Catalogue Entry: OTHE00060

^[1] HDC, 248; Dorothy Dury to Hartlib, n.d., HP 3/2/143A-144B. The pamphlet Hartlib published, Madam, although my former freedom (London, 1645), consists of letters from both John and Dorothy Dury (or Dorothy Moore as she then was) to Dorothy's niece Katherine Ranelagh concerning their reasons for deciding to marry. Though rare, the publication is not lost (as I mistakenly said it was in the print edition of this book) and there is a copy in the British Library. On Dorothy Moore/Dury, see Lynette Hunter (ed.), The Letters of Dorothy Moore, 1612-64: the friendships, marriage and intellectual life of a seventeenth-century woman (Aldershot, 2004). The letter in question is reproduced on pp. 69-73 (from the copy in the Hartlib Papers, HP 3/2/118A-121B); see also pp. 79-81 for Moore/Dury's impressively ferocious reprimand to Hartlib (HP 143A-144B). This edition of Moore's letters, however, consists almost entirely of direct lifts (with added errors) from the Hartlib Papers CD-ROM, and the introductory essay presents a gross misreprepresentation of Moore's views. Dorothy Moore/Dury was a very interesting and original thinker who deserves a serious academic study.

^[2] William Newman, 'Prophecy and Alchemy: The Origin of Eirenæus Philalethes', Ambix 37 (1990), 97-115, pp. 101-2.

^[3] See Mark Greengrass, 'Samuel Hartlib and Scribal Publication', Acta Comeniana 12 (1997), 89-104.

^[4] Moriaen to Hartlib, 20 Oct. 1639, HP 37/44A.

^[5] Moriaen to Hartlib, 23 Jan. 1640, HP 37/53B.

^[6] Moriaen to Worsley, 27 Jan. 1651, HP 9/16/1A.

^[7] Hartlib to Winthrop, 16 March 1660, HP 7/7/3A.

^[8] Hartlib to Boyle, 24 July 1649, Boyle, Works VI, 78. The first mention of Moriaen in their surviving correspondence occurs on 9 May 1648 (ibid., 77).

^[9] Poleman to Hartlib, 5 Dec. 1659, HP 60/4/159A, and see below, p. 171.

^[10] Hartlib to Boyle, c. June/July 1658, Boyle, Works VI, 111.

^[11] 'zeithero meinem Iungsten hatt es Gott gefallen mein ainiges Kindt mit kranckheit zue besuchen vnd endlich von dieser welt abzuefordern, welche kranckheit tod vnd begräbnus vnd was demselben anhängig mich eine zeit hero zue hauß gehalten, vnd an gewunschter fortsezung gehindert hatt' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 12 Aug. 1639, HP 37/36B-37A.

^[12] 'niemand sich behelffen sondern vollauff haben will wie mans beÿ guten zeiden gewohnet hatt' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 Aug. 1657, HP 42/2/18B.

^[13] 'zu ihrer wollust vnd geitz' - Moriaen to ?, 31 Jan. 1651, HP 63/14/4A.

^[14] Moriaen to Hartlib, 1 Sept. 1639, HP 37/39A.

^[15] HDC, 244-9, and see especially Dorothy Dury's letters to Hartlib of 1644-5 (just before and after her marriage), HP 21/5/18A, 21/5/22A, 3/2/144A. She told Hartlib shortly after the marriage, 'I doe professe I will part out of the contry from him; if hee bringes her to torment mee for shee hath enough already begun to devide our affections' (HP 3/2/144A).

^[16] Moriaen to Hartlib, 5 April 1640, HP 37/62A.

^[17] 'konde mich so bewegen das nicht ein bluts-tropfe an seinem ortt bliebe' - Moriaen to ?, 17 Oct. 1653, HP 63/14/22A.

^[18] 'die Bethaw diese lange zeit ganz under waßer gelegen kombt nun wieder so grun herfur das ein lust anzuesehen ist Gott mach uns danckbar für seine genade' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 2 April 1658, HP 31/18/15A.

^[19] 'noch nicht unerträglich' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 25 June 1658, HP 31/18/37A.

^[20] Eph 48, HP 31/22/29B.

^[21] Hamilton to Hartlib, 16/26 Nov. 1650, HP 9/11/27A.

^[22] Hamilton had become friendly with Dury and Hartlib in 1647 and not long afterwards added his signature to their pact with Comenius committing themselves to mutual support both moral and financial in their efforts for church unity and the reform of learning (HP 7/109/1A-2B, transc. HDC, 458-460). Ten years later he fell out with them and was released from it (HP 9/11/31A-34B). See HDC, 262-3, 287-9. He had left England to avoid having to sign the 1650 Act of Allegiance and was seeking employment in the Netherlands.

^[23] Figulus to Hartlib, 2 Nov. 1658, HP 9/17/43A, transc. in Blekastad, Figulus Letters, 235.

^[24] 'ein freundlicher vnd aufrichtiger Man […] deßen man wohl genießen kan so viel ich vermercke' - Brun to Hartlib, 13 June 1649, HP 39/2/9A.

^[25] Sadler to Hartlib, n.d., HP 46/9/23A.

^[26] 'ein sehr stattlicher gottliebender, welthassender, erfahrner, auch lustiger und conversabler mann' - Kretschmar to Hartlib, 1 Aug. 1659, HP 26/64/4A.

^[27] Hartlib to John Winthrop, 16 March 1660, HP 7/7/3A.

^[28] Winthrop to Hartlib, 25 Oct. 1660, HP 32/1/9A.

^[29] 'Daß Her Morian mehr rechte philosophie beÿ sich habe, als er selber wiße, solches kan gar wol sein […]; so aber Her Morian solche philosophi in seiner eigenthümblichen Scients hatte, so würde er vom Glaubero nicht können bethöret werden; aber es mag wol seÿn, daß er magk sehr wichtige wißenschafften in Scriptis haben' - Poleman to Hartlib, 19 Sept. 1659, HP 60/4/101A.

^[30] 'H Worslej urtheilt recht von mir dz ist mein mangel und fehler dz ich so leicht glaübe und des besten mich zue anderen versehen thue und das hatt mich umb das meinige gebracht sonst würde Ich izund niemands nötig haben. Ich habe der einfalt der dauben mich allezeit mehr beflissen als der Schlangen klugheit die mir nicht gegeben ist' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 14 June 1658, HP 31/18/29B; cf. Matthew 10:16.

^[31] See Kvačala, 'Über die Schicksale der Didactica magna', MCG 8 (1899), 129-144.

^[32] 'es ist durch auch [sic, for durchaus] rathsam vnd nötig das alles inter amicos privatim auffs fleisigste examinirt vnd censurirt werde, ehe mans vnder die leuthe vnd ans liecht kommen laße' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 5 Dec. 1639, HP 37/49A.

^[33] For a full account of this, see Anthony Fletcher, The Outbreak of the English Civil War (revised edition London, 1984), 6-17.

^[34] Moriaen to Hartlib, 18 April 1641, HP 37/85A.

^[35] 'Nun müßen wir mit großen betrubnus vernehmen das das haubt vnd der leib getrennet werden' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 27 Jan. 1642, HP 37/101A.

^[36] Moriaen to Hartlib, 31 Dec. 1640, HP 37/74A.

^[37] Moriaen to Hartlib, 2 Dec. 1641, HP 37/96A.

^[38] 'Wan Faber in Frankreich todes verfahren so ist ein betrieger weniger in der Welt' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 April 1654, HP 31/13A. Fabré had been physician to Louis XIII, and according to Partington wrote 'a large number of little-esteemed works' (Partington II, 181), his speciality being alchemical interpretation of Classical myths. See also the equally dismissive notice in Thorndike VII, 194-5, and for a more sympathetic account, Bernard Joly, La rationalité de l'alchimie au XVII siècle (Paris, 1992). Moriaen was misinformed about his death: Erasmus Rasch wrote of visiting him on his sick-bed two years later (HP 42/9/1B). Rasch was equally unimpressed by his iatrochemical abilities, remarking that his illness was proof in itself of their limitations.

^[39] Starkey to Moriaen, 30 May 1651, HP 17/7/1A-2B.

^[40] Eph 51, HP 28/2/18A.

^[41] Hartlib to Boyle, 28 Feb. 1654, Boyle, Works VI, 79-80.

^[42] Ibid., 80.

^[43] 'Es ist schade und Iammer dz der Mensch sein verstandt nicht beßer anlegt zum guten lieber als zuem bößen aber das ist fast aller solchen geschwinden ingenien artt das sie sich lieber auff Ejtelkeit legen als dem guten obligen andere die es gern thun wollen sindt mit solchem verstand nicht begabt' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 1 Jan. 1658, HP 31/18/3A. William Newman and Lawrence Principe have questioned my reading of this passage, considering that by 'der Mensch' Moriaen meant humankind in general rather than Starkey in particular: see their Alchemy Tried in the Fire (Chicago and London, 2002), 258, n. 175. Out of context, this seems a more plausible reading, but Moriaen did sometimes use 'Mensch' to refer to specific individuals, as when he spoke of Glauber as 'ein Mensch voller verstand' ('a person of great understanding', HP 37/121A), and in this instance the context suggests to me that Moriaen was specifically speaking of Starkey (or, perhaps, Starkey and Clodius). Moriaen was trying to obtain, through Clodius, the recipe for Starkey's powder against quartain fever, and remarked that he would ask Starkey for it himself if he knew how to contact him, for 'he is still so much in my debt that he would not refuse me it if there is any modesty left in him' ('Er ist mir noch woll so viel obligirt das Er mirs nicht versagen würde wan noch einige bescheidenheit in ihm ist'). The above-cited passage follows immediately from this rather bitter remark.

^[44] Evelyn to W. Wotton, 12 Sept. 1703, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. William Bray (London, 1879) IV, 33. 'Methodus mendichandi' is a rather laboured pun on methodus medendi (art of healing), which was a popular rhetorical circumlocution for 'medical practice'.

^[45] See esp. Moriaen to Hartlib, 24 May 1658, HP 31/18/25A.

^[46] Hartlib to Boyle, 7 Jan. 1658, Boyle, Works VI, 99.

^[47] Boyle, Works VI, 122.

^[48] Hartlib to Boyle, 26 Nov. 1659, Boyle, Works VI, 134.

^[49] HP 60/4/69B, copied by Hartlib from a letter of 19 Sept. 1659.

^[50] 'Mr Serrarius wensch ick een betere uytcoomste als ick wel hopen can door dien de partyligheyt hedens tags te seer groot is' - Moriaen to van Assche, 17 Jan. 1637, UBA N65d.

^[51] HP 63/14/6B.

^[52] 'so gar alles was nur von diesem Man kommen ist fur lauter Euangelium gehalten' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 7 Oct. 1650, HP 37/159A.

^[53] 'daran aber nicht so sehr Luthero [… die Schuld] zuezueschreiben, sondern den Ienigen welche unbesonnenerweiß darfur gehalten es seÿe lauter heiligthum was von ihme außgehe' - ibid.

^[54] 'Onpartijdig, katholiek, universeel: dat zijn de sleutelwoorden, waarmee het ideale christendom door hen wordt aangeduid' - van der Wall, Serrarius, 119.

^[55] 'Er ist dem partheÿlichen wesen noch etwas zue sehr ergeben' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 13 Dec. 1638, HP 37/2B. The ADB comments on Bisterfeld's conversion from strong opposition to the Puritan party in Transylvania to ardent support for it (ADB II, 683).

^[56] 'das zeugt von einem tieffsinnichen vnd grundlich verständigen vnd was beÿ mir das maiste ist, von parteÿligkeit befreÿten vnd der warheit allein begierigen gaist' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 7 March 1639, HP 37/11A.

^[57] 'Ich spühre in diesem Mann schon sonderlichen gaben, vnd welches mir vor allem liebet ein freÿ vnd vnparteÿisch gemuth' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 14 April 1639, HP 37/18A.

^[58] 'ein auffrichtig vnd vnparteÿischer der warheit liebhaber mit dem woll vmbzuegehen ist' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 2 Oct. 1639, HP 37/42A.

^[59] The church was not nationally exclusive and included Moravians, Poles and others. Comenius himself was not Bohemian but Moravian.

^[60] 'das nimbt ihm viel zeit weg vnd macht Ihn beÿ vielen parteijsch' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 11 Oct. 1640, HP 37/68A.

^[61] Mein einfältiger Rath were das beÿ so verschiedenen sinnen vnd secten […] man […] so lang vnd viel müglich sich indifferent vnd vnparteijsch halten, in generalibus bleiben vnd sich ad particularia nicht begeben soll - Moriaen to Hartlib, 31 March 1639, HP 37/15B-16A.

^[62] The heading for this sub-section is borrowed from Dury's self-justificatory tract A Peace-maker without Partialitie and Hypocrisie (London, 1648).

^[63] Eph 48, HP 31/22/12B.

^[64] Eph 48, HP 31/22/9A.

^[65] See Webster Great Instauration, 302, and several mentions in Hartlib's letters to Boyle (Boyle, Works VI, 81, 85, 87, 94, 96, where his pseudonym is consistently mistranscribed 'Van Mussig').

^[66] 'es hatt mir halb davon geschwindelt' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 30 Nov. 1657, HP 42/2/26B.

^[67] See Michael Hunter, 'Science and heterodoxy: An early modern problem reconsidered', Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, 367-96.

^[68] 'ob es nun atheismus stricte dictus oder eine verwerffung der Heiligen Schrifft seÿe' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 30 Nov. 1657, HP 42/2/26B.

^[69] 'H Boreel pflegt sonsten ex lumina Naturæ contra Atheos zue disputirn und dieselbe zue convincirn beides das ein Gott und das die Schrifft sein Wortt seÿe' - ibid.

^[70] On Boreel and the Collegiant movement, see Walter Schneider, Adam Boreel: Sein Leben und seine Schriften (Giessen, 1911).

^[71] See below, pp. 118-20, for a fuller discussion of this work.

^[72] Browne, Religio Medici (1643), Works of Sir Thomas Browne, ed. Geoffrey Keynes (London, 1928, new edition 1964) I, 19.

^[73] 'wir verwachten ommers naer syn belofde neffens den nieuwen hemel oock een nieuwen aerde daer rechtveerdigheit in wonen sal' - Moriaen to van Assche, 23 Sept. 1642, UBA N65f, fol. 1v; cf. Revelation 21:1.

^[74] HP 37/34A, quoted at the end of this chapter, and HP 9/16/5A, the epigraph to Chapter Seven.

^[75] See James Knowlson, Universal Language Schemes in England and France 1600-1800 (Toronto and Buffalo, 1975); Vivian Salmon, The Works of Francis Lodwick: A Study of his Writings in the Intellectual Context of the Seventeenth Century (Longman, 'throughout the world', 1972), and Comenius, Panglottia, trans. A.M.O. Dobbie (Shipton on Stour, 1989).

^[76] 'die zeit wird verhoffentlich gekommen oder Ia nicht fern sein das wir nicht allein aus einem Charactere uns undereinander werden berichten und verstehen können sondern auch das wir mit einem mund Gott werden bekennen loben und preißen lernen, am tage der offenbahrung des Sohns des Menschen' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 19 Oct. 1657, HP 42/2/25A. Cf. Zephaniah 3:9: 'For then will I turn to the people a pure language, that they may all call upon the name of the Lord, to serve him with one consent'.

^[77] This is particularly pertinent to a German speaker, as the German words for 'reveal' and 'Revelation' - 'offenbaren' and 'Offenbarung' - are even more obviously cognate than the English.

^[78] Eph 52, HP 28/2/43A.

^[79] See John Stoughton, Felicitas ultimi sæculi: Epistola in qua, inter alia, calamitosus ævi præsentis status serio deploratur, certa felicioris posthac spes ostenditur, & ad promovendum publicum Ecclesiæ et rei literariæ bonum omnes excitantur (London, 1640); Francis Potter, An Interpretation of the Number 666 (Oxford, 1642), and Joseph Mede, The Key of the Revelation, searched and demonstrated out of the Naturall and proper Characters of the Vision (London, 1643).

^[80] Felgenhauer attacked Boreel on these grounds in his Refutatio paralogismorum Socinianorum (Amsterdam, 1656), and the now lost Perspicillum theologicum sive examen eorum qui theologi videri et audiri volunt, cum responsione ad librum illum qui inscribitur Ad legem et ad testimonium cujus autor est Adamus Borelius latine (date uncertain: Boreel's Ad legem et testimonium, a sort of Collegiant manifesto, appeared in 1645). See Wolters, 'Paul Felgenhauers Leben und Wirken' part I, 68.

^[81] The arrest occurred in 1657; why Felgenhauer suddenly attracted attention at this time for a doctrine he had been preaching publicly for decades remains uncertain. In the event, the sentence was commuted to banishment from Braunschweig-Lüneburg, and the destruction of his books was ordered. Felgenhauer was as surprised as anyone that he was released from prison after only a year, for he had (not unreasonably) expected to remain there until his death. See Wolters, op. cit., part I, 68-70.

^[82] This consisted of two letters to Daniel Stolzius, dated 6 May 1639 and 28 June 1640 (KK II, 17-33 and 36-65); it circulated in manuscript (as Moriaen's correspondence demonstrates) but was not published until 1662 as A dextris et sinistris (Amsterdam, 1662).

^[83] Moriaen to Hartlib, 11 Oct. 1640, HP 37/68A.

^[84] Published Hamburg 1638. See G.F. Guhrauer, Joachim Jungius und sein Zeitalter (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1850), 110-11.

^[85] Guhrauer, Jungius, 111. The remarks of this student, Vincenz Placcius, are recorded in Moller, Cimbria litterata III, 348.

^[86] 'sagt von seiner Logica […] Es ist nicht meine sondern Hamburgensium Logica dan sie haben Ihme furgeschrieben wie Sie es haben wollen' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 23 June 1639, HP 37/29A.

^[87] 'Das nun H Iungius wegen unbändigkeit der Ienigen under welchen er lebet, seinen gaist dempfen müßen vnd nicht freÿ herauß geben dürffen das ist zue Iammern für Ihn vnd vnß' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 13 Dec. 1638, HP 37/1A.

^[88] Moriaen to Hartlib, 20 Oct. and 3 Nov. 1639, HP 37/44B and 37/46A.

^[89] 'die Libertet nach seinem herz vnd gemuth zue schreiben wie Ers in der Warheit befindet ist Ihme damit schon genommen, wird sich auff eine parteÿ legen müßen vnd beÿ allen andern desto weniger gelten' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 23 June 1639, HP 37/29A.

^[90] 'das beste ist das der herr die sachen von Ihme bekombt ehe Sie den Censoribus in die hände kommen[;] wollen sie es dan nicht zuelaßen so kan gleichwoll geschehen was recht ist' - ibid.

^[91] 'welches denen sehr vbel anstehet welche den gewißens zwang an andern improbirn Man würde woll thun wan man vnder der hand dieser leuthe erledigung beförderte wehren sie anderst allein vmb ihrer bekandtnus willen verhafftet vnd sonsten keine vbeltheter sind' Moriaen to Hartlib, 21 Jan. 1641, HP 37/77A.

^[92] J.C. Whitebrook, 'Dr John Stoughton the Elder', Transactions of the Congregational Historical Society 7 (1913-15), 89-107 and 177-87, p. 183.

^[93] Dury to Hartlib, 26 April 1639, HP 9/1/82A. The letter is largely given over to answering Moriaen's to Hartlib, 14 April 1639, HP 37/18A-20B. This use of Hartlib as intermediary in what is essentially an exchange between Dury and Moriaen is characteristic of the operation of the network, and the fact that a copy of a letter could reach Dury in Hamburg from Hartlib in London within twelve days of Moriaen's writing the original in Amsterdam is testimony to their efficiency.

^[94] J. Minton Batten, John Dury: Advocate of Christian Reunion (Chicago, 1944), 94.

^[95] Appelius to Hartlib, 23 August 1650, HP 45/1/42A; cf. 1 Corinthians 9:22-3.

^[96] William Prynne, The time-serving Proteus, and ambidexter divine, uncased to the world (London, 1650).

^[97] 'unglücklichen Friedemacher/ und gleichsam Nuntio Apostolico der Reformirten' … 'concilia irenica, oder besser ironica' - Caspar Heinrich Starck, Lübeckishe Kirchen-Geschichte (Lübeck, 1724), 860-61.

^[98] 'ist sein furnehmen an diesem ortt von den maisten improbirt vnd seine persohn verdächtig' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 19 April 1639, HP 37/21A.

^[99] 'Ich laße auch nicht seine ehr zue retten vnd guten nahmen zue verthätigen so offt es nur gelegenheit gibt' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 30 June 1639, HP 37/31A..

^[100] J. Minton Batten, John Dury: Advocate of Christian Reunion (Chicago, 1944).

^[101] Anthony Milton, '"The Unchanged Peacemaker"? John Dury and the politics of irenicism in England 1628-43', SHUR, 95-117, p. 96.

^[102] Ibid., 101.

^[103] 'wan man aber einst auff die particularia vnd Conditiones concordiæ kommen solte da wird man noch viel mehr zue thun vnd woll die Ienige am vnwilligsten finden die sich zuevorn in generalibus am besten angelaßen haben' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 14 April 1639, HP 37/19A.

^[104] 'kan die vberzeugung dardurch gefunden werden so wird die Concordia sich auch woll finden wo nicht so muß alles von höherer hand erwartet werden' - ibid., HP 37/19B.

^[105] Dury to Hartlib, 26 April 1639, HP 9/1/80B-83B.

^[106] Anthony Milton, '"The Unchanged Peacemaker"?', 116.

^[107] Dury to Hartlib, 26 April 1639, HP 9/1/82B.

^[108] Moriaen to Hartlib, 20 July 1657, HP 42/2/12A.

^[109] 'zum wenigsten kan ein solches den friedhäßigen undt unverständig eyfferigen alle entschuldigung benehmen die friedliebenden aber trösten das sie an ihnen, nichts haben erwinden laßen' - Moriaen to Hartlib, 18 Jan. 1658, HP 56/2/1B-2A.

^[110] 'In Summa Aurora Sapientiæ wird verhoffentlichen bald anbrechen mußen weil sich alles an allen orthen so fein darzu schicket Gott gebe dz Sol Iustitiæ den folgenden tag machen vnd die gantze stockfinstere Weld dermal einst seliglich erleuchten möge' - Moriaen to ?, 21 July 1639, HP 37/34A. 'Aurora Sapientiæ' is the title of one of Felgenhauer's tracts (Magdeburg, 1628).