

p. 3. l 18, Iones ad fidem exemplaris a se reperti supr inter Collinij chartas, Collinij manu exarati, postquam exemplaris fidem ad Autographum — l. 38 Ordinata. l. 39, Area.

p. 5. l. 4. cujusvis Curvæ, ejusdem Curvæ — l. 9. In hoc Compendio suo. l. 11 referentis per rectangulum sub unitate, et litera o comprehensum, adest \vel (quod perinde est)/ per literam o; subintellecti|a| unitate subintellecta scilicet unitate; aliarum— b{illeg} Ne ante jam

p. 13. l. 32|3|. {illeg} transcribendam, eam in manibus Collinij D. Leibnitius {illeg}|v|idit antequam Londino excederet.

p. {6}|7|. l 13 in lucem emitti curavit. lin 34 dele [Et Collinio]. lin 35 excolens. Anno proximo Geometriam altiorem didicit|ere| \cœpit/ erudiente ad Viro Celeberrimo et ejusdem anni mense Iulio |re|scripsit ad Oldenburgum mirando quodam se potitum esse —

p 8. l 16. singulari. Per series suas quas ab acceptis hic distinguit, & \ante/ annos aliquot \adeo antequam Geometriam aliteorem discere cœperat/ via quadam singulari inventas prædicat intelligere videtur series jam ante descriptas numerorum fractorum quibus denominatores sunt {illeg}|n|umeri {illeg} triangulares vel pyramidales vel triangul-triangulares aut similes.

Et quanquam D. Leibnitius setentiam suam de seriebus acceptis sententiam D. Oldenburgo perscribere hic promiserat: cavit tamen posthæc — l. 18 paucis discesserimus si a numericis jam memoratis discesserimus. l. 19 Dele [quas ad – – – – – conciemasse.]

p. 9 l 9 Quorum votis annuens Newtonus

p. 10. l 8. 1675, et annum {illeg} fere antequam Geometr{e}|i|am su{illeg}|b|limiorem addiscere cœperat.

p. 13 l 9 de Analysi sua (ceu \compendio/ methodi serierum) compendio. l. 33 transcribendam, et Collinius eandem cum Leibnitio communicabat quàm antequam ille

p. 18. l. 27 Et Leibnitio cujus candorē in dubium vocare injustum esset, privilegium concedebatur, candorem aliorum pro lubitu in dubium sine abs injuria vocare|nd|i: Newtonum vero oportebat

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p. 3. l. 5 Dele a votre Maitre Leibnits. &. Vide p. 33. l. 3 dévoré

P. 40 l. 12. for imposturues write

P. 41. l. 12|, 13|. Plagiaries. read \you/ who can so little defend him \your/ self from the imputation it.

P. 42.



P. 46. l. 12. Dele, d'alleurs vous dites que et scribe ds|i|sant qu'il ne vouloit

Pag 6. l. 11. & p. 7. 11 for l'assembleé write le Commis |the Committee|

Vide Pag. 21. lin 7. 8.

Pag. 44. l. 1, 2. add, except that where D unless in telling Dr Wallis that the Letters \wch had passed/ between him & Mr Oldenburg were either lost or mislaid in a heap of papers

P 7. l 2. par vo{illeg}|s|{illeg} amis & attributed to you

P 8. l. 9. And therefore you may do well to clear your self from being the author of the \abusive/ Synopsis of the Book of Quadratures published in the Acta Eruditorum for Ian. 1705, wch I{illeg} \has/ occasioned all this dispute.

P. 11. l. 10. add. since you have passed your judgmt upon it.

Pag. 51. lin 17, 18 &c dele Il |e|e|s|t vray — — leur Virginity|é|.

Pag 50 lin 10. — — au Mr Leibnitz. N'y dit il pas — &c. Quære.

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|Sr Isaac Nwton {sic}|

SIR,

YOU are hereby Desired and Summoned to Meet the rest of your Brethren, Members of the Society of the City of London, of and for the Mines, the Mineral, and the Battery Works, at the Mineral-Office-General in Black-fryers, at |2| of the Clock in the |after| noon on |thursday| next being the |8th| Day of this instant Month of |October| Anno Dom. 171|3|. Per Cur' |H. H. Stringer| Serjeant.

Dated at the Mineral-Office-General the |6th| Day of |October|

Proposuerat Newtonus resolutionem æquationum ubi indices dignitatum sunt fractæ vel surdæ quantitates, p 86: D. Leibnitius vicissim proponit resolutionem æquationum ubi indices dignitatum sunt quantitates indefinitæ.

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In hac Analysi quantitates fluentes per symbola quæcun ut v, x, y z et earum fluxiones per symbola alia quæcun {ait} {sic} \V X Y Z {&} vel/ p q r s & momenta per fluxiones in quantitatem {mome}nt{a} parvam {illeg} \coefficientē aliquam/ perparvam o ductas {o}p ut op, oq, or os designantur{illeg}, p{illeg} et finit{a} {illeg} et ubi problema ad æquationem de{illeg}rtur & æquatio reducitur, quantitas o et finita Analysi quantitas o diminuitur {illeg} in infinitum et evanescit [Et hujusmodi symbolæ|a|s Newtonus \pro/ momentis \{mox}/ denotat\ri possunt Dein {com}{illeg}utam peragitur per Geometriam {illeg}igerem ut mox fit ex demonstratione Regulæ primæ/ \pro momentis utitur mox utitur/ demonstrando Regulam primam ut et in \Tractatu de/ Quadratura Curvarum demonstrando Propositionē primam. [At hic symbolum \o/ subintelligit, et momenta denotat per symbola \sola/ fluxionum \symbola/ subintellecta \subintelligendo/ cofficiente o, & pro fluxione quantitatis u{illeg} for{t}{illeg}iter fluentis usurpat quantitat{illeg} s \et ejus momento/ ponit unitatem]. {illeg}] Sed \maxima ex parte/ coefficiens o plerum subintelligitur & momenta sola \eadem symbola pro/ fluxionibus symbola pro \&/ momentis etiam ponuntur \promiscue usurpantur/ et pro fluxione \unitas \p{tit}ur/ tam pro momento/ quantitatis uniformiter fluentis et \quam pro/ ejus moment{illeg} \p{illeg}issime/ /fluxione\ ponitur, ut hic fit ubi 1 ponitur pro momento BK.

Huic patet resolutionem dignitatis indefinitæ binomij cujusvis New in seriem infinitam Newtono jam tum innotuisse: quæ operatio resolutiones {illeg} reductione line quantitatum omnium in s per multiplicationes divisiones vel \et/ extractiones radicum non affectarum simul \in series infinitas,/ comprehendit.

Certe D. Leibnitius Anno 1676 negavit Problemata inversæ tangentium methodi tangentium inversæ et multa alia ab æquationibus aut Quadraturis pendere

Certe cum Newtonus (Anno 1676) dixisset a|A|nalysin suam admodum generalem esse (p. 55,) 56 \ad omnia pene problemata sese extendere/ (p. 55, 56) D. Leibnitius respondit Id sibi non videri; esse enim multa us adeo mira et implexa ut ne ab æquationibus pendeant ne ex quadraturis; Qualia sunt (ex multis alijs) Problemata methodi Tangentium inversæ. Deinde vero, a Newtono admonitas {illeg}|d|idicit hujusmodi problemata ab æquationibus pendere. Et \& quadraturis/ pendere: et hujusmodi fundamentum methodi Newtoni Analysim \illa generalem/ Newtoni \generalem illam Newtoni Analysin/ in hujusmodi æquationibus fundari statim {vi}d{i}t \& {illeg}erit/ /intellexit\. Vide pag 90. lin 26, 27, 28, 29.

Annon D. Leibnitius a Newtono admonitus in hujusmodi æquationes incidit. Vide pag. 30, l. 11. & pag 47. lin 16. & pag 55 lin 29 \& 56 lin 1/ & pag 65 l 14. pag 72. l. 14. p 85 l 32 & p. 88. l 14. & p. 90 l. 26, 27, 28, 29.

999736)1000000000(38001∟88 264)1000000000(38001∟88 792000(01212∟8 208000(3787∟88 211200(38001∟88 03200(03788∟8 2640(38001∟88 560(3787∟8 528(38001∟88 32(38001∟88

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The Answer of Mr Tch|sc|hurnhause to this paper was received by Mr Oldenbe{illeg}|ur|gh the 8th Iune 1675, & entituled Responsum ac scriptum Dn Collinij de Cartesij inventis.

106st=120d11034112+106.120./49st 106012 10612 0012 09912 1175912 120000 12000 2400 13440 168012 4s.8d

1412412(7 6720212(7 8132612(7 8231612(7 99012(7

D. Leibnitius series pro \Hyperbola & circulo quarū reciprocæ sunt elegantes,/ ante quadrennium \annos plure/ habuisse dicitur, series plures reciprocas ante biennium ab Oldenburgo accepit, methodum serierum reciprocarum hoc anno \superiore/ a Newtono postulaver|it|et, & \hoc anno/ acceptam ægre intellexit, & eandem tamem pri\m/us invenit\erat/: Et quamvis eadem \hæc methodus/ ex arcu daret sinum et tangentem, ex logarithmo daret numerum et serierum omnium daret \exhiberet/ reciprocas, eandem tamen neglexit\erat/ ut inutilem|.| id ante annum 1673 quadre.



② D Leibnitius se [ante annos plures seriem habuit Mercatores pro Hyperbola, & hujus seriei reciproca est elegantissima exhibuit Series etiam pro circulo se habuisse dixit \quarū reciprocæ solunt e{ssu} eles. Et exemplo tamen eleganti serierum reciprocarum caruit/]. ① Series pe|l|ures reciprocas ante biennium ab Oldenburgo accepit,|era||t| {illeg} \&/ Methodum serierum reciprocarum anno superiore a Newtono postulav\erat/it {sic}, hoc anno accepit acceptam ægre intellexi\era/t: & eandem tamen prius invenerat \prius/. ③ Et quamvis \series haberet ante annos plures pro Hyperbola et Circulo et/ hæc methodus ex arcu daret sinum rectum sinum versum & tangentem, & cotangentem \& secantem/ & ex logarithmo daret numerum & serierum omnium exhiberet reciprocas, eandem tamen \olim inventam/ neglexerat ut inutilem.

ægre intellexi\erat/ & tam demum \intellectam mox didicit se olim invenisse ex chartis antiquis mox \didicit// ex chartis antiquis didicit se \hanc methodum/ olim invenisse. Et quamvis series haberet ante annos plures pro Hyperbola et circulo et hæc methodus

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Four penny puncheons 15li, three penny 1{3}|2||34|l two penny {illeg}|9||12|l. Penny 7|6|li. 1{illeg}. Total 44li.

3 Quamvis D: Leibnitius \series reciprocas ante biennium ab Oldenburgo acceperat/ methodum serierum reciprocarum anno Nam superiore \a Newtono/ postulaverat & \&/ hoc anno acceptam ægre intellexerat tamen {illeg} \et/ {illeg}|e|andem tamen prius | pri{mu}s invenerat. \Anno 1675/ Series plures reciprocas ab Oldenburgo acceper|it|at anno 1675 & \unius/ earum {illeg}am ut elegantiam singularem habentis Demonstrationem \anno proximo/ ab Oldenburgo postula ba|vi|t{ur}. {illeg} biennio {illeg} p. 45. Seriem pro Quadratura circuli quam anno 1675 cum Gallis ut suam communicavi|ba|t, id est Gregorianam, sibi ann{illeg}|o| 1673 \sibi/ notam fuisse scripsit (p 45). < insertion from the bottom of the page > sed methodo \caruit/ inveniendi elegentem hujus reciprocam caruit. Toto fere quadrennio D. Leibnitius methodum serierum reciprocarum desiderabat & tamen prius invenerat & se invenisse oblitus fuerat. < text from f 137v resumes > & huius reciproca satis elegans est (p 25 \& 41/) sed Leibnitio \diu/ ignota. Toto triennio \fere quadrenni{o} Liebnitius/ methodum serierum reciproc{t}{illeg}|aru|m desiderabat & tamen prius invenerat, {illeg} inventionis oblitus fuerat & se invenisse oblitus fuerat.

1. Rogatur D. Leibnitius ut hanc ἑνθ{υν}σιν p{illeg} communicet.



2. M{illeg} De methodo generali ex methodis {illeg} serierum & fluxionum composita Newtonus hi{illeg} sequen loquitur in sequentibus p 14, 15, 18, 30. 55, 56, \71/ 85, 86.

Anno crediderit D. Leibnitius [methodum negligenda et obliviori tradendā esse quas serierum] serierum omnium reciprocas esse in elegantes? Anne] |sed| methodum rejiciendam \negligendam neglexerat/ esse quæ \Et quamvis/ ex arcu daret sinum et serierum omniū reciprocas exueret ex logarithmo numerum & serierum omnium exhiberet reciprocas? anne serierum omnium reciprocas esse ineligantes? eandem tamen neglexerat ut inutilem.

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What is said in the following letters \& in a Letter of Mr Collins to Mr Newton printed by Dr Wallis/ concerning the method of tangents being known to Slusius {S}i{illeg}hen \before/ he printed his Mesolabium was grownded upon a mistake. The letter of Mr Collins dated 18th Iune 1673 runs thus

Quod ad Slusij Methodum de Tangentibus spectat: Erat ea ab ipso bene intellecta quum suum {de} Mesolatio librum edidit, sed noluit tunc publici juris facere ed quod nollet Amico suo Angelo Riccio prævenire. Qui tamen postea declinans ipse studia Mathematica petebat a Slusio scribere, pollicitus est eam D. Oldenburgo transmittere ut Transactionibus Philosophicis inseretur. Ante vero quam huc appulerit scribebam Ego ad Te ut intelligerem quid ea de re tu noveris. Tuum responsum cum D. Oldenburgo communicabam, ut ipse D. Slusio transmitteret: ut sciat ipse, rem eam esse apud Anglos congitam; utut forte non tam diu ne tam mature ut ipsi fuerit.

The \Riccius published his/ Exercitatio Geometrica \de Maximis & Minimis/ of Riccius was published at Rome in ye year 1666 & two years after reprinted in England, & by his third Theoreme for determining Maxima & Minima he teachs how to draw Tangents to some curves. And Slusius in \the fourth chapter of/ his Miscellanies published wth his Mesolabium in ye year {illeg} 1668, sets down the Proposition Theorem of Riccius & makes this note upon it. Liceret hujus Propositionis usum prolixius extendere, ad determinandas nempe maximas & minimas applicatarum in Curvis, t {illeg}|a|ngentes & similia Verum cum hanc materiam nuper, in e|E|xerciatione sua Geometrica, feliciter aggressus sit Vir Clarissimus Michael Angelus Riccius, doctrina & humanitate singulari, orbi literato notissimus; & justi operis spem faciat: frustra nunc pluribus insisterem cum meliora ac perfectiora ab ipso propediem expectari debeant. And this is that method of Tangens wch Slusius when he wrote \published/ his Mesolabium which reliquished to his friend Riccius & wch Riccius afterwards desired Slusius to publish & Slusius \thereupon/ promised to send to Mr Oldenburg to be published in the Transactions. But the method wch Slusius sent afterwards to Mr Oldenburgh to be published in the Transactions was very different from this, & doth not flow from the Theorem of Riccius & doth not flow & floweth not \easily either/ from the Theorem published before by Slu Riccius & Slusius {illeg} or from the three Lemmas upon \from/ wch Slusius pretended to derive it.

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So \Upon notic \This year Mr Leibnitz// Upon notice that Mr Iames Gregory was dead, Mr L{e} desired th{illeg} Letters might be collected & sent to Paris [& about \at/ the same time he desire{d} that Mr Oldenburg would send {illeg} him the Demonstration of my series \that is the method of {illeg}/ & tol{d} \them & told him/ that Mr Collins could help him to it, & therefore he had head|r|d that Mr Col{l}{ins} had my method, that is my Analysis per series numero terminorum infinitas. For I sent to {illeg} \to Mr Collins/ no other Method of Series then that] & they were collected & sent accordingly, & among them was|er|e \copies of/ MrGregories Letters of 5 Sept 1670 & 19 Decem. 16 mine of 10 Decem. 1672 & by these Letters Mr Leibnitz had notice that Mr Barrows method of Tangents was capable of improvement so as to give the method of Tangents of Gregory & Slusius & that this|e| Method \of Gregory & Slusius/ might be improved so as to give my general method of Analysis & that this method \Analysis/ proceeded without sticking at surds, & that I had interwoven it with the method of series, vizt in a Tract which I wrote upon this subject in the year 1671. Mr Leibnitz wrote also for t to Mr Oldenburg for the Demonstration \of some/ of my Series \that is the method of finding them/ & told him that Mr Collins could help him to it, & therefore knew that Mr Collins had my m|M|ethod, that is my Analysis per series numero terminorum infinitas; for I sent Mr Collins my method in no other Paper then that. [And in October following Mr Leibn. coming to London saw in the hands of Mr Collins many of mine & Mr Gregories Letters especially those relating to series. He saw also my Letter of 24 Octob. 1676 & me{illeg}{t} meth with Dr Barrows Let|c|tures] At the same time he received also my Letter of 13 Iune 1676 in wch I represented \the Art of/ that Analysis by my methods of Series & \some other methods (meaning principally the method of/ fluxions) became so general as to extend to almost all Problemes except perhaps some numeral ones like those of Diophantus|.| & And in October following he came to London & consulting Mr Collins saw in his hands many of mine & Gregories Letters especially those relating to series. He saw also my Letter of 24 Octob. 1676 wherein he had further notice of these things, & \while he was in London he/ met with Dr Barrows Lectures, & in going \in his way/ from London to Hannover was meditating how to improve the method of Tangents of Slusius, as I gather from his Letter of 1828 Novem 1676 writen from Amsterdam to Mr Oldenburg 1828 Novem. 1676.

There was also at the same time a Paper \an abusive Harang/ printed \agains Dr Keill/ in the Acti{illeg}|a| Eruditorum for Iuly 1676 without the name of the author. But The Author by calling a formula of Mr |I.| Bernoulli formulam meam has father it upon that writer but I hear that Mr Bernoulli denies that he wrote it, & I doo not think such papers fit to be answered. [There are some matters of fact not yet fully stated|.| & I give you leave I have set them down in the inclosed paper, & give you leave to {illeg} l{illeg} publish it.] For avoiding answering any o{illeg} such Letters & Papers \& ridding my hands of ths matter/ I have herewith sent you a general relation of the matter of fact, & give you leave to print it, & every body to think of it what they please. For I do not think the matter of so much consequence that I should concern my self about it any further.

In my Analysis per æquationes numero terminorum infinitas I said that by this Analysis Curvarum areæ & longitudines &c (id modo fiat) exacte et geometrice determinantur: sed ista narrandi non est locus. And Mr Collins in his Letter to Mr Strode above mentioned, said thias by this Analysis & other things communicated \before/ to Dr Barrow it appeared that I knew this method {be} some time \years/ before the Logarithmotechnia of Mercator came abroad so as to find the area of any figure accurately if it may be or at least infinitely neare by approximation in infinitum. And in my Letter of 24 Octob. 1676 I represented that the Quadrature of Curves was improved by the method of fluxions & I had thereby \by that Method/ found some general Theoremes for that end & there set down one of those Theoremes & illustrated it with examples. And in the six{illeg} first Propositions of the Book of Quadratures I shewed how such Theorems were to be found by that Method, & therefore that Method so far as it is conteined in the first six Propositions of the Book of Quadratures but even before O{at}{illeg} the writing Mr Leib was known to me before I wrote the said \L{e}|a|tter & before I wrote the said/ Analysis & before Mercators Logarithmotechnia came abroad, there being no other Method \then that conteined in those Proposi six Propositions/ by wch {illeg}ch /such\ Theorems could be found.

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|1.| — before Mr Leibnitz understood the differential Method. For he never pretended to have did not began to study the higher Geometry before summer soon a a little after the Horologium oscillatorū of Mr Hugens came abroad wch was in April 1673, & never pretended to have had the differential method before the year 1676, & when he wrote his Letter of 27 Aug. 1676 he placed the perfection of Analysis not in the Differential Calculus as he did after he found it, but in a Method founded on Analytical Tables of Tangents & the Combinatory Art. Nihil est, saith he quod norim in tota Analysi momenti majoris. And a little after: Ea vero non differt ab Analysi illa SVPREMA ad cujus intima Cartesius non pervenit. Est enim ad eam constituendam opus Alphabeto cogitationū humanorum.

|2.| In October follow 1676 he went from Paris to London & there met with Dr Barrows Lectures & saw my Letter of 24 October 1676. And Mr Iames Bern\o/ulli in the Acta Eruditorum for December 1691 pag. 14, said that the Calculus of Mr Leibnitz – – — – – – – – he never claimed a right to it.

|5| In writing the Book of Principles I made much use of the method of fluxions direct & inverse, but did not set down the calculations in the book it self because the book was written by the method of composition as all Geometry ought to be. And this Book was the first specimen made publick of the use of this method in the difficulter Problemes. This book came abroad in Spring 1687 & in the Acta Eruditorum for Ianuary 1689 Mr Leibnitz published a Schediasma de resistentia Medij & motu projectorum gravium in Medio resistente & in the end of it added {illeg} Et fortassis attente consideranti vias quasdam novas vel certe satis antea impeditas apperuisse videbimur. Omnia autem respondent nostræ Analysi infinitorum, hoc est, calculo summarum & differentiarū (cujus elementa quædam in his Actis dedimus) communibus quoad verbis licuit verbis hic expresso. \This paper was/ And this was the second specimen of the use made public of the use of this method in the difficulter Problemes. And yet it was nothing else than the two first sections of the second book of Principles reduced into another method \order &/ form of words.

|6| At the request of Dr Wallis — — — — necessary to the Method.

|4| In the year 1684 Mr Leibnitz published the Elements of the differential Calculus as his own without making any mention of his \former/ correspondence with Mr Oldenburg about these matters. He mentioned indeed a Methodus similis, but whose that Method was & what he knew of it he did not say. And this put me upon a necessity of writing the Scholium upon the second Lemma of the \second/ Book of Principles least I should seem to have borrowed that Lemma from Mr Lei{illeg}

3 The Marquess de l'Hospital in the Introduction \Preface/ to his Analysis said that Mr Leibnis had done me justice in the Iournal des Scavans du 30 Aoust 1694 vizt \in acknowledging/ that I found the method proprio Marte. But the Marquess did not then know that I was the first inventor.

7 If it be asked why I did not publish – – – – till the year 1704 And for the same reason I intend to meddle with \this/ matter no furthe more. The inverse Method of fluxions is capable of great improvements, & the improvements are his who finds them out.

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It has been represented in Germany that Mr Leibnitz first found out ye differentiall method calculus in numbers & then by inventing the Analysis of infinitesimals translated this calculus to Geometry. And indeed Mr Leibnitz in the beginning of the year 1673 pretended to \But this is to tell us that he found out the differential calculus of {Newto} Mouton/ [But this is to tell us that he derived his differential calculus in infinitesimals from Moutons differential calculus in numbers{]} For In the beginning of the year 1673 Mr Leibnitz was reprehended by Dr Pell for pretending|ed| to the invention{illeg} of Mouton \&/ \he pretended to the invention of this/ differential calculus in numbers & was reprehended \told/ by Dr Pell that it was Moutons method & acknowledged wt Dr Pell said to be true, but \& yet/ defended himself by saying that he found it apart without knowing what Mouton had done before. [And it seems that under this pretense it still passes in Germany for the method of Mr Leibnitz.] But if Mouton was the first inventor he had the sole right to the invention till Mr Leibnitz \also/ found it out & he that has once the sole right to an invention is not \afterwards/ to be deprived of his rig of any part of his right by coninventors sharing it with co afterwards with coinventors.

The Editors of the Acta LiEruditorum mense Iuni{i} \Octob./ anni 1685 pag 298 \483/ tell us that the quadrature of ye circle by the series 113+1517+19 &c was found out {illeg}|by|{illeg} Mr Leibnitz ten years before or above that is in the year 1675 before the month of October. And \Mr Leibnitz tells us in the Acta Erudit. of/ the next year mense Iunio pag 298, 299, that \Mr {sic}/ he found out this Quadrature presently \soon/ after he began to understand Algebra, but was still forced to do many things by the ambages of figures wch he would have done by the compendium of Analysis untill at length he found out his differential calculus. And in a letter to Dr Wallis dated 28 May 1697 he A tells \us that/ the {illeg}|c|onsideration of {illeg}e|di|fferences & summs in series of numbers gave him the first light \into it/, by observing that Differences answered to tangents & summs to quadratures: that is, it put upon upon taking into considering Dr Barrows differential method of Tangents & M|D|r O|W|allis's summatory methods of Quadratures. And this was some time after the year 1675. But this consideration \alone/ could not {illeg} {sic} give him light into the method of drawing Tangents without sticking at surds nor into the manner of makin universal extent of this method for solving all sorts of Problemes. That light he had from Mr Newtons Letters as is manifest by what has be said above. by his correspondence wth Mr Oldenburg by as is manifest by what has been said above. By that correspondence he received the series of Gregory, & learnt that Mr Newton had a general method, which ga of solving Problems without sticking at surds wch method gave ye method of tangents of Slusius as an \obvious/ corollary & determined the {illeg} curvities, areas; \convex sufaces {sic};/ solid contents, \&/ centers of gravity, & of figures & by the conditions of tangents \mutually/ gave the figures &c. And & for squaring of curves gave converging series wch brake off & became finite as often as the curve might be squared <141v> by a finite equation;|,| And & gave rules for comparing of Figures with the areas of the conick sections. {A} This put Mr Leibnitz upon considering how to improve the method of Slusius \so as to make it universal/ as is manifest by his Letter to Mr Oldenburg dated at Amsterdam Nov 1828 1676. And when he began to see how the differential methods of Barrow & Slusius might be improved, he began where Barrow left off as the Marquess de L'Hospital has observed, & to make himself a coinventor changed the notation of Dr Barrow & wrote \back/ \pretended to have found the method long before writing back/ to Mr Oldenburgh: Clarissimi |Slusij| methodum tangentium nondum esse absolutam Celeberrimo Newtono assentior Et jam a multo tempore rem Tangentium generalius tractavi; scilicet per differenti\at Ordinat/arum: [And so \then/ proceeded in that letter to describe this new method as his own & compare it wth Newtons as his own invented jam tum a multo tempore,] though it be certain that he was but then beginning to understand it. For when he wrote his Letter of 27 Aug. 1676, had t & therein represented that he did not beleive that Mr Newtons Methods were so general as he represented them \& added/: Sunt enim multa us adeo mira et implexa       ut ne ab æquationibus pen\d/eant ne ex quadraturis: qualia sunt, ex multis alijs, Problemata methodi tangentium inversæ its most certain that he understood nothing of the|i|s matter. He saith indeed in his Letter to Dr Sloan in his Letter dated 29 Decem. 1711 Inventum plusquam in nonum in annum pressi, ut nemo me præcurrisse quæri possit. By wch words he {illeg} would have us beleive that he found it before October 1675 & by consequence before the correspondence wch he had wth Mr Newton by means of Mr Oldenburg. But he is not a witness in his own cause. It lies upon him to prove it. He had Moutons differential method before th October 1675: but the method wch he now calls the diff differential method now in dispute {wch t}{illeg} he had not when he wrote his Letter before the letter end when he wrote his Letter of 27 Aug 1676 & there is great reaso if he affirms that he had it before Iune \May/ 1677 it lies upon him to prove his assertion the May 1677, it lies upon him to prove his assertion. It is not enough t to to say that he \first/ found the differential method first in numbers The Differential method in numbers is not his. Mouton found it before him; {illeg} T{illeg} It {s} & it is but of narrow extent & little use. The question is about the universal \general/ method of Analysis as now called usu called the method of moments & fluxions by Mr Newton & the method of infinitesimals & indivisibles by Mr Leibnitz.

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To Sr Isaac Newton

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And a|A| man who knows that he is but the second inventor & endeavours to diminish the right of the first inventor is a Plagiary.

And whereas he suppo represents that he supprest the Invention \above/ nine years \that no body else might pretend to been before hi{m}/ & by consequence had it in the year 1675 it lies upon him to prove that he had it in the year when he had it wrote his Letter to Mr Oldenburg dated |27| Aug. 27 1676, wherein he affirmed affirmed that Problemes of the inverse method of Tangents & many others could not be reduced to Infinite Series nor depended on Equations or Quadratures.

And whereas he further represents that he made all that delay that no body {who} might pretend to have been before him in it complain of his pretending to step in before them

But we in England give no right to second Inventors. The first Inventor has the sole right – . . . . doth afterward.



And since he has said (in his Letter to Mr Dr Sloan{illeg} dated 29 Dec. 1711) that he supprest the Method {illeg}|a|bove nine years, & by consequence \before he published it, & it follows from thence that he/ had it in the \year/ 1675, it lies upon him to prove that he had it in the year 1675 when he wrote his Letter of 2 to Mr Oldenburgh dated 27 Aug. 1676, wherin he affirmed that Problems of ye inverse method of Tangents & many others could not be reduced to Infinite Series nor depended on Equations or Quadratures.

And whereas in the same Letter he has appealed to the judgment of Mr O Hugenius as a most intelligent & most uncorrupt judge: he is desired to tell the world whether he believes in his conscience that Mr Hugenius ever heard \the cause between/ both parties or was made acquainted with the commerce between the English & Mr Leibnitz by Letters while he staid at Paris.



It lies upon him also to tell the world what was the \series mentioned in his Letter to Mr Old. dated 26 Oct. 167\4// method by which he found \he found a ser series by which he found/ any Arc of a circle whose sine was given, & what was as he mentions in his Letter of & what was the method by wch he found that series, & could not find the series of Mr Newton the Demonstration of wch he desired Mr Oldenburg \(12 May 1676/ to procure from Mr Collins.

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It lies upon him also to tell the world what was the method, by wch he found the series of regression for the circle & Hyperbola {illeg}|s|ent to him by Mr Newton \13 Iune 1676/ before he claimed them from Mr Newton in|by| his Letter of 27 Aug. 167 following.

And since he has told us that his friends know how he came by the Differential method; it lies upon him to let the wo\r/ld know how he came by it & at what time|.| he {illeg}



But since he com has complaiend of the R. Society for giving judgment without hearing both parties, he is desired to tell the world whether he beleives in his conscience that Mr Hugenius to whom he appeals as a most intelligent & most uncorrupt judge ever heard the cause between both parties or was made acquainted with the {illeg} commerce what had passed between the English & Mr Leibnitz by Letters during his stay at Paris between the years 1672 & the years 1677.

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+ And Mr Leibnitz himself in a letter to Mr {sic} \Newton/ dated to Mr Newton \dated/ from Hanover 717 March 1693 & still extant in his own hand writing, acknowledges the same thing in these words: Mirifice ampliaveras Geometriam tuis seriebus, sed edito Principiorum opere ostendisti patere tibi etiam quæ analysi receptæ non subsunt. Conatus sum ego quo notis commodis adhibitis quæ differentias et summas exhibent, Geometriam illam quam transcendentem appello, Analysi quodammodo subje|i|cere, nec res male processit.



Dr Wallis had received copies of Mr newtons two Letters of 13 Iune & 24 Octob. 1676 from Mr Oldendenburgh {sic} & published many things out of them in the second volume of his Works \in his Algebra printed in English 1683 & printed in Latin/ A.C. 1693. And in the third Volume of his works p{illeg} soon after upon noti h soon after had notice \intimation/ from Holland to print ye Letters intire because Mr Newtons method \notions/ of fluxions passed there wth applause under by the name of the Differential Method of Mr Leibnitz, & thereupon took notice of this matter in the Preface to his first Volume published two years after the second & in a letter dated April. 10th 1695 \he/ wrote thus to Mr Newton about it. I wish you would print the two large Letters of Iune & August \[He means Iune & October.]/ 1676. I had intimation from Holland, as desired there by your friends, that somewhat of that kind were down; because yor Notions (of Fluxions) pass there with great applause, by the name of Leibnitz's Calculus Differentialis. I had this intimation when all but part of the Preface to this Volume was printed off; so that I could only insert (while the Press stayd) that short intimation thereof wch you there find. You are not so kind to your reputation (& that of the nation) as you might be when you let things of worth lye <143v> by you so long, till others carry away the Reputation that is due to you. I have endeavoured to do you justice in that point; {illeg}|a|nd am now sorry that I did not print those two Letters verbatim. < insertion from the bottom of the page > And in a \wch/ Letter to Mr Leibnitz dated 1 Decem. 1676, he mentions the same thing {illeg} Dr Wallis thus excuses his inserting the said Paragraph{illeg} into his Preface \without making a further mention of the Differential calculus/. Calculi Neque Calcul Differentialis vel nomen audivisse me non memini nisi postquam utrum Volumen absolverant operæ, erat Præfationis (præfigendæ) postremum folium sub p|P|relo ejus typos jam posuerant Typothetæ. Quippe tum me monuerat amicus quidam harum rerum gnarus qui peregre fuerat, tum talem methodum in Belgio prædicari, tum illam cum Newtoni methodo fluxionum quasi coincidere. Quod fecit ut (transmotis typis jam positis) id monitum inseruerit|m|. And in the Letter which followed hereupon

– – – – Mr Leibnitz at that time. By wch it may appear that it was then a received notion in England that Mr Newt{ō} had found the method of fluxions ten years before the said correspondence between him & Mr Leibnitz or above. < text from f 143v resumes >

The shord|t| Intimation of this matter wch {illeg}|D|r Wallis inserted into ye Preface of his first Volume was in these words. In secundo Volumine, (inter alia) habitur – – – – – – – nihil a nobis dictum esse.

Hereupon the Editors of the Acta Lips. – – – – of \to/ Mr Leibnitz at that time. And in the year 1699 Dr Wallis upon publishing th{is}|e| third Volume of his works \by the leave of Mr Leibnitz/ inserted into ye 3d Volume of his works the said two Letters together wth the \three/ Answers of Mr Leibniz \found in the Library of Mr Collins &/ dated 27 Aug. 1676 & /&\ 21 Iune 1677 & \24 Octob 1676/ 12 Iuly 1677 together with some other L \& found in the Library of Mr Collins./

In the same year (A.C. 1699) Mr Fatio, in his Dissertation on ye Line of the quickest descent, suggested that Mr Leibnitz . . . . . before Ianuary 1705

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Videamus jam qua facile fuerit ex ha|o|c methodo|i| Tangentium et \generalis {illeg}p|ex|e{illeg}|mp|la {illeg}/ methodo Tangentium Barrovij collat{illeg}|o| methodum ipsam generalem deducere

Methodus vero generalis ex hoc ejus \specime|i|ne vel/ exemplo sic deducitur

Et hinc Wallisius in Præfatione ad Volumen secundum Wallisij \operum suorum/ dixit quod Newtonus Literis suis 13 Iunij & 24 Octob. (scribendo quod Methodus sua prompte daret Methodum Tangentium Slusij {illeg} \generalis/ prompte et abs æquationum reductione daret methodum Tangentium Slusij & methodū suam Leibnitio explicuisset. & methodum Tangentium \Slusij/ inde fluere dixisse id abs æquationum reductione dixisset Leibnitius \uti/ in itinere suo per Hollandiam ad de \ex Gallia {illeg} {Anglia} in Germaniam/ Methodo tangentium Slusij amplianda cogitabat, ut ex Epistola ejus ad Oldenburgum Amstelodami 1828 Novem. data {t}|m|anifestum |e|e|s|t. e|E|t proximo mense Iunij rescripsit Clarissimi Slusij Methodum Tangentium nondum esse absolutam Celeberrimo Newtono assentior. Deinde in eadem Epistola descripsit methodum tangentium Barrovij et quomodo ex hac method|o| \Barrovij/ Methodus Tangentium Slusij deduci posset, & quom|d|odo methodus tangentium Slusiu|j|s ad æquationes sic inventa exhiberi pot|ss|est {sic} ubi plures sunt quantitates literæ indeterminatæ quam duæ \(quod \sæpe/ fit maximo cum fructum)/ et ea{m|æ|} ratione (methodum irrationales non morari procedere non sublatis irrationalibus|.| quod fit maxima cum fructu Hoc totum est quod Leibnitius anno 1677 rescripsit & cum \Hoc totum est quod Leibnitius ea tempore r|d|escripsit. Et hoc {t}otum e{go} Epistola Newtoni 1672 \f{er}ille/ consequi jam ostensum/ Et hæc sunt vestigia {illeg} [Viderit ita Lector annon Newtonus Literis suis methodum Leibnitio expolicuit Leibnitius \Newtonus methodum habuerit anno 1672 & Leibnitius anno|i|s 1676 & 1677 postea ex Lite/, Newtoni aliquid didicerit lucem aliquam acceperit] Viderit ita Lector annon Leibnitius Newtonus methodum habuit|er|it anno 1672 & b{illeg} \& annon/ Leibnitius (qui ex tempore \anno 1673 & 1674/ altiorem Geometriam non didicer|it|it \cœpit discere/) post annos quatuor vel quin ex Newtoni Litteris lucem aliquam acceperit. Et horum vestigijs institit ubi rescripsit

Idem consequitur ex epistola|is| Newtoni 1|2|{illeg} 13 Iunij & 24 Octob. 1676 data anno 1676 scripto si \modo/ cum methodo Tangentium Slusij conferantur, ut Wallisius olim notavit in Præfatione ad Operum suorum Volumen primum notavit.

Qu. 1. Whether is it right to set a president for discouraging Manufactures by taxing them?

Qu. 2. Whether is it worth the while to do this for a tax scarce exceeding twelve or fifteen thousand pounds pr an'

Qu. 3. Whether, after ye Lds have rejected a Bill for lowere|i|ng the fineness of Plate, is it right to tack this to a money bill, & will not the Qu{illeg} Lds reject it.

Qu. 4. Whether some of the Goldsmths should not be consulted about the plurality of Diets, standard & the marks thereof.

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Et eodem temp & auctoritate Bernoullij amicos suos \harum rerum \mathematicarum/ inscios/ contra Newtonum passim ciere conatus est: cum tamen Bernoullius

Eodem spectat{illeg} etiam \quod/ in Epistola Newtoni ad Oldenburgiū 24 Octob. 1676 data, extat Catalogam dest|{c}|iptæ exiant Ordinatæ — cum conicis sectionibus referuntur in

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I|N|ewtonus in Epistola sua ad Oldenburgum 24 Octob 1676 data, ubi \solutione{m}/ Problema aliquot generaliam nominasset subjungit: Fundamentum harum operationum, satis obvium \OBVIVM/ quidem quoniam jam non possum explicat{t}|i|onem ejus prosequi|e| sic potius celavi & 6accdæ &c. Celavit ut obvium ne subriperetur. Quam vero sit \fuit/ obvium & quam facile subripi potuit, sic ostendetu patebit. Iacobus Gregorius scripsit ad Collinium.



Et Quæstio est \Quæritur/, non quis methodum totam invenit, \(nam tota nondum inventa \est// sed quis methodum invenit \quatenus/ in scriptis a Newto {sic} editis habetur. Qui aliquid addiderit is jus habet|b||it| in partes Theo in Regulas additas in partes additas.



Set|d| et L. ipse anno proximo in Epistola sua ad {illeg}|C|on. de Kilm 18 Apr data & a Des Maizeaux edita \idem agnovit/ narrando quod cum ipse per E Oldenburgio \scriberet/ O de serie \scriberet/ quam pro circulo invenerat \ad Oldenburgium scriberet/ {m}{illeg} (viz per Epistolas 15 Iulij & 26 Octob. 1674;] Oldenburgius responderet (\vizt/ 8 Decem 1674) quod Newtonus Can quidem Cantabrigiensis jam ante|a| dedisset similia dedisset non solum pro circulo sed etiam pro omni fig\u/rarum \aliarum/ genere & ipsi misisset [me envoya \& ipsi mitteret/ des essais,] ipsi mittess|r|et \mitteret serierum/ specimina. Hæc sp His verbis Leibnitius Hoc non obstante, ait, series mea satis laudata fuit p per Newtonum ipsum. Il est trove par apres qu' un nomme Postea inventum est quendam creatum D. Gregorium {q} quendam eandem \etiam/ seriem mecum {illeg} invenisse: sed hoc didici tarde. Hæc Leibnitius. Literas uti multa fruge Algebraica refertas acceperat, sed tunc præter ordinarias curas Mechanicis imprimis negotijs distractus, non potuit examinare series quas Oldenburgius miserat, ac cum suis compare: ut ipse tunc rescripsit. Et Newtonus \Wallisius & junior Gregorius/ autem hanc seriem a Gregorio ad Collinium & ab Oldenburgio ad Leibnitium fuisse missam, per ea tempora ignorabat

Hæc epistola in Galliam prius missa fuit quam in Angliam veniret, [et [Newtonus qui hoc nesciebat a Comite de Comitibus \confusus est/ ut eidem responderet] \et/ eidem Epistolæ subjunctū erat Problema Bernoullij Bernoullij quod Leibnitius olim proposi\era/t D. Fatio in Actis Eruitarum et solvendum, et [Iam proposuit {illeg} Analystis Anglis \vero Leibni{uj}/ postulabat ab Abbate ut is suo nomine proponeret \idem/ Analystis Anglis. \/ < insertion from the bottom of the page > ✝ et præterea \Edem {sic} tempore Leibis Epistolam volantur Iudicis Mathematici \jam/ edi curavit in Hollandia tanquā/ [jam cœpit amicis suis scribere quod {illeg} judex ille Mathematicus erat ipse Bernoullius & Ej po|i|sto{illeg}|l|am vol] a {illeg}|B|ernoullio scriptam, et amis|c|is \subinde/ cœpit mox scribere quod Bernoullius erat ejusdem auctor. Sic Quæstio dirimenda erat authoritate Iudicis Bernoullij contra {illeg} \et Iudicis constituti &/ Problemat|a| proponentis ab Analystis Anglis solvenda. Newtonus autem qui ignorabat Epistolam \ad Abbatem/ cum hoc Problemate per Galliam in Angliam venisse, impulsus \inductus/ fuit ab Abbate ut eidem responderet et Re- Epistola ad Abbatem 26 Feb 17156 data scripsit quod Consessus R. Societatis Hoc artificium \per/ Newtono innotuit anno 1676 uti patet per Epistolam ejus & \eo anno/ 24 Octob ad Oldenburgum scriptam, immo et anno 1669 ut affirmatur < text from f 144v resumes > Newtonus autem impulsus est ab Abbate et ejus amicis qui {illeg} ignorabat Epistolam cum hoc Problemate per Galliam in Angliam venisse impulsus fuit ab Comt|Abb te|{illeg} &c e|u|t eidem responderet et respōso suo ad Abbatem 26 Feb 17156 dato scripsit quod Concessus

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\1/ Motum harmonicum Planetarum Assumpsit, {illeg}de{illeg}st{illeg} Artic 7|6| Tentaminis \(in Tentaminis artic non probavit {illeg} {illeg}/ Vide Tentaminis Artic. 6. \2./ Vim centrifugam simi{illeg} verso angulorum \{illeg}/ s{illeg} assumpsit \semper/ proportionalem \esse Lebn. {illeg}p{illeg}itatem/ assumpsit \{illeg}/ {illeg} Artic 11 \Artic 12 |assumpsit| contra veritatem: et inde/ 12. & {illeg} et {illeg} ex hac assumptione errante & excessa vis centrifugæ supra vim centripetalē (qui nullus est) etiam assumpta per In calculo etiam errasse volent aliqui. Et Propositionis mathemati{æ} sic {vir} veniri non solent \circulationis/ Motum paracentrium Planetarum assumpsit a a differentia virium centrifugarum & centripetarum (quæ nullæ est) oriri {illeg}de inv{illeg}vit oriri fixit Artic 15, 21, 25. In calculo errase volent aliquo. Et Propositiones mathematicæ sic inveniri non solent. |Et| Ex errantibus Articulis 12 et 15 deduxit Artic 19. In {illeg}l{illeg} E|A|t Propositiones Mathematicæ sic inveniri non solent

Ita privatim ut publice Quæritur unde habuit & quando primum habuit Methodum differentialem Moutoni Leibnitius habuit anno 1673 & suam esse voluit. Methodum aliam differentialem nondum habuit. Series postea habuit sed quas anno 1675 ab Oldenburgo accepit, ab A alijs prius accipere potuisset. Methodum generalem perveniendi ad ejusmodi series anno proximo ab Oldenburgo petijt, a Newtona|o| accepit, antea non habuit. Methodum extrahendi radices in speciebus a Newtono simul accept qua transmutatio figurarum in methodum quandam generalem evasit, sed inutilem. Per extractiones solas res citius peragitur. Anno 1677 methodum novam habuit differentialem habuit sed quæritur unde habuit. Et quando primum habuit sed Newtonus methodum infinitessimalem ante hunc annum in Analysi et Literis suis abun descripserat ac tantam esse methodi hujus antiquitatem \Editores eam jact{illeg}antur/ g{illeg}t{illeg}s majores non asseritet Leibnitius ipse non asserit non asserant Editores jactant, majorem non asserunt.

|3| Inde deduxit vim centrifugum mobilis harmonice circulantis esse in ratione radiorum reciproca tril|p|licata \(Artic 12)/. Newtonus \autem/ demonstravit hanc vim mobilis in s{illeg}t Ellipsis circa focum harmonice circulantis esse ratione radiorum reciproce duplicata. Par Motum paracentricum . . . . . . (quæ nulla est) Leibnitius oriri finxit (in Artic 15, 21, 25.) Ex|t| ex Propositionibus errantibus Articulis 12 et 15 deduxit Artic. 19 Certo \Crenda sunt hæc et/ Propositiones Mathematicæ sic inveniri non solent.

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Vortices alicubi harmonice alibi non harmonice moveri pro lubitu finxit. Vide Acta Li{illeg}ps. Ann. 17   pag Harmonicæ circulatit|o|n{is} obstant Vortices P satellitum Saturni Iovis ac Terræ. Motum Cometarum \Leibnitius/ non attingit, Comet{a} Planetæ et Cometæ ijsdem legibus {illeg}va{hi} Newtonus |det{illeg}it{illeg}| revolvuntur apud Newtonum. Vortices alicubi harmonice alibi non harmonice moveri \Leibnitius/ I{illeg} pro lubitu finxit: {illeg} harmon{illeg} proh{illeg}it harmonicæ circulationi obstant vortices Satellitum Saturni Iovis {ac} Terræ \Harmonice {illeg} Motibus Cometarum Vortices non favent./{sic} Motum harmonicum Planetarum \Leibnitius non probavit sed in Tentaminis Artic 6/ {ex} {Princi} assumpsit|.| a on probavit: Newtonus motum harmonicum corporum omnium in centrum immotum attractorum demonstravit. Motum circulationis & motum paracentricum Leibnitius nunc a diversis causis deducit nunc ab eadem deducit Newtonum|s| utrum ab eadem causa \(pro simplicitate naturæ/ semper deducit. Vim centrifugam . . . .

a A relatione Differentiarum ad Tangentes Leibnitius se methodum differentialem habuisse hic fatetur, \id est a methodo determinandi tangents per differentias/ {illeg} {illeg} /Archimedes\ Fermatius Gregorius, {illeg} Barrowus \& Newto{illeg}nus/ methodū differentialem|rum| ad Tangentes applicuera|e|{nt} Newtonus hanc methodum \ducendi tangentes aux er|it|at & præterea/ {illeg} ad Quadraturas Curvarum & alia multa problematū \genera/ applicando, \applicuit &/ valde generalem reddider|it|at, & idem significaver|it|at in Epistolis suis ad Collinium A. C 1672 & Oldenburgum \A.C. 167 {sic}/ 1676. Scripser|it|at \{mox} mox/ Leibnitius methodum inversam tangentium in potestate esse ab æquationibus et quadraturis non pendere |&| responder|it|at L Newtonus hanc methodum \hanc {inversam}/ ex potestate esse \hanc/ inversam \tangentium etiam/ in potestate esse. Quibus omnibus {int}{illeg} se collatis \admonitas/. Leibnitius in eandem methodum incidit, ut ex verbis ejus hic positis cum {illeg} epistola ejus ad Oldenburgum anno 1677 scripta collatis man{illeg} p{e}tit \manifestum est/. Vide supra pag.

b Nulla est hujusmodi analogia \Differentiæ non sunt differentiæ summarum/ Leibnitium|s| primam lucem a consideratione, tangentium habuit per Newtonum auct{æ} ab hac \methodi/ aliunde habuit.

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* Quasi Leibnitius hoc non advertisset anno 1677, ubi primum incidit in methodum Newtoni. Vide Literas ejus supra imp{illeg}|r|essas p. 9|0|, 91. Certe Methodum Newtoni ante annum 1671 inventam fuisse, Leibnitius ex Literis ejus intellexerat; sed in Actis Lipsientibus hoc nunquam agnovit. Vide supra p. 70, 71, 72. Sic et se ab Oldenburgo series Newtonianas et Gregorianas ab Oldenburgo accepisse \in eunte/ anno 1675 accepisse, statim oblitus est. Vide p. 40, 41, 42, 45. Et etiam methodum serierum \se ab Oldenburgo/ postulasse & a Newtono accepisse, \statum/ oblitus est Vide p. 45, {illeg} 62, 98. Et problemata tangentium inversa & similia ab æquationibus et quadraturis pendere se primum negasse & sub{in}de a Newtono didicisse, statim oblitus est Vide p 65, 85, 86, 93.

✝ Methodum Fluxionum ✝ Methodum fluxionum & methodum Differentialem esse unam et eandem methodum Leibnitius hic agnoscit; ideo \se/ communi nomine del a se designari Analyseos Infinitesimalis a se sæpe designari|e| \solere/, licet in nonnullis differre possint, ut Analysis \speciosa/ Dietæ & Analysis \/ Cartesij in nonnullis differunt. Quæritur quis sit Analyseos hujus Infinitesimalis inventor primus & siquid alter alterius inventis addiderit.

** Methodus \Fatetur hic Leibnitius/ igitur Tangentius|m| per Differentias primam lucem \ipsi/ affudiss{illeg}|e|{illeg} Leibnitio (vide p. 88|7|, 88) id est methodum|s| Archimedis a Fermatio Gregorio Barrovio restituta|m| & promota|m|, a Newton{a}|o| ad quantitatum augmenta momentanea generaliter applicatam. Hujus methodi exempla in problemate tangentium directo (p 30) \&/ inverso (p 86) in Quadraturis (p 72) & in {ex} il{illeg}s ({illeg} Metho\do/ serierum (p 15, 18, 19) Newtonus dederat, {e}{illeg} Ex his D. Leibnitius \statim/ ab initio deprehendit \methodum suam Newtoniana similem esse/ similitudinem \differentialem/ methodorum pp. 90, 91, 93. Et his admonitus D. Leibnitius in methodum tangentium animum intendit (p 46, 3|4|7, 87 88) & \differentias in methodum/ methodum differentiarum \generalem formavit {illeg}|(|p. 88 89) & Newtonianæ similem esse/ Newtoniana \{sim}ilem/ esse statim deprehendit /ab initio vidit\, p. \88 89/ 90, 91, 93.

** Vidit hoc Fermatius antea determinando punctum flexus Contrarij. ** Vidit ho Fermatius determinando punctum flexus contrarij, hoc antea vidit.

‖ Nulla est hæc analogia. Differentiæ non sunt summarum differentiæ sed augmenta infinite ‖ Nulla est hæc analogia. Differentiæ non sunt summarum differentiæ sed \quantitatū/ augmenta infinite parva.

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Hanc methodum tangentium Leibnitius animo revolvit (p 46, 47, 87, 88) auget {illeg}|g|eneralem reddit (p 88, 89) & Newtonianæ similem esse statim videt, p. 90, 93|1|, 93. Fermatij Gregorij \Barrovij/ a Newton{a}|o| ad quantitatum augmenta momentarea generaliter applicatam. Hanc Methodum tangentium . . . .

hoc est methodum quam Archimedes, Fermatius, Gregorius Barrovius coluere, Newtonus ad quantitatum augmenta momentanea generaliter applicuit. Hancce tangentium methodum Leibnitius animo revolvit (p 46, 47, 87, 88) generalem reddit (p 88 89 & Newtonianæ similem esse statim vidit p 90, 91, 93.

& \in Mercatoris Quadraturæ {illeg} demonstrata/ anno 1668 a Gregorio editam fuit a Gregorio prius {illeg} \primus/ editam anno 1668 in Mercatori{s} quam etiam Gregorius edidit anno 1668 in Mercatoris Quadratura demonstrata Prop. V.)

of as general extent for solving the same \sorts of/ problems, found in or before the year 1671 & that Mr Newtons method was the older being found in or before ye year 1671. He should not afterwards have pretended that when he published the elements of his differential method th he knew nothing \further/ of Mr Newtons method then that it was a method of \drawing/ tangents without sticking at surds: but when his Principia Philosophiæ came abroad he then began to understand that his method was much more general. He should not two years \after this book/ the Principia came abroad, [three years after it was sent to ye R. Society to be printed & six ye{illeg} abo almost six ye above five years after the principal of those Propositions were communicated to ye R. S. ] {illeg} have published three papers for making himself the inventor of the principal of those Propositions & the first that had opened new ways of Geometry? For Mathematicians say that he has|d| added nothing of truth to Mr Newtons Propositions & that in his that his thre papers are of no use but to make himself an inventor & that he has derived some of Mr Newtons Propositions from precarius Pr Hypotheses & erroneous calculations instead of inventing them. He When he undertook to give an Account of Mr Newton's book of Quadratures in the Acta Leipsica the {sic} should not have given an Acct of his own method instead of Mr Newtons. He should not have represented his own method the older & Mr Newtons a substitute for he knew by his correspondence wth Mr O. & by Mr Newtons \the/ letters published & interpreted by Dr Wallis that Mr Newton had the Method of Fluents in the year 1671.

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Mr Leibnitz blames me for calling the Author of the Letter of 7 Iune 1713 inse of 7 Iune 1713 tells me that I knew the author of ye Letter of 7 Iune 1713 inserted into ye defamatory paper but because I did not & blames me for calling him a Mathematici|an| or pretended Mathematician — but because I did not know whether he was Mr Iohn Bernoulli or \was/ only pretended to be him \{illeg} him/. For that Mathematica|i|an

Mr Leibnitz blames me for calling that the Mathematician whose Letter was as if I

<148r>

& understanding \Mr Newtons method of/ by the same Letters that the method \of tangents/ printed by Slusius \was w |agreed wth Mr Newtons &|/ was a Corollary of this same \general/ method Mr Newtons general method (p. 30) he set his mind upon improving this method of tangents \so as to bring it to/ a general method And \For/ in his journey home by London from Paris by London & Amsterdam he \he/ was considering ho upon a project of extending it to the solution of all sorts of problems by calculating a Table certain Table of Tangents as the most easy & useful method \way/ he could then think of (pag 87) & wrote of this designe to Mr Oldenburg in a Letter dated at Amsterdam 28 Nov. 1676 (pag 87) & therefore he had not then invented the differential method \but was endeavouring to find out such a general method as Mr N. had described./{sic} In his last letter against Mr Keil (p 119) he represents that his friends know how he found this method in a very different manner from what . . . . . . . & then laid aside upon his finding that method p. 42. Now {illeg} Mr Newton had told him that his method extended to Tangents of Mechanical Curves & to Quadratures Curvities & centers of gravity {illeg}|&| of Curves in general & to inverse problemes of Tangents, & {illeg}|h| & he was thereby sufficiently informed that the method was founded upon the consideration of the infinitesimal small particles of quantity called infinitesimals by particles augmentas momentanea & moments by Mr Newton & infinitesimals indivisibles & Differences by Mr Leibnitz. And For there is no \other/ way of handing resolving any of those Prob sorts of Problems but by then by \considering/ these small parts particles of quanty {sic}. And this consideration [especially after the receipt of Mr Newtons second Letter, was sufficient to make him lay aside his designe of calculating Tables of tangts &] think upon answering \might make him/ begin to think upon the methods of Slusius Barrow Gregory & Fermat who drew tangents by the proportion of the augmenta of the ordinates to ye augmenta of the Abscissas. For he \tells us that he/ found out the differential method by considering how to draw tangents by the differences of the Ordinates p. 88 & how thereby to e{illeg} render the Method of Slusi{us} (wch was more general (p. 88.) He \&/ considered that as the summs of the Ordinates gave the Area so their differences gave the tangents & thence received the first light into the Differential method (p. 104) \And wth Slusius he gave the name of Differences to the moments of dignities./ And when he had found the method he saw that it answered to the description of wch Mr Newton had given of his method to in drawing of Tangents & that wthout sticking at surds {re} in rendring Problems of Quadratures more easy, & in bringing of Problemes of Tangents to Equations & Quadratures p 88, 89, 90, 81, 93.

In ye year 1669 notice was sent to Slusius of Mr Newton's general having a general method of drawin solving Problems, wch in drawing of Tangents extended even to mechanical curves \p 21./{sic} In ye year 1676, a description of that method wth an example of it in drawing of tangents was sent to Leibnits, p. 30, 47. And This|e| exampl method published by Slusius agreed wth this example. And Mr Leibnitz in seeking after Mr Newtons method had this mind upon \improving/ the method of Slusius into a general method. & Mr Newton in his Letter of 24 Sept 1676 told him |yt| his method in drawing of Tangents agreed wth that of Slusius but was more general.

While \he/ was in pusuit {sic} of Mr Newton's general method by improving the method of \of Tan. printed by/ Slusius, it is reasonable to beleive that he would have recourse to the three Lemmas wch S upon wch Slusius had founded this|a|t method|.| of T it. The two first of those Lemmas are these. 1 Differentia

In his last letter against Mr Keil (p. 119) he represents that his friends know how he found the differential method in a very different manner from what Mr Keil surmised, & these words imply that he found it after he got home to his friends & by consequence in the year 1677,|.| And most probably he found it upon the receipt of Mr Newton second Letter which gave him new light into it. For the publishing an <148v> opusculum upon Mr Grego a Series of Mr Gregory sent him by Mr Oldenburg was first suspended by his coming into business & then laid aside upon his finding the differential method p. 42.

Archimedes began the method of squaring curves & drawing tangents to them by considering the infinitesimals of quantity. Cavallerius & Fermat applied this method to Equations. Fermats method was first published by Herigon & Schooten Gregory Barrow & Slusius improved it for Tangents. Newton about the same time made it general, extending |it| \(in conjunction wth the method of series)/ to ye solution of all sorts of difficulter Problemes [& notice thereof was sent to sever Gregory Slusius & others in the year 1669] Leibnitz [& Gregory Slusius {&} & other had notice thereof in the year 1669] Leibnits was in conjunction with the Method of Series. Leibnitz Collins, Gregory, Slusius & others had notice of this general method in the year 1669. Leibnitz was in London in the year 1673 \& there claimed the Differential method of Mouton. At that time there/ when there {sic} was not a methematition {sic} of note in that city who was not acquainted wth Collins & had not heard of the method & seen some of the series produced by it. |In London Leib. claimed the Differential method of Mouton was reprehend for it by Dr Pell, & yet persisted in his claim because he had found it apart & improved it. A After he was {illeg}| & After Leibnitz he was gone thence to Paris he began to put in for first inventor of two series for the circle (         ) said they were both found by the same method (p     ) & yet wrote afterwards for the Demonstration or method of finding one of them (p. .) [In seeking after the method he first fell upon subducted the negation terms from the preceding affirmative terms in these & such like progressions 112+1213+1314+1415 &c 113+1315+1517+1719 &c & thereby came to these \& suchlike/ series 12+16+112+120&c=1. {illeg} 23+215+235+263&c=1.] Then he {illeg} \took into/ considered|at|i/on\ the transmutations of figures, & & fo like those & to the transmutations of Mr Gregory & Ba{illeg} Barrow added a transmutation wch by the Mr {illeg} in the year in In {illeg}|A|pril 1675 Collins & Oldenburg sent him eight series found by this method, & he \then/ kno|e|w none of them to be his own, or durst \at least did/ not \think it adviseable then to/ own {illeg}|a|ny of them, but said he took time to consider them & compare them wth his own |& wro yet this same year he communicated the last of them \/ < insertion from the left margin > as his own < text from f 148v resumes > to his friends at Paris as his own who knew not that he had received them from London.|. The next winter \spring/ one Mohr shewed \him/ two series wch he had from Collins & yn Leibnitz wrote to Oldenburg for to procure him the Demonstration from Collins {illeg} \promising them a recompence & this he did/ without putting them in mind to ask Mr Newtons leave.|,| These tho by his own rule if he a|h|ad got the method Demonstration, that is, Mr Newtons method of Series, & claimed it as his own, Mr Oldenburg & Mr Collins were not to contradict him without authority from Mr Newton. Those two series were two of the eight \the same wth/ the two first of the eight sent him by Mr Oldenberg, but he pretended to have forgot the receipt of those, & not to have seen the two before Mr Mohr brought them to him. Mr Oldenburgh & Mr Collins upon cond|s|idering the matter, declined sending him {so}|th|e method {illeg}|f|orbore to send him the method wthout Mr Newton's knowledge & wrote earnestly to Mr Newton to send descri do \send/ it himself & MrNewton did so|.| at Mr Leibnitz had been now \two or three years/ in quest of the method of series about two years or {illeg}

Mr Leibnitz had been now two or three years in quest of the method of series, & in his searche one of his essays was to subduct the negative termes from the affirmative in these & such like Progressions. 1=112+1213+1314+1415+1516 &c. 1=113+1315+1517+1719 &c & thereby he came to these & such like series 1=12+16+112+120+130 &c 1=23+215+235+263+299 &c. T A quarter of the first series & half the second series, together wth the last of the ser eight series sent him by Oldenburg made {a} that \a/ harmony which \he/ sent back to Mr Oldenburg to be communicated to Mr Newton in recompence for this|e| \his/ method. For Mr Leibnitz knew that Mr Oldenburg & Mr Collins were not to make a discovery without authority from \the Executors of/ Mr Gregory who had sent that series to Mr Collins in the year 1671, & was now dead.

In further recompence for Mr Newtons method Mr Leibnitz sent him {h}{illeg} method of his own by transmutation of I figures, recommending it for <149r> a very general method of series, tho he wanted Mr Newton's method for finding the two series of Mohr, & Mathemation {sic} say that is [not his general without the assistance of the methods sent him by MrN. wch] \transmutations are/ |of little or no use & did not amount to general method before Mr Newton made it.|

And tho he had not th wan still wanted Mr N the method of deriving reciprocal series from one another & desired Mr Newto {sic} to send it to him \(p 63)/: yet he could not forbear claiming some series from Mr Newton wch wil were the result of that method. \p. 61, 62/ And when Mr Newton sent him the Method & \tho/ he understood it \with difficulty/, he wrote back that he had found it before, as he perceived by his old papers, but for want of a good example of its use had neglected it. p 96.

And as he published Mr Gregories series \in the Acta Lipsica/ for his own without letting the world know {illeg}|a|ny thing of what he learnt from the English while he was in England or afterwards by his correspondence wth Mr Oldenburgh or that the series was Mr Gregories: so he published the Differential method in the Acta Lipsica for his own without letting the world know any thing of the letters wch \he/ received from m|N|ewton, or of Mr

His first endeavour was therefore t{he} to make himself out the \first/ inventor of the method of series; his next to make himself author the first inventor of the differential \infinitesimal/ method. {illeg} Newtons knowing any thing of the method, till Mr Newton by publishing his Principles convinced every body that he understood the method very well & how to make use of it \& that it scarce differed from the differential method except in words & symbols/, & the publishing of the correspondence by Dr Wallis \justified that notion &/ made it appear beyond question that the method of fluents was very like \in substance the same with/ the differential method. And then Mr Leibnitz pretended that when he published the ele he understood nothing of this wn he published the elements of this|e| differential method, nor then kew {sic} any thing more of Mr Newton's method then that it was a method of \dra/ Tangts wch stuck not at radicals p. 104, 107 \&/ wch any man might have without \having/ the differential method p. 104, 107.

promising to recompence them with his own series very different from those of Mohr & this he did without desiring Mr Newtons leave, tho by his own rule if he had got the Demonstration . . . . . . . . . . & Mr Newton did so, & Mr Leibnitz in requital sent him back a harmony of series, one of wch . . . . . . . . . Mr Newton's method in the year 1671 or before.

In further recompence . . . . . . . . . . had neglected it. p. 96.

he published the elements of it in the Acta Lipsica {illeg} that is in the year 1674 or ye beginning of the year following p. 119, that is before he po when & by consequence {illeg} had it when he was polishing this {illeg} And here his memory fails him againe for in those days he wrote his opusculum vulgari more & continued to polish it for the press & was of opinion till he \fell into lasiness &/ found out his infinitesimal Analysis & was then of opinion that yt inverse method \problems/ of Tangents will \were/ not be {sic} reducible to equations or quadraturi|e|s, as has been said above.

Now if the pretence of \plea of/ \reputation/ candor & sincerity doth not make any man a witness in his own cause, & the pretence of finding things apart without proving the priority &|o|f invention is not to be regarded, & the allowance of either of these pretences would be unjust & prove an endless encouragement to pretenders: if; If the following Letters & Papers be well attested, & by them it appears that Mr Newton had the method of infinite series \& fluxions/ in the years 1669 \& 1671/ & then applied it generally to the m|so|lution of Problems by the method of fluents & in the year 1671 wrote a larger treatise upon both those methods {illeg} conjoned {sic},] & that Mr Iames Gregory

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His first endeavour was to print out \make himself the inventor of/ the method of series. For he was in Londo In ye \begining of the/ year 1673 when there was not a Mathematician in London w{illeg} of note in the city \London/ who was not acquainted wth Collins & had not heard of the method \And/ After \of Slusius/ he went from \form {sic} L./ thence \London thence/ to Paris {illeg}|&| pretended \there/ to be the first inventor of two series o & s{illeg} for the circle both found by one & the same method (   38) |one of them was for finding the arc by the sine & he afterwards {wrote} for the Demonstration of {more} a se{illeg}s (p 38, 45) & therefore had not yet the method| & \&/ In {illeg}|A|pril 1675 Collins & Oldenburg sent him eight others: For he then knew none of the eight to be his own but took time to consider them & compare them with his own (p 40, 42) & yet the very same year \he/ communicated to his friends at Paris an Opusculum written upon the last of the eight as his own series without letting them know that he had received it from England. p 41, 42. & the next year pretended to have forgot the receipt of the eight series, For & {illeg}|d|esired Mr Oldenburg to procure him the Method from Mr Collins, p 46 calling it the demonstration of two series shewed him by one Mohr p. 45, & promised to recompence them with his own invention of series very different from those of Mohr, saying that they were the series of wch he had written to him some years before p. 45. But M when Mr Oldenburg received they|m| they proved to be the last of the last a harmony of series, one of wch was the last of the eight series wch Mr Oldenburgh had sent him the year before & the others \were different &/ served only to make up the harmony being found by subducting the negative terms from the \preceding/ affirmative |ones| in these & such like progressions 112+1213+1314+1415 &c =1 & 113+1315+1517+1719 &c =1. The first progression gives this series 12+16+112+120+130 &c =1. The second gives this 23+215+235+263+299 &c =1 And a quarter of the first series & half of ye second \wth the summ of h{o}{illeg}/ & the series sent him by Grego Oldenburg compose the harmony. \p. 61./ And tho the series sent him by Mr Oldenburg was sent by Mr Gregory to Mr Collins in the beginning of the year 1671 & a copy of Mr Gregory's letter was sent to Mr Leibnitz in summer 1676 whereby he could not but know that the series was Gregorys \(p 47/ yet he published |it| {illeg}|i|n the Acta Leipsica{illeg} as his own without letting the world know that he received it from Oldenburg & Collins & that Colling|s| had it from Gregory A.C. 1671 {illeg} who found it by M Newtons method in ye beginning of ye year 1671 or before winter between the years in the beginning of the year 1671 or before. In ye year 1674 he In the year 1674 I he pretended to have two series \for the circle/ but what they were & whence he had them is uncertain seing he did not know them to be any of the eight series sent him {illeg}|th|e next year by Mr Oldenburg, nor

A yeare or two after the publishing of Mr Newtons Principia Philosophiæ Mr Leibnitz had be having been long from home in a

At the same time he compared anoth

And in his Tentamen de{illeg} motuum cœlestium causis, (another treatise written at the same time) he [wherin he prætended to \have/ found the principall Propositions in \in/ Mr Newtons book said book relating to the Pl motions of the Planets] \mathematicians say that in writing his Tentamen de mot. cœlest. causis/ he forgot to reexamin the calculati process of finding the 8 his 19th Proposition wch is the chief of Mr Newtons Propositions \relating to the motions of ye Planets/ & that & that the Proposit he could no man could find the|a|t Proposition by such an erroneous process \as he has set down/. They do not \much/ blame him for his errors (those \Errors/ are easily committed in calculations \&/ {illeg} but \They blame him not for committing them but/ for pretending to find Mr Newtons Proposition by them.|,| But had forgot to tell his |te|let us know \us/ which of the Propositions he communicated to ye Academy at Paris & to acknowledge that he left Paris before he found \understood/ the differential method & publishing & publishing them \hastily/ with a designe to make that Proposition his own. They blame him not for committing an error some errors in his first essay, but for adapting an erroneous calculation to {that} Mr Newtons Propopsition with intention to make it his own: but for adapting a calculation to another man's Proposition with a designe to make himself the first inventor, tho the by the errors of the calculation it appears that he did not invent it. And that Mr \& yet allowing/ that Mr Newton by himself attained to principles like the differential method [& that Mr Keil is a young man unacquainted with things done before his time] by wch allowance he seems to mean that although Mr Newton had the method of fluen{c}|t|s in the year 1676 when he wrote his two Letters of 13 Iune & 24 Octob. & had not at that time heard of the Differential method, yet Mr Leibnits had the differential method is the older., being known to Mr Leibnitz above nine years before

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That ye R. Society is satisfied in the fidelity of their Committee in printing no papers but what \such as/ appeared to them to be genuine & in omitting none wch they they thought me in their opinion made for Mr Leibnitz & particularly they are satisfied that the three Letters \to Mr Collins |in Iu|&|ly| dated in & Aug. 1669/ found in the hand of Dr Barrow & the Analysis copy of the Analysis \referred to in those Letters {wer}e &/ found in the hand of Mr Collins are genuine, & that the Letter of Mr Iames Gregory to Mr Collins dated 15 Feb. 16701 & found in the hand of the author & copied in the hand of Mr Collins, i{illeg} genuine & the Letter of Mr Oldenburg to Mr Leibnitz dated 15 Apr 1675 & found in english in the hand writing of Mr Collins & in Latin in one of the letter Books of the R. Society (i|b|eing translated into Latin by Mr Oldenburgh & the Answer of Mr Oldenburg M Leibnitz dated \from Paris/ 20 May 1675 are all of the genuine & the Letter of Mr Leibnitz to Mr Oldenburgh dated from Paris 12 May 1676 are & found in the archives among th in the hand writing of Mr Leibnitz among the ancient papers left by Mr Oldenburgh in the custody of the R. Soci{t}|e|ty \wth notes on the back side in the hand of Mr Oldenburg/ & the Letter of Mr Newton to Mr Collins 10 Decem 1672 found {illeg} in the hand of the author among the Papers of Mr Collins with a copy thereof in the hand of Mr Collins, are all of them genuine. & the Collections of the papers of Mr Iames Gregory sent to Mr Leibnitz \at Paris 1676/ & found in the hand of Mr Collins \among/ are all of them genuine. And of \since/ Mr Leibnitz proposes to publish a new Commercium And we see no reason to doubt of the sincerity of any of the Letters published by Dr Wallis. And of {illeg} since Mr Leibnitz proposes to print a \further/ Commercium Epistolicum and {f} if \for giving credit to the Letters in his custody/ he pleases to take attested copies of such letters as he intends to publish & send the Originalls to any \of ye/ forreign ministers \here, or to/ or any other friend to be examined before us by a Committee before a Committee of the R. S. by such as know the hands of Mr Oldenburgh, Mr Collins, Mr Newton, Mr Gregory, Dr Wallis, Dr Barrow \&c/, & to let attested copies to be taken of them here: the Originals shall be returned wth attestested {sic} copies of any Lett{illeg}|e|rs in or custody which his friends shall think material to be published \by him/: by wch means those Letters wch he shall publish will become authentick & of indisputable credit & authority,|.| wch

Whereas \A letter from/ Mr Leibnitz \wch being produced wherin he represents his inclination/ to publish a further Commercium Epistolicum \wch may {illeg} for {illeg} serve for an history in Literatur/ & desires copies of such Letters as are in the custody of the R. Society \our hands/ to be published with those in his own custody: if for giving credit to those in his own custody \preventing disputes about the credit of the Originals/ he pleases to take (after he has taken attested copies of those|em| in his own custody \in his own custody)/|,| to send yor Originals to any foreign Minister or other friend in England to be exime|i|ned before a Committee of the R. S. by such as know the hands of Mr Oldenburge, Mr Collins, Mr Gregory, Dr Wallis, &c & to let attested copies be taken of them here: the Originalls shall be returned, with attested copies taken of any letters in or custody wch his friends shall think material to be published desire, the [Letters already printed being first examined by the Originals before his {frothe} Committee in the presence of his friends] Originalls of all the Letters {illeg} & MSS in or custody \printed or/ to be printed being for also examined {illeg} before his friends where any doubt sh{o}

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|4| Slusius in ye November 1672 gave notice \to Mr O/ of his new method of tangents \to Mr O/ & communicated it Mr Oldenburg \to him/ in Ianuary following \& founded it th on three Lemmas the first of wch was this./ Differentia duarum d|D|ignitatum ejusdem gradus applicata ad Differentiam Laterum dat partes singulares gradus inferioris ex binomio laterum. y3x3yx=yy+yx+xx {illeg} In general \In general {illeg}/ l|L|et dy be ye \infinitely small/ difference of y & x \& n the index of the dignity/ & the difference of ynxn will be n1 {illeg} noyn1 ndyyn1:

|5| Mr Newton being \at that time/ desired \by Mr Oldenburg/ to communicate his Method of Tangents, sent it to him in a letter dated 10 Decem 1672|.| & subjoyned Hoc est unum particulare vel Corollare [It proved to be ye same wth that of Slusius|.| & And the same method was found also \communicated/ by Hudden & {illeg} But \to Schooten/ in ye year 1659. But Mr Newton found in a different deduced it from a Method much more general. For when he had described it he subjoyns] And subjoyned Hoc est unum particulare vel Corollarium potius Methodi Generalis . . . . . . . surdis sunt immunes. Mr Newtons method of Tangents proved to be the same wth that of Slusius. And it appears|e|s since that the same method was communicated to Mr by Hudde to Schooten in 1660|59|. But their methods were not so general as that of Mr Newton.|s|.

|6 12| Mr Oldenburg 15 Apr 1675 sent to Mr Leibnitz several series one of wch was that of Mr Gregory for finding the arch of a circle whose tangant is given. And Mr Leibnitz by his Letter of 20th May following owned the receipt of ye Letter. A Towards the end of the year Mr Gregod|r|y died & Mr Collins \the next year/ at the request of Mr Leibnitz \& some others/ sent colle\{illeg}/d|c|ted extrats out of Mr L Gregories Letters & Papers & sent them to Mr Oldenburg to be sent to Mr Leibnitz at Paris & returned back after they had been perused there. They were sent a little before the 11th of August 1676 as Mr Collins mentioned in a letter of that date written to Mr the brother of the said Gregory. And Mr Tschurnhause being then at Paris in his Letter to Mr Old. dated 1 Sept 1676, has this reference to the Collection. Similia porro, saith he, quæ in hac re præstitit eximius Geometra Gregorius memoranda certe sunt, si quidem optimæ famæipsius consulturi sunt qui ipsius relicta MSS luci publicæ ut exponantur operam navabunt. In this Collection was Mr a

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|6| Dr Wallis in his Arithmetick published A. 1657, {illeg}|C|hap. 33 Prop. 68, teaches \tought/ how to reduce the fraction A1R by \perpet./ divis. into the series A+AR+AR2+AR3+AR4+ &c.

|7| The Lor Vicount Brounker squared the Hyperbola by this series 11×2+13×4+15×6+17×8+19×10+ &c that is, by this 112+1314+1516+1718+19110+ &c joyning every two terms into one. This was published in the Philosophical Transactions {illeg} in April 1668.

|8| Mercator by the Division of Dr Wallis demonstrated ye Quadratures of {illeg} Vicount Brounker after another manner & published it the same year about August or September.

Mr N{e}

|9| The next year in August Dr Barrow communicated to Mr Colling|s| the Analysis per Æquationes numero terminorum {illeg}|i|nfinitas wch is the first Tract is|n| this Collection of Mr Iones. And Mr Collins thenceforward for some years together communicated several things out of it to his friends, |[& one of the series for the Circle he communicated to Mr Iame Greg]|

|10| Mr Iames Gregory having by this \a/ series \sent to him by Mr Collins/ found Mr Newtons method of Series \of Series/ sent back in to Mr Collins in ye begining of the year 1671 several other series, & gave Mr Collins leave to communicate them freely. One of those series was for the \arc of a circle whose tangt was given vizt/

|11| Mr Leibnitz was {illeg}|at| London in the years 1671 1672 & 1673 till March & then went to Paris, & in 1674 pr wrote to Mr Oldenburg (15 Iuly) that he had a wonderful Theoreme wch gave him the area of a circle \or/ of any sector thereof in a series of rational numbers produced continually in infinitū & 26 October {t}{illeg} explained himself by representin that by by {sic} one & the same method he could find either the whole circumference or any arch whose sine was given tho the proportion of the arc to ye whole circumference was not given \known/. If the proportion was known it \this method or Th|W|onderful Theorem/ gave him the whole circumference: if not it gave him at least the A{illeg}|r|c. And in his Letter of May 12 1676 he desired Mr Oldenburg to help him to the demonstration of the Theorem, that is to Mr Newtons method of finding it

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* Vpon reading this Letter before the R. Society, Mr Newton represented that these last words reflected upon the Committee of the R. S. as if they had printed things partially, & that as he did not print the Commercium Epistolicum himself but left it to the Committee to p\r/int what they thought fit to select out of the Archives f{illeg} of the R. S. least he should seem to make himself a witness in his own cause, so he did not think Mr Leibnitz a proper person to print a Commercium in his own cause. But if he had any ancient Letters wch he had received from England & desired pleased to send the \Originals/ to any friend in England who might produce them \to be examined/ before the R. S. by {illeg}t be e{illeg} by such as knew the hands {illeg}, & to have \let/ attested copies \be/ taken of them: they might then be the Originals should be returned & the Letters might then be printed either in the Transactions or in Germany as Mr Committee to themselves in publishing the Commercium Epistolicum, represented further that he could have sp supplied them \Committee/ wth some ancient Letters {illeg} \of moment then/ in his own custody but forbore to do it & least he should seem to make himself a witness in his own cause. And \to/ prove the truth of what he said, he produced two original Letters \written to himself/ the one written by Mr Leibnitz from Hanover 717 Mar. 1693, the other by Dr Wallis from Oxford 10 Apr. 1695 directing \which direct{o}/ to the \a/ Passage {illeg} in the first volum Preface to the first Volume of his works where the Dr gives his op (Homo vetus & intelligentissimus) gives his opinion very f{illeg} fully in this matter. And these two Letters, after they had been examined \before the |before the R. S.|/ by persons who knew the hands were read \to/ before the|m| Society, & left in their Archives & thence copied by Mr Newton in the Appendix to his Remarks printed above pag 100 & 105.

NB Vpon the reading of this Letter to the R. Society Mr Newton represented that he was so far from printing the Commercium Epistolicum himself that he did not so much as deliver to the Committee of the Society the Letters wch he had in his own custody|.| &|A||nd| to prove this produced t|a| letter of Mr Leibnitz dated              & another of Dr Wallis dated                 both wch after the hands had been examined were deposited in the Archives of the Society.

Here \instead of proving his accusation agt Dr Keill wch he was bound to do in justice,/ he tells the R. Society that they are imprudent & {illeg} unjust {illeg} unless they will post tot documenta vitæ approve all approve of his candor & allow him to be a witness in his own cause against Dr Kell \the Doctor/ And yet in                        that is to say the Royal Society are imprudent & unjust unless they will allow him to a witness in his own cause against Dr Keill.

Here again he reflects upon the justi prudence & justice of the R. S. telling them that: they are imprudent & injust if they suffer his candor to be questioned while he himself is questioning the candor of others. They are unjust unless they allow him (post to {sic} documenta vitæ) to be a witness in his own cause, contrary to the laws of all nations.

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7 Mr Leibnitz indeed was the first who published the invention of first differences. but he published nothing but what he might deduce from Mr Newtons Letters. For in Mr Newtons Letter to Mr Collins dated 10 Decem 1672, a copy of wch was sent to him \by Mr Old./ among the extracts of Gregories Letters 26 Iune 1676, Mr Newton described a method of Tangents wch he conjectured to be the same wth the methods of Gregory & Slusius, & said that it was a branch or Corrollary of of {sic} a general Method of solving the abstruser Problems without any troblesome calculus & without stopping at surds. And the method of tangents be described by the following example. Pone CB applicatam ad AB in quovis angulo dato terminare|j| ad quamvis Curvam CA, & dicatur AB x & BC y, habitudo inter x et y exprimatur per quamlibet æquationem puta x32xxy+bxxbbx+byyy3=0, Figure qua ipsa determinatur Curva. Regula ducendi tangentem hæc est. Multiplica æquationis terminos per quamlibet progressionem Arithmeticam juxta dimensiones y, puta x32xxy+bxxbbx+byyy3010023; ut et juxta dimensiones x, puta x32xxy+bxxbbx+byyy3322100 Prius productum erit Numerator, et posterius divisum per x denominator Fractione|i|s quæ exprimet longitudinem \[subtangentis]/ BD ad cujus extremitatem D ducenda est Tangens CD. Est ergo longitudo BD=−2xxy+2byy3y33xx4xy+2bxbb. This far Mr Newton. And this is as much as to say that as all the terms of the æquation multiplied by the indices of the dignities of the ordinate y \{absia} {sic} x/ & divided by the Ordinate y \abscissa x/ are to all the terms of the æquation multiplied by the indices of the dignities of the abscissa x \ordinate y/ & divided by the abscissa x \ordinate y/, so is the Ordinate x|y|\=BC/ to the subtangent BD, & ({illeg}|b|y the method of tangents of Dr Barrow) so is dy to dx. And by multiplying the extremes & means &|y|ou have the equation 3xxdx4xydx+2bxdxbbdx=−2xxdy+2bydy. [Or 3xxdx4xydx+2bxdxbbdx2xxdy+2bydy.] And this is as much as to say that if you multiply all the \every/ terms {sic} of the Æquation by the indice|ex|s of the dignities of x the in that term & divide it by dxx & multiply it by dx & & then multiply all the \every/ terms by the indices of the dignitie|y|s of y \therin/ & by dy & divid \put/ the summ of all the terms produced will equall to O you will have an Equation involving the differences of x & y \vizt/. And is the solution of the first Proposition of Book of Quadratures when there are but two indeterminate quantities. And when there \are/ more, the same operation applied to the|m| solution \all/ gives the solution. [And if the equation involve a surd, let the|i|s equation be (for instance x32xxy+bxxbbx+axxby=0. Put axxby=bz & the equation will become] And this is the solution of the Proposition Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente invenire fluxiones. wch is the first Proposition of ye Book of Quadratures. \wch was set down in Mr Newtons Letter of 24 Iune 1676 & published in his Book of Principles./ And therefore Mr Newton understood the solution of that|is| Proposition in the year 1672, & Mr Leibnitz had sufficient light into it from \the copy of/ the said Letter in the year 1676, besides the light wch he received into it from Mr Newtons Letters of {illeg} Iune 13 & Octob. 24. 1676. And what he published in the Acta Eruditorum for in the year 1684 amounts to nothing more \then/ the solution of that|is| Proposition. I cited Dr Barrow's method of Tangents because Mr Leibnitz procured the Doctors Lectures when he was in London the second time, & carried them with him into Germany; & in his Letter of 21 Iune 1677 deduced \from thence/ the differential method \of Tangents/ from the {m}{illeg} of Slusius as Gregory had done before. For Gregory tells us this in his Letter to Collins 5 Sept. 1670, a coppy of wch was sent to Mr Leibnitz in the Excep|r|pta of Gregories Letters 26 Iune 1676.

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|10| In the end of the year 16 1715 Mr Leibnitz in the Postscript of a Letter to Abbe Conti wrote thus: They that have writ against me have made no difficulty to attack my candour by interpretations forced & {illeg} ungrounded: they shall not have the pleasure to see me answer to the slender to reasons of a sort of men who use me so ill &c. If this was the case he should have shewn by some instances wherein they had misinterpreted the originall Letters. The n|N|otes upon the Letters are of no authority what but what they derive from the Letters. And the Reader is judge of that. Neither the Letters nor the Notes upon them have hitherto been answered & therefore they are now published as uns|a|nswerable

|11| Mr Newton in his Answer in his Answer to the said Postscript dated 26 Feb. 17156 wr{illeg} pressed Mr Leibnitz in these words. Mr Leibnitz has hitherto refused to answer, knowing well that it is impossible to answer to matters of fact. For a pretence to his silence he ad|l|ledges at present that he has not seen the Book, & that he has not leasure to examin it, but has de{l}{illeg} desired a famous Mathematician to do it &c. And Mr Leibnitz in his Answer to Mr Newtons Letter, 9 Apr. 1716 repr still excused himself from answering saying: For \writing an/ answering from point to point, {in} \to/ the L{illeg} work published against me, it would require a work as big at least as that one must enter into a great detail of the quantity of minutes p{r} wch passed 30 or 40 years ago, wheof {sic} I rember {sic} but little; I must search my old Letters, many of wch are lost, besides that I for the most part I kept no minutes of my own, & the rest are buried in a great heap of papers wch I cannot search out without a great deal of time & patience. But I have no leasure to do it, being charged at present with business of quite another nature. Thus far Mr Leibnitz. He had time to keep a large correspondence by Letters & enter into Metaphysical disputes: but had no time to shew thre or flour \any/ \any defect or flaw in/ flaws in the |Epistles or| Notes upon the|m| Commercium Epistolicum. However, upon his death wch happened in November following his friends gave out quod Commercio Epistolicu|o|m Angla|o|rum aliud quoddam suum idem amplius opponere decreverat as you may see in his Elogium printed in the Acta Eruditorum for Iuly 1717.

|4B.| In the flying Paper above mentioned Mr Leibnitz wrote: Certe aut miram ejus [Newtoni] oblivionem esse oportet aut magnam contra conscientiæ testimonium conscientiæ iniquitatem, si indulgentiam accusationem (ut ex indulgentia testimonium probat colligas) probat, qua quidam ejus asseclæ etiam seriem, quæ arcus circularis magnitudinem ex tangente exhibet, a Gregorio hausisse Lei. . . . um volunt. And Mr Newton in his Letter to Abbe Conti dated 26 Feb 161756 to be sent \communicated/ to him, pressed him about this matter in these words. In his Letter of 20 May 1675 he acknowedged {sic} — — — dated 15 Feb. 1671 |(your self being one of them) These Letters were compared with the print Baron Kilmanseg being present.| And Mr Leibniz in his Letter to Madam Kilmansegg 19 Apr 1716 endeavoured to excuse himself in these words {Ce}pendant {Eo} {m}{illeg}en in mentioning this series endeavoured to excuse himself by saying that Mr Newton himself applauded it. It was found afterwards that one named Mr Gregory had found the just same series with him But that was what he understood late. Thus {illeg} he allowed the Letters wch is all that I here contend for) & that at length he understood \He was therefore {sic} length satisfied/ by them|se| |Letters| that the series Gregory had found the same series. Abbe Conti & several other Gentlemen (amongst whom was Count Kilmansegg) having viewed the Originals & compared them wth the printed copies: Mr Leibnitz in a letter to the Countess did not deny what think fit to question what had been approved, but \endeavoured to/ excused himself as well as he could, if as if he had not read the Letters of Mr Oldenburg when he first reccived them. So then the credit of the Letters in the Commercium is still safe.

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|8| Mr Leibnitz in a Letter to Mr Chamberlain dated \from Vienna/ 25 Aug. 1714 wrote that it was \being/ probable that there were still some Letters that regarded him among those of Mr Oldenburg & Mr Collins, wch were not yet published, he desired that the R. S. would give order to communicate them to him. For, said he, when I return to Hannover, I may also publish a Commercium epistolicum which may serve for Histoire Litteraire. I shall be disposed t no less to publish the Letters wch may be alledged against me then those that favour me & leave the jugment to the publick. But upon reading this to the Society, it was represented that these words reflected upon their Committee & that as they had not referred it to him but to a Committee of other persons to Collect & publish the ancient Letters so he had left it was not right th & they so Mr Leibnitz was not to be made a juge in his one cause. \That/ If he had any ancient letters relating to this matter they ought to be examined & attested \allowed/ by other people before they \were/ printed|.| then That they might send him attested copies of any Letters, but were not to part with the Originals, & that he himself had Originals|l| letters relating to this matter, but did not produce then to the Committee because he would not go about to make himself a witness in his own cause. And to prove this he produced two \old/ Letters one of Mr Leibnitz dated 717 March 1693 & another of Dr Wallis written dated 10 April 1695, both written to himself. And the Letters being examined he t{illeg} before the |R.| Society by those who knew the hands, were laid up in their Archives.

|9| In the end of the year 1715 & beginning of the next year Mr Leibnitz — – – – – different from himself. By this citation he is a witness that Mr Iohn Bernoulli was not the author. By printing the Letter in Latin wth this citation Mr Leibnitz is a witness that Bernoully was not the author. And Mr Bernoulli by affirming per omnia humanitatis sacra that he wrote no such Letter is a third witness. And the style & contents of the whole flying paper points at Mr Leibnitz for the author thereof. For the word illaudibiles is peculiar to Mr Leibnitz. No body but Mr Leibnitz could know what passed between him & Mr Huygens at Paris 38 years before. Mr Leibnitz {illeg}g in ye year 1684 published the elements of the method by Addition Substraction Multiplication & Division & called this the Algorithm of his method. And the Mathematician objects that < insertion from p 41 > that he did not beleive yt Mr Newton when from the begi when he wrote his Principles & before, did so much as dream of his calculus of fluxions & fluents or the reduction thereof to general Analytical operations ad instar Algorithmi vel Regularum Arithemticarum. The word Algorithmus in this sence is peculiar to Mr Leibnitz |{illeg}| this sense And Mr Bernoulli & the Argument goes beyond what Bernoulli ever affirmed. And if Mr Bernoull {sic} had writ \been the author of/ the Letter of 7th Ione it would have been act of plagiary in Mr Leibnitz to leave out the sentence in wch Bernoulli is cited by the author. Mr Leibnitz by correcting has confessed it to be his own. < text from f 154r resumes >

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|5| In this flying Paper it is represented that when the ancient Epistles published in the Commercium Epistolicum were written Mr Newton did not so much asdream of the Method of fluxions because there are no prickt Letters in all the Commercium; {t}|n|o not in {illeg}|t|he|i|s Principia Philosophia. And is not this as trifling as if one should say that when Mr Newton wrote his Introduction to his Book of Quadratures he did not so much as in \wch/ he explains the method of Fluxions \in words at length/ & {illeg} illustrated his explanation wth exples \ex/amples in solving of Problems, he did not so much as dream of the method of Fluxions, because there are no prickt letters in all that Introduction. And when he wrote the second Lemma of this second Book of Principles & added a Scholium in which he said that the foundation of the Method of fluxions \was conteined in that Lemma & that Lemma & that/ ({illeg}{h} in his Letter of Octob correspondence wth Mr Oldenbur Leibnitz in the year 1676 he had couched \it/ in this sentence {[}; Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente fluxiones invenire et vice versa: he did not so muc{h} as dreame of the method of fluxions when he wrote those things because ther are no prict letters in what he \then/ wrote. When he wrote his Analysis per series wch Dr Barrow in the year 169|6|9 sent to Mr Collins he used the symbol aa64x in the very same sense in wch Mr Leibnitz afterwards used the symbol aa64x, & the symbols \{&}/ ov, ox, oy, oz in the very same sense in wch Mr Leibnitz afterwards used the symbols dx, dz & therefore in the year \1664/ did at least dream of the method wch Mr Leibnitz afterwards called summatory & differential.

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\I said/ in my Letter of 24 Octob 1676 that I wrote a Tract five years before concerning the method of Series & another method \together/, & said then that the other method proceeded without sticking at surds, & was founded on this Proposition: Data æquatione fluentes quotcun quantitates involvente, Fluxiones invenire; & vice versa. And the two parts of this Proposition include \imply/ the direct & inverse methods of fluxions, called by Mr Leibnitz the differential & summatory methods. And \in that Letter/ I there said further that the method there spoken of, extended to Problems about maxima & minima, & about tangents directly & inversely, & Quadratures |&| to some other Problems; & gave \me/ the \general/ Series there set down for Quadratures & other Series of like nature. And in my Letter of 10 Decem. 1672 (a copy of wch was sent by Mr Oldenburge to Mr Leibnitz & came to his hands) I mentioned some other sorts of Problems, & particulary {sic} those of finding the curvatures of Curves, & the tangents of Mechanical Curves. And in my Letter of 13 Iune 1676 I said that my Analysis (composed of the method of Series & other methods vizt the methods of fluxions & arbitrary series) extended to almost all sorts of Problems except perhaps some numeral ones like those of Diophantus. And Mr Leibnitz in his Letter of {s}|A|ug. 27. 1676 replyed that he did not beleive that my method could be so general, or extend to inverse Problemes of tangents & many others: tho he had reduced one inverse Probleme of Tangents (that of Beaune) to a Quadrature. \All those things are old./ And if all this, & the method of extracting fluents out of Equations involving fluxions & that of arbitrary series set down in my Letter of Octob. 24 1676 as known to me some years before, & the Analysis per series numero terminorum infinitas, \& with my Letter to Mr Collins Novem 8 1676 published by Mr Iones,/ & the consent of the Book of Quadratures with all the rest, \& with my Letter to Mr Collins Novem 8 1676 published by Mr Iones,/{sic} be not sufficient security: no man must hereafter venture to t|C|ommunicate any thing in writing, before he has secured it to himself by printing publishing it in print. And if after such a concession as Mr Leibnitz made in these his Letters now recited & printed seventeen years ago, men may be allowed to go back upon any pretence whatever: even printing will be no security after witnesses are dead.

Out of the Book of Mr Nicolas Fatio de Duillier, intituled Investigatio Geometrica Solidi rotundi in quod minima fiat resistentia, & published in the year 1699.

Quæret forsan \Cl./ Leibnitius unde mihi cognitus sit iste Calculus quos utor. Ejus equidem fundamenta, ac pleras Regulas proprio Marte, Anno 169|8|7 circa Mensem Aprilem et sequentes, alijs deinceps annis, inveni; quo tempore neminem eo calculi genere præter meipsum uti putabam. Nec mihi minus cognitus foret si nondum natus esset Leibnitius. Alijs igitur glorietur discipulis me certe non potest. Quod satis patebit si olim Literæ quæ inter Leibnitium et me Clarissimum Hugenium me intercesserunt, publici juris fiant. Newtonum tamen primum ac pluribus annis vetustissimum hujus c|C|alculi Inventorem, ipsa rerum evidentia coactus agnosco: aqu a quo utrum quicquam mutuatus sit Leibnitius secundus ejus inventor, malo eorum quam meum sit judicium, quibus visæ fuerint Newtoni Literæ, alij ejusdem manuscripti c|C|odices. Ne modestiori{illeg}|s| Newtoni silentium, aut prona Leibnitij sedulitas inventionem hujus Calculi sibi passim tribuentis ullis imponet, qui ea pertractarint quæ ipse evolvi Instrumenta.

NB. Mr Fatio wrote this not as a Iudge but as a Witnesse. He related what he had seen, & his testimony is the stronger because it was against himself, & he understood the Methods of us all wch he wrote.

Part of a Letter of Dr Wallis to Mr Leibnitz Iuly 30. 1697

Optaverim item ut tibi vacet tuum c|C|alculum Differentialem & Newtono suam <155v> Fluxionum Methodum, justo ordine exponere; ut quid sit utri commune et quid intersit discriminis, et utram distinctius intelligamus.

NB The doctor here wishes that the common method as de|u|e to me & the improvements \as/ due to Mr Leibnitz were stated between us|.|{illeg} But|And| Mr Leibnitz returned no an{illeg}|s|wer to this but under the colour of having improved the method went on to call it his own, & at length \when my witnesses were dead, & he thought himself strong enough in disciples/ fell foul upon Dr Keill for saying nothing more then what Dr Wallis had said before without being complained of|. A|&|nd| a|i|n his Letter of {illeg} 29 Decem \1711/ began to claimed a right to the whole method & pressed that I would declare my opinion in this matter; that is that I would retract what I had published in the Introduction to the book of Quadaratures & what Dr Wallis had published in the Preface to the two first Volumes of his Works, & \what/ Mr Leibnitz himself had in those days conceded to the Doctor.

The next year Mr Leibnitz acknowledged that I was the first that had proved by a specimen made publick, that \I had/ that part of the Method whereby the Solidum minimæ resistentiæ, the Curva linea celerrimi descensus \&/ the Curva c|C|atenaria & velaria were invented.

And after all this I {illeg} when I wrote the Introduction to the Book of Quadratures I {illeg} ( wch (to the best of my memory) was in the year 16|7|03 or 1704) I did not suspect {illeg} that I should be called to account for saying there that I invented the Method of fluxions by degrees in the year 1665 & 1666; the seven \or eight/ years after \be/ required to give my opinion in this matter, in order to make me retract, {&} & be put to all this trouble in defending my self.

The next year Mr Leibnitz in his Answer to Mr Fatio

Out of the Answer of Mr Leibnitz published in the Acta Lipsiensia for May 1700

Certe cum Elementa – – – – satis intelli. — prodiere.

NB Mr Leibnitz in his Letter of 27 Iune By my Letter of 24 Octob {illeg}|1|676 & his Answer 1|2|1 Iune 1677 it is evident that when he published the {illeg} elements

NB Let the first part of this sentence be compared with my Letters of 13 10 Decem 1672, 13Iune 1676 & \&/ \{sic}/ 24 Octob 1676 \both wch came to his hands/ & with his own \Letter/ of 21 Iune 1677: & |let| the latter part thereof \be compared/ with his Letter of 717 March 1693 printed above, & with his concession that I was the first that \who/ had proved by a specimen made publick, that I had [ that part of the Math infinitesimall Method \Calculus/ by wch the Solidum \rotundum/ minimæ resistentiæ] ,|&| the c|C|urva cell|e|rrimi descensus, were found & such like Pr invented.

And a|A|fter all this, when I wrote the Introduction

NB. The first part of this Answer should have been made to Dr Wallis \had it been consonant to our Letters of 10 Decem. 17|6|72, 24 Octob. 1676 & 21 Iune 1677./ The second part admits of no retraction upon a pretence that I had deceived his|m|. The third part relates only to names & symbols. In the \seems to relate to the place \above mentioned/ in the Preface to the first & second Volumes of the Doctors \worth {a}{illeg}s recit{al}/ concerning the likeness/ \of the methods. In the/ same Answer he acknowledges|d| that I was the first who had proved by a specimen made publick that I had that part of the infinitesimal method \calculus/ by wch the soli Solidum \rotundum/ minimæ resistentiæ & the Curva Celerrimi descenses \&c/ were invented. Mr Fatio returned an Answer to Mr Leibnitz but the Editors of the Acta would not print it, & what it was I do not know.

— & then challenged Mr Fatio to solve the Probleme of \Mr/ Bernoulli for finding a Series of Curves which should cut another given series at right angles. Which makes it probable that |M.| Bernoulli hath ever since reserved the solution of that Problem for a challeng.

Consessus \Arbitrorum/ d|D|electorum a Societate Regia, ad quam D. Leibnitius provocaverat ad Calcem hujusce Commercij Epistolicis annexas. Ea est ut sequitur, occasione nata ex Literis D. Leibnitij Vindicatione hujus Inventionis suo proprio Autori a D. Io{a}n|ha|nne Keill nunc Professore apud Oxonienses & [Literis D. Leibnitij postulantis ut a Regia Societate remedium postulantis petentis, nempe ut ipsis Iudicibus, Keilius] publice sententiam suam] et provocatione D. Leibnitij ad judicium |R.| Societatis.

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2 Mr Newton In his \my/ Letter of 24 {illeg}|O|ctob 1676 I represented that five years before that time that is in the year 1671 he \I/ wrote a tract \Book/ of this Method & the method of series together \but for the sake of quiet desisted from my designe of publishing it/, & The True \Book/ is still in being, & conteins a very plain description of those two methods. The first Proposition of the Book of Relatione quantitatum fluentium inter se data fluxionum relationem determinare. When Mr {F} Leibnitz fir In the year 1684 Mr Fatio \Craig/ desired me to explain to him the elements of the differential calculus then \newly/ printed in the Acta Leip Eruditorum. I did so & told him that it was my method a little altered \in another dress/ as would appear if the Letters wch past between me & Mr Leibnitz seven or eight years before \should {illeg} be published/ & Mr Craig is still alive & remembers this. {I}n Dr Wallis in the Preface to the two first Volumes of his works printed in spring 1695 wrote that in those Letters I had explained to Mr Leibnitz the Method, found by me 10 years before or above that is in the year 1666 or before. Mr Fatio in the year 1669 wrote that I In the Acct of these two Volumes published in the Acta Eruditorum the next year notice was taken of this passage was taken notice of & not denied \contradicted/. Dr Wallis in a letter dated 1 Decem. 1696 Dr Wallis gave notice of this passage to Mr Leibnitz, & in the Letters wch followed between them \it/ was not contradicted. Mr Fatio in the year 1699 |Dr Wallis in the 3d Volume of his workes published the Letters wch had passed between me & Mr Leibnitz in the years 1676 & 1677. And Mr Fatio the same year (viz 1699)| published that I was the oldest inventor by many years & confirmed his opinion by what he had seen in my manuscripts, & Mr Leibnitz in his answer did not contradict him \And all this was done without any encouragement from me./{sic} In the year 1705|4| I published (in the Ind|t|roduction to my book of Quadratures) I published that I found the method of fluxions by degrees in the years 165|6|5 & 1666. And For this had been long allowed in England & was not yet contradicted abroad. \For this was not yet disputed./ But the next year the Leibnitians began to contradict it. But Dr Wallis being now dead, the Leibnitians in the Acta Eruditorum for Ianuary 1705 in giving an Account of this book wrote \the Introduction to this book published/ the Passage above mentioned, the meaning of wch is to tell thes Reader \& there by which they began to tell the world was told/ that I did not invent{ed} the method so early nor write a book upon it in the year 1671 nor \mentioned it in my Letters of 13 Iune & 24 Octob 1676/ was the first inventor but had \& 10 Decem 1672 nor always {illeg}/ used fluxions for the Leibnitians differences even as Faber had substituted motions for the method of Cavallerius. With this Accusation the dispute began, & Mr Leibnitz \has made this accusation his own/ by saying in his Letter of 29 Decem. 1711 against Dr Frustra ad Exemplum Actorum Lipsiensium [Keilius] provocat ut sua dicta excuset; in illis enim circa hanc rem quic{illeg}quam cuiquā detractum non reperio sed suum {illeg} potius passim suum cuiquu|e|{illeg} tributum. The Leibnitians therefore in giving the lye to {illeg}|m|e, & Dr Wallis & Dr {Keil} Mr Fatio{illeg}, & in \beginning {illeg} now to/ contradicting/ing\ the tradition wch had hitherto remained in England, & endeavouring to transfer the method \right first \of/ invention/ from me to Mr Leibnits are the aggressors, & ought to prove what they affirm. In his Letters of 4 March & 29 Decem. 16 1711 he de appealed to me & declined disputing wth Dr Keill & desired that I would give my opinion in the matter, {&} that is that I would retract|.| \For he knew/ what had been published by Dr Wallis Dr Keil Mr Fatio & me,|.| a|A|nd And now he tells you compares this dispute to a combate In the same Letter he knew that I refused to contend wth Dr Keill pretending because the \Dr/ was not authorised by me, & desired that I would give my opinion in this matter, that is, that I would either retract what condemn Dr Keill & retract what Dr Wallis Mr Fatio & I had published \some years before/ or enter into the lists with him \as he expresses himself in his last letter./{sic} And by this attaque he [has given Dr Wallis Mr Fatio & me the lye & charged me wth plagiary & ought to prove the accusation upon pain of being deemed guilty of calumny] is the aggressor

<158r>

And the Editors of the Acta Eruditorum still insist upon this concession of Mr Newton. And yet Mr Newton in the Scholium wh never acknowledged anything more then that Mr Leibnitz had the differential Method when he wrote his Letter dated Iune 21. 1677, & the till Series \that he had/ a Method for finding the converging Series wh by the transmutation of figures when a year or two before [And Dr Wallis had read Mr Newtons Letters & his Scholium upon the 2d Lemma of the second book of his Principles wherein he acknowledged these things & therefore \as he/ knew what Mr Newton had written so he \did not/ omitted not what he knew. But Mr Leibnitz & his friends have endeavoured to make the world \Germans/ beleive that Mr Leibnitz gra Newton acknowledged what he never did acknowledge.] How he then came by the Method differential Method Dr Walls has told them truly, & as for the \pretended/ Method of converging Series \it is of little or no use/, I do not know that any other use has been made of it then to colour over the pretences of Mr Leibnitz to the Series of Mr Gregory.

If he means that h Mr Newton ever acknowledged that Mr Leibnitz had the Differential method before the year 1677, he is in a mistake Dr Wallis men|a|nt that Mr Leib Newton explained the method of fluxions to Mr Leibnitz

Dr Wallis affirmed that Mr Newton explained to Mr Leibnits in the year 1676, Mr Newton never allowed that Mr Leinitz had the Differential method before the year 1677. \And Mr Leibnitz himself in the Acta Eruditorum for the year \April/ 1691 pag 178 acknowledged that he found it after he {illeg} returned home from Paris to enter upon other business./ And as for the \pretended/ method of {c}|i|nfinite series by means of a transmutation of figures it is of little or no use. I know do not know that ill any \other/ use has been made of it then to colour over the pretences of Mr Leibnitz to the Series of Mr Gregory.

Mr Leibnitz in his Answer to Mr Fatio printed in the Acta Eruditorum for the year 1700 pag. 203, wrote thus. Spee [Newtonus] scit unus omnium optime, satis indicavit publice cum sua Mathematica Naturæ Principia publicaret, Anno 1687 nova quædam inventa Geometrica quæ ipsi communia mecum fuere NEVTRVM LVCI AB ALTERO ACCETPÆ, sed meditationibus quem suis debere, & a me decennio ante [i.e. anno 1677] exposita fuisse. But i|I|n the Book here referred unto Mr Newton did not acknowledge that Mr Leibnitz found this Method without receiving light from his \the three above mentioned/ Letters, \& if he had acknowledged it, yet second Inventors have no right:/ & Dro Wallis told him the contrary without being confuted or contradicted; & if he had inven found it without \without/ apart \the assistance of Mr Newton/, yet second inventors have no right.

Mr Leibnitz in his \aforesaid/ Answer to Mr Fatio published in the Acta Eruditorū for May 1700, wri|t|es this \also/. Certe cum elementa — — — — satis intellexi. Here he again acknowledged that the Book of Principles gave him \great/ light into Mr Newton Method: now he \& yet he now/ denyes that this book conteins any o|t|hing of that Method in it. Here he pr denyes pretended that by that book he received the first light into Mr Newton's method, before that book came abroad he knew nothing more of Mr Newtons inventions then that he had a certain method of Tangents, & that by that book he received the first light into Mr Newtons method of fluxions. But in his Letter of Iune 21 1677 he acknowledged that Mr Newtons method extend also to Quadratures & was like his own. His words are: Arbitror quæ — — — differentialem. Mr Newton had in his three Letters above mentioned (copies of wch he \MrLeibnitz had/ received from Mr Oldenburgh) explained his represented his method so general as to reach to by the help of Equations \both/ finite & infinite to determin maxima & minima, tangents, areas, leng solid contents, \&/ centers of gravities \of figures/, lenghts & curvities of Curves \lines & curvilinear figures even/ without taking away radicals & to extend to \the/ Curves usually called Mechanical, & to inverse Problems of tangents & others more difficult, & to almost all Problemes except perhaps some numeral ones like those of Diophantus|.| &|An||d| had repr Mr Leibnitz in his Letter of 27 Aug. 1677 represented that he could not beleive that Mr Newtons method was so general. Mr Newton had said in his Letter of Decem 10 167 the first of the three Letters that had set {illeg} set down his method of Tangents deduced from this general method & Mr illustrated wth an {illeg}|ex|ample, & said that that|is| Method of Tangents was but a branch or corollary of his general method, & that he took the method of Tangents of Slusius to be of the same kind; & thereupon Mr Leibnitz in his return from Paris through England & Holland into Germany was considering how to improve the method of <158v> Tangents of Slusius & extend it to all sorts of Problems, as we have shewed above out of his Letters. \/ Mr Newton in the last of the said three Letters added that his Method gave series \Theoremes/ for Quadratures \by series/ which brake off & became finite when the Quadrature might be expressed in a finite equation, & set down the first Series or Theorem wth several examples. \/ Mr Newton in his second Letter shewed how to resolve {illeg}|a|ny dignity of a Binomium into a series, & thereby its well known that if the second term of the D{illeg} Binomium be {illeg} indefinitely small, the second term of the series will be the first term \first difference/ of the Dignity, & the following terms will be proportional to the following Differences. \/ Mr Newton also in the last — — examples. And after Mr Newton had made so large an explanation of his method, & Mr Leibnitz had got some light into it, & in his {th}{illeg} in exp in his Letter of Iune 21 explained how the method wch he was fallen into answered to the discription wch Mr Newton had given of his Method in drawing Tangents, giving the Method of Slusius, as a Corollary \&/ faciliating proceeding without taking away fractions & surds & faciliating Quadratures: Its wonde to tell the Germans that when he first published the Method of S his Differential he knew nothing more of Mr Newtons performances \Inventions/ then that {it} he had a certain method of Tangents is very wonderfull extraordinary, & wants an explanation.

When Mr Leibnitz first published his Differential Method – – – – – some years before the year 1676. It was not enough to mention a methodus similis without saying – – – – candor & justice.

The Editors of the Acta Eruditorum have represented that Mr N{e}

[1] Quest 22.

[2] ✝ In principio Theodicæ & in Epistolis quibusdā

[3] vid Com pag Epist. pag

[4] {Vid} Comm: Epist. p.

[5] ‡ In writing that book he had frequent occasion to consider the increase or decrease of the velocities wth which quantities are described & that {he} |generated & argues right about it| That increase or decrease is the second fluxion of the quantity, \& he argues righ/ & therefore he had not then forgotten the method of second fluxions.

[6] Much less had he forgot it in the year 1692 when at the request of Dr Wallis he {illeg} sent him the explication of that Proposition & added in all sorts of fluxions, as you may see in ye second Volume of the Doctors words pag. 391 392 & 393.

[7] a See his Letter in ye Commer. p.

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